•    •• 

*>  >*** 

*** 


- 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

Gl  FT    OF 


or  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


THE  AUTHENTIC  LIFE  OF 


WILLIAM 


Our  Third  Martyr  President 

TOGETHER  WITH 

A  LIFE  SKETCH  OF  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

The  26th  President  of  the  United  States 


INTRODUCTION  AND  BIOGRAPHY 

BY 

ALEXANDER   K.  McCLURE 

Author  of  the 
"  Life  and  Times  of  Abraham  Lincoln." 


THE  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER 

BY 

CHARLES  MORRIS,  LLD, 

Author  of  the 
"  Life  of  Queen  Victoria." 


Also  Memorial  Tributes 

By  STATESMEN,  MINISTERS,  ORATORS  AND 
RULERS  OF  ALL  COUNTRIES 


Profusely   Illustrated   with   Reproductions   from   Original   Photographs,  Original 
Drawings   and   Special   Pictures   of   the   Family   by   Express   Permission   from 

the  Owners 


*-• 


7\\ 

yfl 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1901,  by 

$  w. 


*»  in  the  office  ol  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 

ff  -  : 


KIUHTS  Rl 


Worba 

to 

Stor^  of  a 


££  A  J3REAT  and  good  man  lies  dead,  and  the  nation  mourns." 
/-\  Such  was  the  sentiment  felt  in  millions  of  hearts  of  citi 
zens  of  the  United  States  of  America  when,  on  the 
morning1  of  Saturday,  the  I4th  of  September,  1901,  the  sad  tidings 
were  flashed  from  end  to  end  of  the  country  that  their  revered  and 
honored  President  was  no  more.  During  the  days  of  that  terrible 
week  which  succeeded  the  treacherous  _assaul t  ju^p^n  the  life  of  the 
National  Executive,  when  trusting  himself  most  fully  to  the  honor 
and  good-will  of  his  people,  hope  wrestled  with  dread  in  the  hearts 
of  Americans  of  every  type  of  political  faith,  every  sentiment  of 
national  policy.  The  opponents  as  well  as  the  supporters  of  the 
President  stood  in  spirit  by  that  bedside  where  the  life  of  one  of 
their  noblest  was  ebbing  away,  and  if  silent  prayer  could  ever 
change  the  course  of  nature,  it  would  have  been  changed  in  these 
fateful  days. 

Hope  for  a  time  triumphed  over  despair,  and  the  hearts  of  the 
people  throbbed  with  gladness  when  it  seemed  as  if  the  fell  purpose 
of  the  assassin  was  about  to  be  foiled,  and  our  President  restored 
to  health  and  vigor  to  finish  the  work  which  he  had  been  chosen 
by  the  voice  of  the  nation  to  fulfil.  Alas !  no  one  knew  that  dark 
disease  was  even  then  mining  deep  within,  that  death  had  set  his 
lurid  seal  upon  that  noble  brow,  and  that  minutes,  instead  of 
months  or  years,  marked  the  term  of  the  President's  future  life. 

Hence,  when  the  shock  at  length  came,  it  was  a  terrible  one. 
An  universal  spasm  of  grief  passed  from  end  to  end  of  the  land. 
From  far  eastern  Maine  to  the  western  land  of  gold,  from  the 

vii 

173080 


vin  OPENING    WORDS 

great  lakes  of  the  north  to  the  great  gulf  of  the  south,  the  senti 
ment  of  deep  regret,  the  feeling  of  intense  sadness,  filled  every 
soul.  Never  was  a  man  more  deeply  and  widely  mourned,  not 
even  the  sainted  Lincoln,  nor  the  warmly  esteemed  Garfield, 
America's  two  former  martyrs  to  integrity  and  high-mindedness  in 
the  Presidential  chair.  The  shock  fell  with  sudden  and  irresistible 
force,  and  for  an  interval  the  whole  nation  swung  downward  into 
the  vale  of  grief,  only  slowly  to  rise  again  from  under  the  force 
of  that  dread  blow. 

Never  was  there  a  crime  more  without  purpose,  more  without 
possible  good  effect.  William  McKinley  was  no  oppressor  of  the 
people,  no  irresponsible  and  cruel  autocrat.  No  act  of  his  had 
ever,  from  evil  intent,  taken  the  bread  from  one  man's  hand,  the 
hope  from  one  man's  heart.  He  was  the  representative  of  the 
people's  will,  not  their  master.  Chosen  by  the  votes  of  a  majority 
of  the  citizens  to  execute  their  laws  and  administer  their  affairs,  he 
had  devoted  himself  seriously  and  conscientiously  to  this  purpose, 
and  no  one,  not  even  those  who  most  opposed  his  policy,  ever  in 
their  hearts  accused  him  of  self-seeking,  of  a  disregard  for  the  obli 
gations  of  his  oath  of  office,  of  anything  other  than  an  earnest 
desire  to  do  what  in  his  judgment  seemed  the  best  thing  for  the 
good  of  the  people  as  a  whole. 

There  was  no  benefit  conceivable  to  be  gained  by  his  cruel 
taking  off  ;  nothing  but  evil — evil,  deep-dyed  evil — in  the  act.  Even 
the  opponents  of  his  policy  could  not  hope  but  that  this  policy 
would  be  pursued  by  the  strong  and  able  man  who  would  succeed 
him  in  the  Presidential  chair.  Only  the  counsels  of  insensate 
anarchy,  the  whisperings  of  a  demon  viler  than  Satan,  could  have 
inspired  such  a  deed  ;  and  for  the  man,  if  it  is  just  to  call  him 
man,  that  struck  the  blow,  only  a  single  excuse  exists,  that  his 
brain  had  been  turned  by  the  dark  conspiracies  in  which  he  was 
involved,  and  that  it  was  at  the  instigation  of  a  fanaticism  excited 
to  the  pitch  of  insanity  that  the  deed  was  done. 


OPENING  WORDS  ix 

Anarchy  has  nothing  to  gain,  it  has  all  to  lose,  by  acts  like 
this.  It  has  been  tolerated  ;  it  may  be,  and  deserves  to  be,  pro 
scribed.  If  there  is  to  be  no  security,  for  either  good  man  or  bad, 
from  its  fatalistic  hand,  the  time  will  surely  come  when  the  anarch 
ist  will  be  hunted  with  the  implacable  resentment  that  the  man- 
eating  tiger  is  now  followed,  the  hunt  being  unremitting  until  the 
last  assassin  of  them  all  is  swept  from  the  earth. 

The  thought  of  deeds  like  these  inspire  us  to  quote  Shak- 
speare's  words : 

' '  In  these  cases 

We  still  have  judgment  here  ;  and  we  but  teach 
Bloody  instructions,  which,  being  taught,  return 
To  plague  the  inventor  ;  this  even-handed  justice 
Commends  the  ingredients  of  our  poisoned  chalice 
To  our  own  lips. ' ' 

We  may  quote  still  further  from  Macbeth's  famous  soliloquy, 
since  the  qualities  ascribed  by  Shakspeare  to  the  slaughtered  Dun 
can  apply  with  equal  or  even  greater  force  to  a  far  later  victim  of 
the  murderer's  hand,  the  martyred  McKinley. 

"This  Duncan 

Hath  borne  his  faculties  so  meek,  hath  been 
So  clear  in  his  great  office,  that  his  virtues 
Will  plead  like  angels  trumpet-tongued  against 
The  deep  damnation  of  his  taking  off  ; 
And  pity,  like  a  naked  new-born  babe, 
Striding  the  blast,  or  heaven's  cherubim,  horsed 
Upon  the  sightless  couriers  of  the  air, 
Shall  blow  the  horrid  deed  in  every  eye, 
That   tears  shall  drown  the  wind. ' ' 

"The  deep  damnation  of  his  taking-off,"  applies  with  the  clos 
est  significance  to  the  assassination  of  William  McKinley,  for  no 
President  before  him  was  more  "  clear  in  his  great  office."  It  is, 


OPENING  WORDS 

indeed,  a  singular  circumstance  that  the  three  Presidents  marked 
for  death  by  the  assassin  were  among  the  noblest  and  best  of  the 
whole  Presidential  family  ;  Lincoln,  who  was  loved  as  no  President 
before  his  time ;  Garfield,  who  was  warmly  esteemed  for  his 
deep  probity  and  earnest  desire  to  administer  his  high  office  highly  ; 
and  McKinley,  whose  genial  nature,  warm  heart,  and  rare  devotion 
to  his  sense  of  duty  had  won  him  the  respect  and  heartfelt  affec 
tion  of  the  great  mass  of  his  countrymen. 

The  death  of  Lincoln,  however,  came  at  a  time  when  the 
passions  of  men  had  been  intensely  roused,  and  when  the  waters  of 
strife  still  rose  in  billows  of  wrath.  Garfield  fell  at  a  time  when 
political  passion  was  similarly  aroused  by  the  approaching  deposi 
tion  of  the  policy  "to  the  victor  belongs  the  spoils"  by  the  civil 
service  or  merit  system.  The  murder  of  McKinley,  on  the  other 
hand,  came  like  a  bolt  from  a  clear  sky,  when  the  clouds  of  war 
had  passed,  prosperity  reigned,  and  the  country  was  settling  down 
into  security  and  calm.  Its  effects,  therefore,  were  the  more 
strongly  felt,  since  it  was  a  blow  without  a  cause,  a  murder  desti 
tute  of  warrant. 

We  feel  tempted  to  quote  again  ;  this  time  not  from  a  master 
of  expression  of  the  past,  but  from  one  of  the  present,  William 
McKinley  himself.  It  is  well  first  to  allude  to  the  interesting  cir 
cumstance  that  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  McKinley's  old  commander 
and  warm  friend  in  the  days  of  war,  entered  the  Presidential  office 
in  the  same  term  that  McKinley  entered  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  ;  their  life  careers  thus  seeming  strangely  united.  McKinley, 
who  knew  well  the  virtues  and  abilities  of  his  lifelong  friend,  neatly 
set  off  his  estimate  of  his  character  in  this  telling  phrase  :  "  Good 
in  his  greatness,  and  great  in  his  goodness." 

We  quote  it  here  with  a  purpose,  that  of  its  evident  close  appli 
cability  to  the  speaker  himself.  As  he  said  of  President  Hayes,  we 
may  justly  say  of  President  McKinley,  that  he  was  "  Good  in  his 
Greatness,  and  Great  in  his  Goodness,"  and  this  motto  from  his  own 
lips  deserves  to  be  carved  as  an  epitaph  upon  his  tomb. 


OPENING  WORDS  xi 

We  ask  no  pardon  from  the  American  public  for  offering  this 
biography  of  their  late  martyred  ruler  for  their  perusal ;  feeling 
that  now,  while  he  is  warm  in  their  remembrance,  the  story  of  his 
life  will  be  received  with  gratification  and  read  with  enthusiasm. 
His  career  has  been  a  varied  and  deeply  interesting  one.  Born  in 
humble  circumstances,  in  a  true  sense  "  One  of  the  People,"  he 
engaged,  while  a  mere  boy,  in  the  deadly  struggle  for  the  perma 
nence  of  our  institutions  and  the  integrity  of  our  territory,  the  Civil 
War.  In  this  his  story  was  striking,  his  services  meritorious,  his 
ability  conspicuous,  and  he  had  the  honor,  shared  by  few  besides, 
of  rising  from  the  position  of  a  private  soldier  to  the  rank  of 
Major  in  his  regiment. 

The  war  ended,  he  engaged  in  the  practice  of  the  law,  but 
before  many  years  had  passed  entered  the  halls  of  Congress,  where 
his  skill  as  an  orator  and  his  earnest  and  able  advocacy  of  the  prin 
ciples  of  his  party  quickly  won  the  admiration  of  his  fellow  mem 
bers.  As  a  Congressman  his  name  became  associated  with  one  of 
the  most  prominent  legislative  acts  of  the  closing  century,  the 
McKinley  Tariff,  which  first  lifted  him  into  high  prominence  before 
the  eyes  of  the  people. 

Serving  subsequently  as  Governor  of  Ohio,  he  was  in  1896 
chosen  as  President  of  the  United  States.  He  succeeded  to  this 
high  office  at  a  critical  period,  that  in  which  the  policy  of  Spain  in 
Cuba  was  leading  inevitably  to  war  between  that  country  and  the 
United  States.  The  results  and  far-reaching  consequences  of  this 
war  rendered  the  administration  of  President  McKinley  the  one 
most  crowded  with  intricate  and  momentous  questions  after  that  of 
Lincoln.  No  matter  what  course  he  had  chosen  to  pursue,  one  of 
contraction  or  one  of  expansion,  he  would  have  met  with  animad 
version  and  called  forth  hostility.  That  he  chose  the  course  which 
seemed  to  him  the  best  adapted  to  promote  the  development  of  his 
country  and  the  interests  of  mankind  no  man  can  fairly  doubt. 

That  he  aroused  enmity  and  opposition  during  his  life  must  be 
admitted.  But  with  his  sudden  death  all  enmity  and  recrimination 


xii  OPENING  WORDS 

fell  to  the  ground,  the  nation  rose  as  a  man  to  proclaim  his 
noble  character  and  wealth  of  good  intent,  and  the  world  stood,  in 
spirit,  beside  his  bier,  to  lay  upon  it  the  wreath  of  high  respect  and 
heartfelt  admiration.  Peace  be  with  him  in  death,  as  it  was  not 
always  in  life  ! 

The  following  lines,  breathed  by  the  President  in  his  dying 
moments,  are  fitting  words  with  which  to  close  this  preface  : 

Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee, 

Nearer  to  Thee, 
E'en  though  it  be  a  cross 

That  raiseth  me, 
Still  all  my  song  shall  be, 

Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee, 

Nearer  to  Thee  ! 

Or  if  on  joyful  wing, 

Cleaving  the  sky, 
Sun,  moon  and  stars  forgot, 

Upward  I  fly, 
Still  all  my  song  shall  be, 

Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee, 

Nearer  to  Thee ! 


OF  THE 

If   UNIVERSITY 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  IN  PHILADELPHIA 

Delivering  an  address  at  the  unveiling  of  the  Washington  Monument,  1899. 


PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  INSPECTING  A  GOVERNMENT  TRANSPORT 


The  Life  of  William  McKinley 

A  Man  of  the  People 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


OPENING  WORDS 5 

CHAPTER  I 
"WILLIAM  McKINLEY— AN  INTRODUCTION 17 

CHAPTER  II 
WILLIAM  McKINLEY 'S  ANCESTRY 33 

CHAPTER  III 
BOYHOOD  AND  EDUCATION 50 

CHAPTER  IV 
THE  SOLDIER  BOY  EARNS  HIS  SPURS        57 

CHAPTER  V 
IN  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY 69 

xiii 


xiv  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  VI 
FROM  CAPTAIN  TO  MAJOR    .    .    .  ' 85 

CHAPTER  VII 
CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION 94 

CHAPTER  VIII 
MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS 116 

CHAPTER  IX 
McKINLEY  AND  THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF 136 

CHAPTER  X 
GOVERNOR  OF  OHIO 158 

CHAPTER  XI 
THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION  AND  NOMINATION 164 

CHAPTER  XII 
ESTIMATE  OF  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  TERM    ....  187 

CHAPTER  XIII 
FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT 207 

CHAPTER  XIV 
REVOLUTION  IN  CUBA  AND  WAR  WITH  SPAIN 227 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  xv 

CHAPTER  XV 
McKINLEY  AND  THE  CLOSING  CENTURY     ......    ....  253 

CHAPTER  XVI 
THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900  ....................  270 

CHAPTER  XVII 
NEARING  THE  END    .....................    .290 

CHAPTER  XVIII 
PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S  LAST  SPEECH     ...........  302 

CHAPTER  XIX 
THE  ASSASSIN'S  FATAL  SHOT    ................  321 

CHAPTER  XX 
THE  LAST  SAD  HOURS     ....................  326 

CHAPTER  XXI 
OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  MARTYRED  PRESIDENT  .........  337 

CHAPTER  XXII 
THE  IMPRESSIVE  STATE  FUNERAL  CEREMONIES   ......  349 


CHAPTER  XXIII 
THE  LAST  SAD  HOME-COMING   . 


xvi  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XXIV 
THE  COUNTRY  IN  MOURNING 375 

CHAPTER  XXV 
THE  WORLD'S  SYMPATHY  WITH  THE  NATION'S  GRIEF    .    .  391 

CHAPTER  XXVI 
MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES 401 

CHAPTER  XXVII 
CHARACTERISTICS  AND  INCIDENTS 422 

CHAPTER  XXVIII 
THE  ASSASSIN  AND  THE  ANARCHISTS 438 

CHAPTER  XXIX 
CZOLGOSZ  PAYS  THE  PENALTY      448 

CHAPTER  XXX 
ANARCHY'S  AWFUL  CRIMES  FOR  THE  .PAST  CENTURY  ...  454 

CHAPTER  XXXI 
THEODORE  ROOSEVELT— HIS  CAREER 466 

CHAPTER  XXXII 
THEODORE  ROOSEVELT,  THE  26TH  PRESIDENT   .......  492 


William  McKinley,  the  Noble  American 


AN  INTRODUCTION 


FOR  the  third  time  in  a  period  of  little  more  than  a  generation, 
the  assassin's  bullet  has  plunged  the  great  republic  of  the 
world  into  the  saddest  bereavement.  Lincoln,  Garfield, 
McKinley  ;  the  three  Presidents  of  the  United  States  who  would 
be  selected  from  all  the  many  who  have  filled  that  highest  civil 
trust  of  the  world  as  the  most  kindly  and  generous  in  disposition, 
and  most  free  from  enmity,  have  fallen  by  the  hand  of  the  assassin. 
Here  in  the  freest  government  in  the  world,  with  the  largest 
measure  of  general  prosperity  enjoyed  by  any  people  ;  under  a 
government  so  gentle  in  its  operations  that  it  is  unfelt  in  its  exac 
tions,  and  rises  to  its  highest  measure  of  grandeur  only  when  the 
rights  of  the  citizen  or  the  honor  of  the  nation  are  imperiled,  it  is 
most  appalling  to  record  the  fall  of  rulers  by  unprovoked  red- 
handed  murder  in  a  greater  degree  than  has  been  experienced  in 
any  other  nation  of  the  world  during  the  last  forty  years. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  grinding  oppression  of  despotic 
governments  under  which  many  poverty-stricken  subjects  are  driven 
to  despair,  should  school  the  assassin  for  the  terrible  work  of  taking 
revenge  upon  rulers  who  live  in  boundless  luxury;  but  here,  where 
the  President  is  himself  one  of  the  people,  lives  as  they  live, 
mingles  with  them  as  one  of  them,  and  is  accessible  to  the  hum 
blest  sovereign  of  the  nation,  only  some  fiend  in  human  form,  in 

2  I7 


1 8  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

whose  heart  every  instinct  of  manhood  was  strangled,  could  plot 
or  execute  the  murder  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

President  McKinley  was  one  of  the  gentlest  and  kindest  of 
men.  His  life  was  a  beautiful  poem  in  many  cantos,  exhibiting 
every  phase  of  the  best  and  noblest  attributes  of  human  character. 
Even  when  racked  with  pain  by  the  wound  of  the  assassin,  he 
spoke  of  his  murderer  only  in  terms  of  kindness,  asking  that  he 
should  be  treated  fairly,  and  he  died  as  he  lived,  exhibiting  the 
grandest  qualities  of  Christian  manhood.  His  last  words  were 
fitly  uttered  to  the  long-suffering,  accomplished  and  devoted  wife, 
at  whose  home  altar  there  had  never  been  a  shadow  of  discord,  and 
whose  life  was  benignant  with  that  beautiful  affection  that  makes 
home  the  sanctuary  of  its  worshippers.  With  his  hand  clasped  in 
hers,  and  just  when  passing  to  final  unconsciousness,  he  whispered 
the  sentence  that  is  now  immortal :  ''God's  will,  not  ours,  be  done." 

The  life  of  William  McKinley  is  only  one  of  the  many  which 
so  impressively  illustrate  the  grandest  feature  of  our  great  free 
government  that  gives  opportunity  alike  to  all — the  highest  and 
the  lowest.  He  was  born  at  Niles,  Trumbull  County,  Ohio,  on  the 
29th  of  January,  1843.  His  early  opportunities  were  limited,  but 
he  made  the  best  use  of  them  by  attending  the  public  schools  until 
civil  war  spread  its  deadly  pall  over  the  nation.  He  was  then  only 
eighteen  years  of  age,  but  he  promptly  enlisted  as  a  private  in  the 
Twenty-third  Ohio  Volunteers.  Other  heroes  of  the  war  have  been, 
honored  with  the  Presidency,  but  McKinley  is  the  only  one  who 
served  in  the  ranks,  bearing  his  musket  in  the  flame  of  battle.  He 
rose  to  the  rank  of  captain  because  of  special  mention  in  dispatches 
for  courage  and  efficiency  as  a  soldier,  and  at  the  end  of  the  war 
he  returned  to  his  home,  having  then  just  passed  his  majority, 
with  the  rank  of  brevet  major.  He  promptly  resumed  his  studies, 
and  in  due  time  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  when  he  located  at 
Canton,  Stark  County,  Ohio,  that  has  since  been  his  home. 

McKinley  took  an  active  part  in  politics  in  early  life,  and  in 
1869  he  made  his  first  appearance  as  a  candidate  on  the  Republican 


WILLIAM  McKlNLEY  19 

ticket  for  District  Attorney,  and  though  the  county  was  strongly 
Democratic,  he  was  elected  by  a  small  majority.  He  rose  rapidly 
in  his  profession,  but  in  1876,  at  the  age  of  thirty-two,  he  was  elected 
to  Congress,  and  after  that  he  was  continuously  in  public  life.  He 
was  chosen  to  Congress  at  consecutive  elections  until  1897.  He 
had  become  a  great  political  power  in  his  State  and  also  in  the 
councils  of  the  nation,  and  his  political  opponents  determined  to 
retire  him  to  private  life.  The  Democrats  controlled  the  Legisla 
ture  in  1890,  and  enacted  a  new  Congressional  apportionment,  the 
chief  purpose  of  which  was  to  connect  Stark  County,  the  home  of 
McKinley,  with  such  an  overwhelming  Democratic  majority  as  to 
render  his  re-election  impossible.  But  even  with  this  large  adverse 
majority  to  overcome,  the  Democrats  feared  the  popularity  of 
McKinley,  and  they  nominated  against  him  one  of  the  strongest 
men  in  the  district.  The  contest  became  one  of  national  interest,  and 
McKinley  made  the  most  aggressive  canvass  of  his  life,  although 
to  all  but  himself  it  seemed  to  be  utterly  hopeless.  He  was 
defeated  by  846  majority  where  his  opponent,  by  a  strict  party 
vote,  should  have  been  victor  by  nearly  4,000.  The  Republicans 
of  Ohio  felt  keenly  the  arbitrary  effort  made  to  retire  McKinley 
from  public  trust  by  a  Congressional  gerrymander,  and  the  next 
year  he  was  unanimously  nominated  for  Governor  of  the  State  and 
elected  by  an  unusually  large  majority.  He  filled  the  executive 
office  with  the  same  conscientious  devotion  to  public  duty  that  had 
always  characterized  him,  and  in  1893  he  was  unanimously  nomi 
nated  for  re-election,  and  was  successful  by  the  largest  popular 
majority  ever  given  in  the  State,  with  the  single  exception  of 
Governor  Brough's  majority  over  Valandingham  for  Governor 
in  1863. 

In  both  of  these  State  contests  his  political  opponents  made 
desperate  efforts  to  defeat  him,  or  at  least  to  reduce  his  majority, 
and  thus  weaken  him  as  a  political  factor  in  State  and  national 
affairs,  but  when  he  was  re-elected  Governor  by  the  stupendous 
majority  of  80,995  he  was  at  once  recognized  by  his  friends,  not 


20 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY 


only  at  home  but  throughout  the  country,  as  a  promising  candidate 
for  the  Presidency.  Even  one  year  before  that  election  he  was 
made  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  before  the  national  conven 
tion  at  Minneapolis.  He  had  not  been  generally  discussed  as  an 
aspirant  at  that  time,  and  when  the  convention  met  he  had  no 
expectation  that  his  name  would  be  presented.  He  was  made 
President  of  the  convention  without  a  contest,  and,  to  his  surprise, 
a  portion  of  the  opposition  to  Harrison  suddenly  concentrated 
upon  him,  and  the  vote  of  his  State  was  cast  for  himself  with  the 
single  exception  of  his  own  vote,  which  was  given  to  Harrison. 
The  only  ballot  for  President  gave  Harrison  535^2,  Elaine  182^, 
McKinley  182,  Reed  4  and  Robert  Lincoln  i.  McKinley  entered 
the  contest  of  1892  with  great  energy  and  zeal,  and  was  accepted  by 
all  as  the  ablest  and  most  effective  of  the  champions  of  the  Harri 
son  cause.  He  became  recognized  in  that  struggle  as  the  "  leader 
of  leaders  "  in  his  own  party,  and  it  was  only  logical  that  after  his 
re-election  for  Governor  of  Ohio  by  an  almost  unprecedented 
majority,  he  should  be  made  the  Republican  candidate  for 
President  in  1896. 

The  battle  for  the  Presidential  succession  on  the  Republican 
side  in  1896  was  a  very  earnest  one.  That  McKinley  was  the 
choice  of  the  great  mass  of  the  Republican  people,  excepting  when 
controlled  by  local  preferences,  was  conceded  by  all,  but  he  had 
one  of  the  ablest  and  most  aggressive  of  the  Republican  national 
leaders  as  his  chief  competitor  in  Thomas  B.  Reed,  then  Speaker 
of  the  House.  Senator  Hanna  cherished  a  romantic  attachment 
for  McKinley,  as  was  shown  by  his  prompt  intervention  to  rescue 
McKinley  from  the  bankruptcy  into  which  he  was  suddenly  pre 
cipitated,  when  Governor,  by  the  mismanagement  of  a  business 
enterprise  with  which  he  was  connected  as  a  partner,  but  for  the 
direction  of  which  he  had  neither  time  nor  fitness.  Hanna  proved 
himself  to  be  one  of  the  great  Warwicks  of  the  Republic,  ranking 
to-day  with  Thurlow  Weed  and  the  elder  Francis  P.  Blair,  of  olden 
times.  He  devoted  himself  tirelessly  for  more  than  a  year  to 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  THE  YOUNG  SCHOOL  TEACHER 


OF  THE 

I  Kl  I  l  /  f~  r~»  «->  i  -r-i 


WILLIAM    McKINLEY 

The  School  Teacher— The  Soldier— The  Lawyer— The  Governor 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  23 

concentrating  and  organizing  the  McKinley  sentiment  throughout 
the  country.  With  McKinley's  great  personal  strength  with  the 
people  and  Hanna's  superb  direction,  McKinley  rapidly  took  the 
lead  in  the  race,  and  finally  ended  the  contest  some  weeks  before 
the  meeting  of  the  Convention,  by  going  into  New  England  and 
breaking  the  Reed  forces  in  his  own  home  by  carrying  Vermont 
and  New  Hampshire  practically  for  himself.  Reed  was  thus 
powerless  to  make  a  battle  with  his  New  England  forces  divided, 
and  when  the  Convention  met  at  St.  Louis  on  the  i6th  of  June, 
the  nomination  of  McKinley  was  so  generally  conceded  that  the 
first  and  only  ballot,  gave  him  661^  votes  to  84^  for  Reed,  61^ 
for  Quay,  58  for  Governor  Morton,  35^  for  Allison,  and  i  for 
Senator  Cameron. 

The  national  battle  of  1896  gave  a  crucial  test  of  the  intel 
lectual  and  personal  qualities  of  the  two  opposing  candidates  for 
President.  William  Jennings  Bryan  had  by  a  grand  oratorical 
effort  swept  away  the  Democratic  Convention  in  a  tempest  of 
applause,  and  it  was  a  battle  royal  from  start  to  finish.  Bryan's 
wonderful  physical  power,  his  fluency  of  speech,  his  great  adapta> 
bility  to  all  the  duties  and  arts  of  the  platform,  and  his  tireless 
efforts  aroused  his  supporters  to  the  highest  degree  of  enthusiasm. 
He  spoke  not  only  daily  but  often  many  times  a  day,  and  in  the 
'early  part  of  the  contest  his  election  appeared  to  be  more  than 
possible.  The  vital  issue  of  the  conflict  was  the  question  of  main 
taining  a  sound  financial  policy,  as  against  the  seductive  appeals  in 
favor  of  cheap  money  at  a  time  when  labor  was  unrequited  and 
industry  and  trade  greatly  paralyzed  ;  but  McKinley  gave  repeated 
utterances  during  the  struggle  which  steadily  sobered  the  people, 
and  long  before  election  day  the  tide  was  obviously  in  favor  of 
McKinley's  election,  notwithstanding  the  fearful  depression  which 
prevailed.  In  that  contest,  as  uniformly  in  Congress,  he  stood 
resolutely  and  aggressively  for  the  maintenance  of  the  national 
credit  inviolate,  and  the  great  business  interests  of  the  country 
were  rallied  to  his  support  with  such  earnestness  as  to  divert  from 


*4  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

the  Democratic  party  very  many  of  its  ablest  and  most  influential 
leaders  to  the  support  of  a  third  ticket  or  to  the  direct  support  of 
McKinley.  The  result  was  McKinley's  election  by  a  popular 
majority  of  nearly  half  a  million  over  Bryan,  and  by  a  vote  of  271 
for  McKinley  in  the  electoral  college  to  176  for  Bryan. 

The  election  of  McKinley  to  the  Presidency  in  1896  was  a 
counter  revolution  of  the  Democratic  revolution  that  had  carried 
Cleveland  into  the  Presidency  in  1892  by  large  popular  and 
electoral  majorities,  and  it  necessarily  involved  an  entire  change  of 
the  economic  policy  of  the  Government.  The  McKinley  adminis 
tration  was  supported  by  a  party  majority  in  both  branches  of  Con 
gress,  and  a  new  tariff  bill,  that  is  yet  in  existence,  was  speedily 
enacted.  The  severe  depression  that  had  continued  from  1893 
until  1896  was  gradually  passing  away  when  McKinley  was  elected, 
and  his  success  gave  new  impetus  to  the  great  industrial  interests 
of  the  country.  Fortunate  conditions  gave  increased  prices  for  the 
products  of  our  industry,  especially  of  our  farms,  and  he  had  every 
prospect  of  having  a  most  successful  and  serene  administration 
until  the  dark  cloud  of  war  that  hung  over  Cuba  extended  its  pall 
over  our  Republic.  The  destruction  of  the  battleship  Maine 
quickened  the  hostility  of  the  American  people  against  the  Spanish 
rule  in  Cuba  to  an  extent  that  made  war  inevitable. 

McKinley  earnestly  strove  to  avert  the  calamity  of  war. 
Like  Lincoln,  all  his  instincts  were  on  the  side  of  humanity,  and 
but  for  the  destruction  of  the  Maine  that  called  out  a  resistless 
popular  sentiment  in  favor  of  war,  there  is  little  doubt  that 
McKinley,  with  all  his  sympathies  on  the  side. of  peace,  would  have 
averted  the  conflict  with  Spain.  When  the  grave  duty  of  accept 
ing  war  was  inevitable,  he  rose  to  every  requirement  of  the  excep 
tionally  grave  emergency,  and  in  the  short  conflict  between  the 
armies  and  navies  of  the  two  Governments,  the  heroism  of  our 
army  and  navy  was  made  to  stand  out  even  in  grander  lustre  than 
ever  before.  For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  naval  warfare,  two 
naval  battles  were  fought  in  which  every  vessel  of  the  squadrons 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  25 

of  the  enemy  was  entirely  destroyed,  and  the  Spanish  army  finally 
surrendered  to  a  United  States  army  not  superior  to  it  in  numbers 
and  lacking  its  advantages  of  position. 

When  the  first  opportunity  for  securing  peace  was  presented, 
President  McKinley  was  prompt  and  tireless  in  pressing  for  its 
attainment.  He  was  compelled  to  meet  the  gravest  problems  ever 
presented  to  our  statesmanship,  with  the  single  exceptions  of  the 
problems  thrust  upon  the  Government  by  secession  in  1861  ;  but 
McKinley,  always  in  the  forefront  to  create  and  maintain  the  policy 
he  had  adopted,  speedily  accomplished  a  treaty  with  Spain  that 
gave  to  this  country  all  the  Spanish  possessions  in  the  West  Indies 
with  the  exception  of  Cuba,  and  the  entire  Philippine  archipelago, 
in  the  East.  He  was  slow  to  accept  the  policy  of  expansion  to 
the  extent  to  which  it  was  carried,  but,  like  Lincoln,  he  was  ever 
ready  to  meet  new  necessities  ;  and  it  is  well  known  that  while  at 
one  time  he  would  have  accepted  a  mere  coaling  station  in  the 
Philippines,  and  later  probably  the  single  province  of  Luzon,  he 
finally  bowed  to  the  resistless  logic  of  events  that  so  clearly 
demanded  the  acceptance  of  all  the  important  Spanish  provinces 
in  both  the  West  Indies  and  in  the  East.  His  policy  of  expansion 
was  fiercely  assailed  by  his  political  opponents  and  by  some  able 
members  of  his  own  party,  but  the  best  evidence  of  the  mandatory 
sentiment  of  the  sovereign  people  of  the  nation  in  requiring  the 
policy  of  expansion,  is  given  in  the  fact  that  when  the  Paris  treaty 
was  before  the  Senate  for  confirmation,  and  was  opposed  by  some 
of  the  President's  party  supporters,  Mr.  Bryan,  his  Presidential 
competitor,  went  to  Washington  and  publicly  and  privately  urged 
the  confirmation  of  the  treaty.  No  higher  vindication  of  the 
policy  of  the  President  could  have  been  furnished,  and  no  more 
conclusive  expression  could  have  been  given  as  to  the  general  con 
victions  of  the  American  people. 

Beyond  the  war  with  Spain  and  the  enactment  of  a  new  tariff, 
the  first  administration  of  McKinley  was  not  specially  eventful. 
It  was  confronted  by  no  great  political  convulsions,  as  his  party 


26  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

majority  was  maintained  in  both  branches  of  Congress  during  the 
entire  term  ;  and  as  the  period  approached  for  choosing  the  candi 
dates  for  the  national  battle  of  1900,  he  was  in  the  field  practically 
without  a  competitor.  The  Convention  was  held  in  Philadelphia 
on  the  i gth  of  June,  with  Senator  Wolcott  as  temporary  chairman 
and  Senator  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  as  permanent  chairman. 
No  name  was  presented  or  even  discussed  for  the  Presidency  but 
that  of  McKinley.  Some  of  the  enthusiastic  supporters  of 
Roosevelt  meditated  an  attempt  to  stampede  the  Convention  to 
their  favorite  for  President,  but  the  delegates  were  so  solidly 
devoted  to  McKinley  that  the  movement  was  found  to  be  impracti 
cable.  McKinley  was  nominated  on  the  first  roll  call,  receiving 
924  votes,  being  the  full  membership  of  the  Convention.  Theodore 
Roosevelt  was  then  nominated  for  Vice-President,  receiving  923 
votes,  being  one  vote  less  than  the  full  membership,  and  that  vote 
his  own,  as  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  New  York  delegation.  The 
Democratic  National  Convention  presented  an  equally  unanimous 
sentiment  in  favor  of  the  renomination  of  William  J.  Bryan,  and 
thus  the  two  leaders  who  had  locked  horns  four  years  before,  again 
took  the  field  in  a  desperate  struggle  for  political  supremacy ;  but 
Bryan  was  at  a  great  disadvantage  because  of  the  general  prosperity 
of  the  country,  the  nearly  universal  employment  of  labor  at  fair 
wages,  and  the  next  to  universal  thrift  in  all  business  and  industrial 
channels.  Bryan,  however,  repeated  his  aggressive  campaign  of 
1896,  exhibiting  variance  only  in  his  somewhat  tempered  attitude 
on  the  financial  question.  His  speeches  of  this  campaign  exhibited 
more  of  the  statesman  and  not  so  much  of  the  politician,  as  did 
his  great  speeches  in  the  first  struggle,  and  he  commanded  very 
general  respect  wherever  he  went,  even  from  those  who  were 
politically  opposed  to  him.  McKinley  was  heard  only  on  a  few 
occasions  during  the  conflict,  but  his  utterances  were  always  of  the 
most  temperate,  forceful  and  impressive  character,  and  strengthened 
the  already  very  great  confidence  that  the  country  reposed  in  him. 
The  result  was  his  re-election  by  the  largest  popular  majority  ever 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  27 

given  to  a  national  candidate.  His  popular  majority  over  Bryan 
was  849,455,  and  his  majority  over  all  competitors  was  446,719 
out  of  a  total  vote  of  13,969,770.  In  the  electoral  college 
McKinley  received  292  votes  to  155  for  Bryan. 

McKinley's  friends  also  carried  largely  increased  majorities  in 
both  the  Senate  and  House,  and  the  new  Congress  chosen  to  meet 
on  the  first  Monday  in  December  1901,  that  would  have  been  the 
first  under  his  second  administration,  was  more  heartily  in  accord 
with  the  President  and  the  general  policy  of  his  administration  than 
any  President  of  the  past  commanded,  with  the  disappointments  of 
four  years  to  engender  opposition.  He  was  re-inaugurated  with 
most  imposing  ceremonies,  and  he  was  thus  newly  commissioned 
by  the  people  by  a  vote  of  confidence  so  great  and  comprehensive 
that  he  had  every  assurance  of  a  most  serene  and  successful  admin 
istration  of  his  second  term  in  his  high  office. 

The  only  important  event  after  his  second  inauguration  was 
his  journey  to  the  Pacific,  accompanied  by  his  devoted  but  fragile 
wife.  A  tour  covering  the  heart  of  the  different  sections  of  the 
whole  country  was  planned,  and  a  special  train,  with  every  possible 
comfort  and  care  provided  for  his  invalid  wife,  started  on  its  journey 
to  the  South.  The  train  was  stopped  at  the  leading  centres  of 
population  along  the  entire  route,  and  the  journey  was  one  continued 
ovation  to  the  honored  President  of  the  nation.  The  fatigue  of  the 
journey  proved  too  great  for  Mrs.  McKinley,  and  in  San  Fran 
cisco  it  was  abruptly  ended  by  her  very  critical  illness,  during  which 
her  life  was  despaired  of  for  some  days.  The  authorities  and 
people  of  San  Francisco  joined  the  President  and  members  of  the 
Cabinet  in  devoting  themselves  wholly  to  the  care  of  the  beloved 
woman  who  so  long  hovered  on  the  shore  of  the  dark  river ;  but 
she  finally  recovered  sufficiently  to  be  brought  home,  and  the 
journey  from  the  Pacific  to  Washington  was  made  with  the  utmost 
speed  and  popular  demonstrations  avoided  as  much  as  possible. 

During  McKinley's  journey  to  the  Pacific  he  delivered  a  succes 
sion  of  speeches  largely  or  wholly  extemporized,  which  proved  his 


28  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

wonderful  versatility  and  forcefulness  as  a  disputant  and  orator.  No 
purer,  nobler  or  better  lessons  could  be  given  in  our  schools  for 
the  study  of  our  youth  than  the  speeches  delivered  by  McKinley 
from  the  time  he  left  Washington  until  he  reached  San  Francisco. 

o 

There  was  not  a  trace  of  offensive  partisanship  in  any  of  them. 
They  were  dignified,  patriotic,  eloquent  and  chivalrous  without 
exception,  and  were  more  carefully  studied  and  approved  by  the 
American  people  than  any  popular  deliverances  ever  made  by  a 
President.  When  Mrs.  McKinley's  health  improved  the  President 
went  with  her  to  spend  the  Summer  at  their  quiet  home  in  Canton, 
Ohio,  where  they  were  universally  beloved  by  their  neighbors;  and 
only  the  sense  of  public  duty  to  which  President  McKinley  ever 
responded,  induced  him  to  leave  his  charming  home  and  home 
circle  to  visit  the  Pan-American  Exposition  at  Buffalo.  He  was 
welcomed  there  as  he  had  been  in  every  part  of  the  country,  not 
only  by  overwhelming  numbers,  but  by  the  heartiest  applaudits  of 
the  people  without  distinction  of  party,  and  his  address  delivered 
at  the  Exposition  will  stand  in  literature  among  the  choicest  pro 
ductions  of  American  statemanship.  , 

The  speech  in  its  entirety  exhibits  the  most  careful  and  intelli 
gent  comprehension  of  the  aims,  duties  and  destiny  of  our  free 
government,  and  it  will  certainly  be  accepted  as  a  guide,  not  only 
by  his  immediate  successor,  but  for  rulers  of  all  parties  who  may 
be  charged  with  the  destiny  of  the  great  republic  of  the  world. 
His  closing  paragraph  will  stand  side  by  side  with  the  immortal 
deliverance  of  Abraham  Lincoln  at  Gettysburg.  It  is  as  follows  : 

"  Who  can  tell  the  new  thoughts  that  have  been  awakened, 
the  ambitions  fired  and  the  high  achievements  that  will  be  wrought 
through  this  Exposition  ?  Gentlemen,  let  us  ever  remember  that 
our  interest  is  in  concord,  not  conflict,  and  that  our  real  eminence 
rests  in  the  victories  of  peace,  not  those  of  war.  We  hope  that  all 
who  are  represented  here  may  be  moved  to  higher  and  nobler  effort 
for  their  own  and  the  world's  good,  and  that  out  of  this  city  may 
come,  not  only  greater  commerce  and  trade  for  us  all,  but,  more 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  29 

essential  than  these,  relations  of  mutual  respect,  confidence  and 
friendship  which  will  deepen  and  endure. 

"  Our  earnest  prayer  is  that  God  will  graciously  vouchsafe 
prosperity,  happiness  and  peace  to  all  our  neighbors,  and  like  bles 
sings  to  all  the  peoples  and  powers  of  earth." 

On  the  day  following  this  address,  the  President  yielded  to 
the  general  desire  for  a  public  reception,  so  that  the  great  mass  of 
people  present  should  have  an  opportunity  to  take  him  by  the 
hand,  and  while  thus  receiving  the  multitude  on  the  afternoon  of 
Friday,  September  6th,  Leon  F.  Czolgosz,  a  young  anarchist, 
approached  him  with  his  right  hand  covered  by  a  handkerchief  as 
if  protecting  a  wound  or  sore,  and  extending  his  left  hand  to  the 
President,  speedily  twice  fired  the  pistol  concealed  in  his  right 
hand  and  two  bullets  entered  the  body  of  the  victim.  Additional 
shots  would  have  been  fired  by  the  murderer  had  he  not  been 
struck  and  captured  by  those  immediately  about  him.  The  Presi 
dent  bore  himself  most  courageously,  but  finally  fell  into  the  arms 
of  his  friends,  while  the  murderer  was  hastened  away  to  prison. 

The  Emergency  Hospital  of  the  Exposition  happened  to  be 
not  only  very  complete  in  its  equipment,  but  had  connected  with 
it  surgeons  and  physicians  of  the  ripest  experience,  and  the  Presi 
dent  had  the  promptest  and  best  treatment  known  to  the  pro 
fession.  After  the  examinations  had  been  made  and  an  operation 
performed  to  aid  in  healing  the  breaches  in  the  walls  of  the 
stomach,  the  physicians  were  hopeful  that  the  distinguished  patient 
might  recover.  The  country  was  appalled  by  this  third  assassin 
who  aimed  at  the  life  of  the  President  of  the  Republic  without 
having  suffered  any  real  or  imaginary  wrong  from  his  victim,  and 
intense  anxiety  was  exhibited  every  hour  of  the  day  and  night  for 
the  bulletins  which  came  from  the  bedside  of  the  people's  ruler. 
Day  after  day  the  reports  were  hopeful  because  no  specially 
unfavorable  features  were  developed,  and  four  days  after  the 
wounds  had  been  inflicted,  the  whole  country  rejoiced  at  the  official 
reports  from  the  surgeons  in  charge  that  the  President  was  taking 


30  WILLIAM  McKINLE Y 

food  in  the  natural  way  and  enjoying  it  and  his  strength  rapidly 
increasing.  Only  one  day  later  the  shadows  again  gathered  and 
the  hearts  of  the  millions  of  American  people  were  bowed  in  woe 
by  the  report  that  most  dangerous  symptoms  had  suddenly 
developed  and  that  the  life  of  the  President  was  trembling  in  the 
balance.  From  that  time  no  hopeful  report  came  from  those  who 
watched  the  tread  of  death  where  it  would  strike  a  great  nation  in 
its  dearest  hopes  and  affections,  and  finally,  on  Saturday  morning, 
'September  i4th,  at  2.15  A.M.,  the  unconscious  effigy  of  life  that 
dimly  flickered  in  the  socket,  quietly  vanished  in  the  darkness  of 
death,  leaving  the  last  sweet  utterance  of  President  McKinley 
imperishably  crystallized  in  the  memory  of  all — *'  It  is  God's  way. 
His  will  be  done,  not  ours." 


x 

OF  THE  X 

I    UNIVERSITY    1 


CHAPTER   II 

The    Ancestry  of   William    McKinley 

NATIVE    AMERICAN    STOCK 

PRESIDENT  McKINLEYcame  from  Crawford  County,  Ohio, 
stock,  his  grandfather  and  great-grandfather    having  been 
leading  pioneer  citizens.     Strange  to  say,  they  lived   in  the 
banner  Democratic  township  of  this  rock-ribbed  Democratic  county, 
and,  what  was  more,  the  old  gentlemen  voted  the  Democratic  ticket. 
In    a   little    German    Lutheran    cemetery,   a    few    miles    north    of 
Bucyrus,  on   the  State  road,  can  be  found  a  modest  gravestone,  on 
which  is  the  following  inscription  : 

DAVID  McKINLEY 

Revolutionary  Soldier 

Born  1756.      Died  1840 

The  mound  is  neatly  kept,  and  from  the  near-by  corners  of  the 
old  rail  fence  nod  wild  roses  in  fragrant  profusion.  Just  beyond 
runs  the  Columbus  and  Sandusky  Short  Line  Railway,  with  its 
stream  of  commerce ;  but  few  of  the  passengers  know  that  in  this 
little  cemetery  rests  the  original  stock  of  Nation's  late  President. 

Beside  the  grave  of  McKinley  is  a  companion  mound  with  a 
similar  headstone,  on  which  is  inscribed  : 

HANNAH  C.  ROSE 
Born  1757.     Died  1840 

These  are  the  graves  of  the  predecessors  of  the  President,  and 
throughout  this  county  there  still  resides  a  number  of  their 
descendants,  while  the  older  pioneers  remember  well  McKinley,  the 

33 


34  THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

revolutionary  soldier.  Among  the  closest  relatives  at  the  present 
time  there  are  the  Waller  family,  their  homestead  being  a  few  miles 
from  the  lonely  graveyard.  Stephen  Waller  married  a  sister  of  the 
President's  father  and  had  many  occasions  to  visit  the  old  home  in 
Canton.  While  Mr.  Waller  and  the  President  differed  in  politics, 
the  former  was  always  high  in  his  praise  of  the  consistency  and  char 
acter  of  his  famous  nephew,  and  spoke  most  touchingly  of  the 
Christian  character  of  McKinley's  mother. 

INCIDENTS    IN    EARLY    LIFE 

After  the  death  of  Mrs.  Waller  the  family  visits  and  correspon 
dence  were  naturally  discontinued,  but  Mr.  Waller  related  many 
incidents  in  the  early  life  of  the  President  which  illustrate  his  early 
Christian  training.  On  one  occasion,  during  a  visit  of  Mrs.  Waller 
to  the  home  of  her  brother,  William  McKinley,  Sr.,  her  nephew 
was  a  lad  of  sixteen  or  seventeen  years  of  age.  He  was  a  student 
at  the  time,  and  was  poring  over  his  Latin  when  his  brother  David, 
who  was  superintendent  of  a  coal  mine,  came  rushing  into  the  room 
and  ordered  young  William  to  hitch  up  his  horse  and  have  it  ready 
for  him  by  a  certain  time,  as  he  was  in  a  hurry,  and  wanted  to  drive 
out  to  a  dance  several  miles  in  the  country.  After  his  brother  had 
left  the  room,  young  William  turned  to  his  aunt,  Mrs.  Waller,  and 
said,  "Aunt  Martha,  don't  you  think  it  rather  humiliating  for  a 
Methodist  and  a  Latin  scholar  to  be  compelled  to  hitch  up  a  horse 
for  a  brother  to  go  to  a  dance  ?" 

Both  the  grandfather  of  the  President  and  his  great  grand 
father  were  carpenters  by  trade,  and  during  the  early  days  of  the 
century  they  were  engaged  in  this  work.  The  village  of  Chat- 
field,  which  is  located  on  the  site  of  the  McKinley  farm,  was 
largely  built  by  the  McKinleys,  and  many  buildings  throughout 
the  county  and  in  Bucyrus  are  their  handiwork.  Of  the  original 
buildings  on  the  McKinley  farm  only  one  remains,  the  others 
having  given  place  to  more  modern  structures.  Upon  the  site  of 
the  old  McKinley  home  has  been  erected  a  commodious  two-story 


THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY  35 

brick  school  house,  and  here  the  young  people  of  Chatfield  are 
taught  in  common  school  branches  and  imbibe  patriotism  amidst 
favorable  environments.  The  only  relative  bearing  the  family 
name  who  is  a  resident  of  this  vicinity  is  William  McKinley,  of 
this  place,  who  is  in  the  employ  of  the  Ohio  Central.  He  is  an 
exact  counterpart  of  the  President  in  build  and  facial  mold.  Other 
relatives  in  Bucyrus  are  Thomas  McCreary  and  family. 

The  surviving  pioneer  citizens  who  remember  the  McKinleys 
when  they  lived  in  Crawford  County  all  speak  of  them  in  terms 
of  highest  praise.  Those  who  knew  David  McKinley  say  that  he 
was  a  highly  educated  and  polished  gentleman  of  the  old  school. 
He  was  a  teacher  for  many  years,  and  was  familiar  with  several 
languages.  In  religion  he  was  a  strict  Presbyterian,  and  in 
politics  a  Democrat  of  the  JefTersonian  school,  as  were  also  the 
other  McKinleys  of  Crawford  County  in  that  early  day,  except 
James,  the  President's  grandfather,  who  was  a  Whig.  He  also 
fought  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  and  during  the  closing  years  of 
his  life  drew  a  pension  for  wounds  received  in  the  service. 

In  order  to  trace  the  history  of  the  descendants  in  this 
county  and  show  their  relation  to  the  late  President  William 
McKinley,  whose  career  has  been  so  illustrious,  it  is  necessary 
to  follow  the  history  of  the  family  briefly  from  its  first  appearance 
in  America  to  the  present  time.  The  first  McKinley  to  arrive  in 
this  country  was  James,  who,  with  his  brother  William,  emigrated 
from  Ireland  early  in  the  eighteenth  century.  His  brother  William 
went  South  and  established  the  Southern  branch  of  the  family,  but 
James  remained  in  York  County,  where  he  grew  to  manhood  and 
was  married.  Among  his  children  was  David  McKinley,  who  was 
born  May  16,  1755,  and  died  in  this  county  in  1840.  David's 
second  son  was  James  McKinley,  who  was  in  turn  the  father  of 
William  McKinley,  Sr.,  father  of  the  President.  A  brother  of 
James  McKinley,  Ephraim  by  name,  also  located  in  Crawford 
County,  settling  in  Bucyrus  a  year  before  James  located  at  Chat- 
field.  He  married  Hannah  McCreary  a  sifter  of  Thomas  McCreary, 


36  THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

well  known  in  Ohio,  and  they  lived  in  North  Bucyrus.  Ephraim 
and  family  moved  from  Bucyrus  to  South  Bend,  Ind.,  in  1847,  and 
from  there  they  went  to  Wisconsin  and  Dakota,  and  finally  located 
in  Ogden,  Ills.  When  James  McKinley  located  at  Chatfield  he  was 
accompanied  by  his  children,  Hannah,  Martha,  Ellen  and  Benja- 
min,  and  his  son  John  joined  him  about  two  years  later,  while  the 
other  children,  including  William,  father  of  the  President,  remained 
in  Columbiana  County. 

In  1844,  James  sold  his  Chatfield  farm  and  bought  another, 
but  ultimately  moved  to  South  Bend,  Ind.  About  the  same  time 
Ephraim  moved  there  from  Bucyrus.  The  country  about  South 
Bend  was  then  very  swampy,  new  and  full  of  malaria.  The  old 
folks  both  were  stricken  with  malaria  shortly  after  arriving,  and 
both  died  on  the  same  day  in  1847,  on  the  fortieth  anniversary 
of  their  marriage,  and  were  buried  in  the  same  grave,  which  is 
marked  by  a  handsome  monument  put  up  by  their  son,  William 
McKinley,  Sr. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  GRANDFATHER 


James  McKinley,  grandfather  of  the  President,  was  a  remark 
able  man  in  many  respects,  and,  like  his  father,  was  engaged  in 
fighting  England,  he  having  served  in  the  War  of  1812.  He  served 
under  General  William  Henry  Harrison,  and  was  in  the  battle  of 
Tippecanoe.  While  in  the  service  Harrison's  division  passed 
through  this  section  of  the  State,  and  McKinley  was  so  favorably 
impressed'with  the  country  at  that  time  that  it  led  to  his  locating 
there.  Of  their  children,  Hannah  and  her  husband,  Mr.  Tilford, 
continued  to  live  in  the  vicinity  of  Lykens  for  a  number  of  years 
and  also  at  Sulphur  Springs,  finally  moving  to  Bloomville.  Ellen 
and  her  husband,  James  Winters,  lived  in  the  vicinity  of  Lykens 
for  a  number  of  years  after  their  marriage  and  then  moved  to  Min 
nesota,  and  finally  returned  to  Ohio.  Martha  and  her  husband,  Mr. 
Waller,  continued  to  live  at  Lykens  until  her  death,  October  4, 
1880.  There  her  hushand  and  some  of  the  children  still  live. 


THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY  37 

Let  us  give,  in  a  little  more  detail,  the  story  of  William 
McKinley's  father  and  mother.  The  latter,  in  her  widowhood, 
found  a  devoted  and  loyal  supporter  in  her  son,  the  twenty-fifth 
President. 

It  was  at  New  Lisbon  that  the  young  iron  founder,  William 
McKinley,  Sr.,  wooed,  won  and  married  farmer  Allison's  daughter 
Nancy,  in  1827.  This  combination  of  the  tillers  of  the  soil  and  the 
moulders  of  the  iron  was  a  good  one,  and  no  doubt  added  much  to 
the  strength  of  character  in  their  offspring  which  manifested  itself 
so  decidedly  in  their  daughter  Anna,  who  was  a  teacher,  and  found 
its  culminating  climax  in  the  Napoleonic  face  and  character  of 
William  McKinley,  Jr.,  the  late  President. 

The  life  of  Nancy  McKinley  was  a  long  one,  and  its  record  is 
a  simple  narrative  of  a  good  wife  and  devoted  mother  whose  chil 
dren  looked  upon  her  as  the  embodiment  of  all  that  those  two 
sacred  names,  wife  and  mother,  mean  in  a  Christian  American 
home.  Her  name  will  always  be  recalled  with  that  of  her  noble  son. 

The  young  couple,  William  and  Nancy  McKinley,  settled,  soon 
after  their  marriage,  at  Fairfield,  Ohio.  There  the  father  estab 
lished  an  iron  foundry.  They  were  plain  and  respectable  people, 
without  any  of  the  disadvantages  and  embarrassments  of  a  great 
name.  The  father  devoted  his  time  to  earning  a  living  by  honest 
toil,  and  the  mother  to  making  a  happy  home  for  the  husband  and  to 
the  training  of  the  children  which  came,  teaching  them  the  cardinal 
virtues  of  truthfulness,  honor,  and  self-dependence. 

WILLIAM    MCKINLEY    JR/S    BIRTHPLACE 

From  Fairfield  the  family  removed  to  Niles,  Ohio,  a  village  in 
an  adjoining  county,  and  it  was  here,  about  sixteen  years  after  the 
marriage  of  his  parents,  that  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  was  born, 
January  29,  1 843,  and  named  for  his  father.  The  little,  long,  ungainly, 
two-story,  frame  house  in  which  the  family  lived,  and  in  which  the 
embryo  President  was  born,  is  still  standing,  as  has  been  said,  in  Niles. 
At  one  end  is  a  portion  used  for  a  store.  Adjoining  this  is  the 


38  THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

vine-covered  doorway  which  constitutes  the  entrance  for  the  part  used 
as  a  dwelling.  The  vine  which  covers  the  whole  side  of  the  house 

o 

is  very  old.  It  was  probably  planted  by  the  hand  of  Nancy  Mc- 
Kinley,  and  it  is  undoubtedly  associated  with  the  earliest  recollec 
tions  of  the  President. 

Humble  as  this  house  appears,  it  is  a  palace  in  comparison  with 
the  birthplaces  and  early  homes  of  Andrew  Jackson,  Lincoln,  and 
Garfield,  and,  with  them,  it  goes  to  show  that  humble  birth  is  no 
barrier  to  greatness,  but  rather  a  stimulus  to  the  noble-souled  and 
energetic  American  youth. 

The  question  of  educating  the  children  is  always  a  serious  one 
in  a  new  country.  Educational  advantages  were  poor  at  Niles,  and 
the  parents  removed  to  Poland,  a  small  town  of  some  200  inhab 
itants  not  far  away,  where  there  was  an  academy.  William 
was  now  a  young  lad,  and  with  his  brothers  and  sisters  he  entered 
the  school.  His  sister  Anna  became  a  teacher  in  the  academy. 
William  was  possessed  with  a  quiet  dignity  and  serious  habits,  was 
studious  and  manly  from  a  child,  but  he  was  as  vigorous  a  player 
at  games  as  he  was  diligent  at  his  books.  The  family  were  held  in 
high  esteem  at  Poland,  and  the  town  is  yet  full  of  reminiscences 
concerning  the  members.  Everybody  liked  William  as  a  boy,  and 
his  thoroughness  and  brightness  in  his  school  work  caused  local 
prophecies  of  something  great  in  store  for  him.  He  was  his 
mother's  chief  dependence  to  run  errands  and  do  chores  about  the 
house,  "  because,"  she  said,  "  he  always  seemed  so  pleased  to 
help  me." 

POLAND,    THE    HOME    OF    HIS    YOUTH 

Poland  was  a  small  agricultural  and  mining  town  a  few  miles 
out  from  Youngstown,  Ohio,  and  near  the  Pennsylvania  line.  It 
was  noted  for  the  integrity,  education,  and  patriotism  of  its  citi 
zens.  It  is  said  no  soldier  was  ever  drafted  there.  Every  time  a 
call  was  made,  there  were  more  volunteers  than  the  quota  of  the 
town  required.  It  was  while  he  was  teaching  school  about  two 
miles  from  Poland,  and  studying  at  the  same  time,  that  William 


THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY  39 

McKinley,  then  about  eighteen  years  of  age,  volunteered,  and,  after 
receiving  his  mother's  consent  and  blessing,  marched  away  as  a  pri 
vate  in  the  ranks  to  fight  for  his  country's  flag.  Before  this  the 
boy  had  advanced  so  far  in  his  studies  that  he  had  already  taught 
one  country  school  in  which  some  of  the  scholars  were  older  than 
himself.  When  fifteen  years  of  age,  under  his  mother's  influence, 
he  became  an  active  member  in  the  Methodist  Church.  He  was 
also  a  great  student  of  the  Bible  and  a  constant  attendant  of  the 
Sunday  Bible  class.  In  fact,  he  sought  every  opportunity  to 
increase  his  knowledge  on  all  profitable  subjects. 

The  career  of  the  boy-soldier  is  told  elsewhere,  and  we  know 
that  at  the  close  of  the  war  he  had  been  many  times  promoted  and 
commended,  and  was  on  the  staff  of  General  Hayes. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-one  the  boy  came  home  to  his  mother, 
and  with  him  he  brought  a  commission  of  Major.  It  was  dated  in 
1864,  and  read  :  "  For  gallant  and  meritorious  service  at  the  battles 
of  Opequan,  Cedar  Creek  and  Fisher's  Hill. 

"Signed,  A.  LINCOLN." 

Perhaps  the  old  mother  was  not  proud  to  have  her  boy  safe  at 
home  ?  And  perhaps  she  was  not  prouder  still  to  read  that  docu 
ment?  The  welcome  home  and  the  sweet  communions  of  such 
reunions  are  too  sacred  for  comment,  even  if  we  were  possessed  of 
the  details.  There  are  thousands  of  mothers  throughout  this  land, 
North  and  South,  who  know  the  story,  for  similar  experiences  have 
graven  them,  in  letters  that  fade  not,  upon  the  tablets  of  their  own 
hearts,  where  "sacred  memories  keep  them  ever  fresh  "  and  each 
advancing  year  lends  them  the  "sweet  mellowing  light  of  age." 

Upon  the  advice  of  his  father,  the  young  soldier  decided  to 
study  law.  The  family  assisted  him  by  making  personal  sacrifices, 
in  which  Nancy  McKinley  and  her  daughter  Anna  were  foremost. 
After  a  year  and  a  half  reading  in  the  office  of  Judge  Glidden,  the 
unselfishness  of  mother  and  sister  enabled  him  to  go  to  the  Albany 
Law  School  In  1867,  at  the  suggestion  of  his  sister  Anna,  he 


40  THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

went  to  Conton,  whither  she  had  preceded  him  as  a  teacher  in  the 
public  schools. 

It  was  in  this  beautiful  city — then  of  6,000  inhabitants — under 
the  influence  and  with  the  help  of  mother  and  sister,  that  the  young 
lawyer  of  twenty-four  opened  his  office  and  began  the  battle  of  life 
which  afterward  crowned  him  with  the  laurel  wreath  of  national 
fame. 

HIS    HEROIC    SISTER    ANNA 

It  would  be  unjust  to  President  McKinley  and  his  mother, 
Nancy  McKinley,  and  especially  to  his  heroic  sister  Anna,  should 
we  not  add  at  this  point  that  it  was  this  sister — in  her  mind  and 
character  so  like  her  distinguished  brother — who  saved  her  hard 
earnings,  and,  aside  from  assistance  given  her  brother,  bought  a 
home  and  induced  her  parents  to  accept  it  and  remove  to  Canton, 
that  the  whole  family  might  live  together.  It  was  in  this  home 
that  the  last  happy  years  of  these  old  people,  with  their  children 
around  them,  were  spent.  It  was  here  that  their  grandchildren 
came  to  visit  them  and  the  happy  family  reunions  of  nearly  a 
quarter  of  a  century  were  held ;  and  from  here  both  parents  were 
buried — the  father  in  1892,  and  the  mother  in  1897.  A  special 
photograph  of  this  plain  but  comfortable  cottage,  now  made  famous 
by  its  associations,  was  taken  for  this  sketch  in  the  month  of  April, 
1898,  showing  the  trees  around  it,  with  the  buds  of  Spring  putting 
forth.  It  is  the  most  unpretentious  house  in  the  neighborhood 
of  elegant  and  palatial  homes  which  surround  it ;  but  we  doubt 
if  there  was  a  happier  home  in  all  Canton  than  this  while  Nancy 
McKinley  was  its  mistress. 

Not  more  than  half  a  mile  away,  on  another  street,  stands  the 
house  which  was  the  home  of  President  McKinley.  It,  too,  is  in 
an  elegant  community,  and  its  simplicity  is  in  striking  contrast  with 
the  palaces  of  the  rich  by  which  it  is  environed. 

Every  Sunday  when  he  was  in  Canton  the  great  son  of  this 
grand  old  mother  walked  over  the  quiet  streets  which  lay  between 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 

CAI 


THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY  43 

his  home  and  hers  and  took  her  to  church  in  the  morning,  and 
generally  spent  a  part  of  the  afternoon  at  her  cottage  home. 

Eight  weeks  before  her  death,  on  his  vacation  from  Washing 
ton,  her  son  was  with  her  at  the  church  where  they  had  both  been 
members  for  many  years,  and  they  sat  together  in  the  family  pew, 
little  dreaming  that  it  was  the  last  time  they  should  accompany 
each  other  to  the  house  of  worship,  and  that  their  next  meeting 
before  the  altar  should  be  the  occasion  of  her  funeral. 

The  devotion  of  the  President  to  his  mother  was  always  one 
of  the  most  marked  and  admirable  traits  of  his  character.  Even  in 
the  most  important  political  events  of  his  life,  he  seemed  never  to 
forget  her.  On  the  day  of  his  nomination  he  was  solicitous  that 
she  be  present  at  his  house  when  the  news  of  the  proceedings  came 
over  the  wires  from  the  Convention  at  St.  Louis.  It  was  the  i8th 
day  of  June,  1896,  an  ideal  summer  day  at  Canton,  and  the  air  full  of 
golden  sunshine.  Major  McKinley  rocked  on  his  porch,  enjoying 
the  freshness  of  the  breeze  that  was  balmy,  though  touched  with 
fire.  Telegrams  came  every  few  minutes,  which  he  opened,  read 
ing  to  his  friends  such  portions  of  them  as  pleased  him. 

Ladies  of  the  family  came  up  the  walk  from  the  street,  and  as 
ihe  Major  rose  to  greet  them  he  asked,  "  Is  mother  coming  up 
to-day?"  and  the  answer  was,  "Yes,  she  will  be  here."  About  i 
o'clock  the  carriage  drove  up  and  three  ladies  descended.  The 
Major  hastened  forward  to  greet  them.  The  venerable  woman, 
with  Roman  features,  was  the  Major's  mother,  and  with  her  were 
his  sisters. 

A    TOUCHING    INCIDENT 

Luncheon  was  served.  Some  one  mentioned  a  comforting  pas 
sage  from  the  Bible  as  appropriate  to  the  occasion.  There  was  at 
once  a  curiosity  to  read  the  passage,  and  Mrs.  McKinley's  Bible  was 
brought.  A  gentleman  said  he  presumed  the  Major  was  too  busy 
a  man  to  know  much  of  the  Bible.  "  He  does,  indeed,  know  the 
inside  of  his  Bible ;  no  man  better,  I  assure  you,"  said  Mrs. 
McKinley.  The  passages  referred  to  were  found  and  read  by  a 


44  THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

lady  present.  They  were  Jeremiah,  xx,  n,  beginning,  "  But  the 
Lord  is  with  me,"  and  Psalm  xlvii,  6,  beginning  "  Sing  praises  toGod." 

After  lunch  the  company  retired  to  the  Major's  office,  where, 
with  two  telegraph  lines  and  one  long-distance  telephone  bringing 
the  news  simultaneously,  the  excitement  was  too  intense  for  levity. 
They  had  not  expected  the  Convention  to  reach  a  nomination 
before  night,  but  it  came  about  4  o'clock  on  the  first  ballot,  when 
Ohio  cast  her  vote,  forty-six  strong,  for  her  favorite  son.  Without 
waiting  for  further  returns  a  gentleman  present  arose  and  exclaimed, 
"  The  majority  is  big  enough.  Major,  I  congratulate  you.  God 
bless  you,  and  now  you  have  just  a  quarter  of  a  minute  before 
you  are  mobbed  to  greet  your  wife  and  mother." 

McKinley  quickly  crossed  the  hall  to  the  parlor  crowded  with 
ladies,  and  as  his  wife  and  mother  were  seated  side  by  side  stooped 
low  to  kiss  them  and  clasp  their  eager  hands,  the  wife  responding 
with  a  bright  smile  and  sweet  exultation  in  her  eyes  as  he  told  her 
the  vote  of  Ohio  had  given  him  the  nomination.  The  grand  old 
mother  placed  her  trembling  hands  on  her  son's  neck,  her  eyes 
streaming  with  tears  brighter  even  than  smiles,  and  whispered  to 
her  illustrious  boy  some  holy  words  for  him  alone.  At  this  moment 
the  bells  rang,  the  whistles  blew,  the  cannon  thundered,  and  the 
beautiful  little  city  of  Canton  went  stark,  gloriously  mad.  A  vast 
multitude  precipitated  themselves  in  a  gigantic,  ungovernable  pro 
cession  upon  McKinley's  unpretentious  home,  and  there,  with  wife 
and  mother  at  the  windows  with  him,  he  acknowledged,  in  a  voice 
ringing  with  resolution  and  sincerity,  his  gratitude  to  his  neighbors 
and  countrymen. 

The  world  knows  the  sequel  to  his  nomination.  The  most 
bitterly  contested  campaign  followed  which  ever  occurred  in  the 
history  of  America,  with  the  possible  exception  of  that  of  1860. 
when  Lincoln  was  elected  and  slavery  was  the  issue.  McKinley's 
opponent  was  William  Jennings  Bryan,  the  young  and  magnetic 
orator  of  Nebraska,  who  was  the  nominee  of  the  Democratic,  the 
National  Republican  (Silver  Republican),  and  the  People's  parties. 


THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKlNLEY  45 

The  election  day  came  on  November  3,  1896.  The  wires  and 
the  telephones  brought  the  news.  The  Nebraskan  had  made  a 
gallant  fight,  but  the  "  favorite  son  of  Ohio "  had  won.  The 
booming  cannon  and  the  blare  of  trumpets  shook  the  land  from 
Maine  to  California,  and  Nancy  McKinley,  the  farmer's  daughter, 
became  the  mother  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

MOTHER  MCKINLEY'S  PROUD  DAY 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1897,  at  the  inauguration — the  grandest 
this  country  has  ever  given  any  man — the  proudest  witness  was 
Mother  McKinley.  For  a  short  while  she  remained  at  the  White 
House,  and  saw  her  son  and  his  wife  properly  installed.  Then  she 
said  she  was  satisfied  that  they  did  not  need  her  any  longer,  and 
furthermore  that  she  was  glad  she  did  not  have  to  stay  where  there 
was  so  much  ceremony  required.  She  vastly  preferred  her  own 
quiet  little  home  and  informal  friends  at  Canton. 

"  Never  did  the  little  house  seem  so  dear  a  home  as  when  I 
got  back  to  it,"  she  said  to  a  neighbor.  "  I  would  not  begin  to 
exchange  it  for  the  White  House." 

When  the  President  took  a  vacation  in  September  he  went  to 
Canton  to  rest,  and,  as  has  already  been  stated,  accompanied  his 
mother  to  church,  as  he  had  always  done  before  his  exaltation  to  the 
highest  position  in  the  gift  of  his  countrymen.  A  few  weeks  later, 
news  came  of  the  serious  illness  of  the  aged  woman,  and,  though  in  the 
midst  of  the  most  pressing  official  duties,  incident  upon  the  assem 
bling  of  Congress,  the  President  at  the  earliest  possible  moment 
hastened  to  her  side.  After  a  lingering  illness,  which  followed  a 
stroke  of  paralysis,  the  end  came  at  3  o'clock  Sunday  morning. 
December  12,  1897 — almost  the  identical  hour  at  which  her  hus 
band  died  on  Thanksgiving  night  five  years  before. 

When  the  light  faded  from  her  eyes  and  the  breathing  ceased, 
the  President  sat  silent  and  suffused  in  tears,  holding  her  hand. 
The  wife  was  by  his  side,  and  around  the  bed  stood  his  brother 
Abner  and  his  sisters,  Mrs.  Duncan  and  Miss  Helen  McKinley. 


46  THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

Six  grandchildren  were  also  there,  as  was  the  aged  sister  of  the 
deceased — Mrs.  Abigail  Osborne,  the  only  living  member  of  her 
father's  family.  For  more  than  an  hour  after  the  spirit  had  flown 
the  President  remained  sitting  at  the  bedside,  gazing  silently 
upon  the  sacred  form  which  for  more  than  fifty  years  had  been 
his  ideal  of  noble,  exalted  womanhood. 

At  daylight  on  Sunday  morning  the  bell  in  the  steeple  began 
to  toll,  and  it  struck  slowly  eighty-eight  times,  once  for  every  year 
of  the  long  life  of  the  deceased.  This  was  a  custom  in  vogue 
many  years  ago,  and  it  was  at  the  suggestion  of  some  of  the  older 
members  that  it  was  revived  for  this  occasion. 

On  Sunday  afternoon  the  President  and  his  brother  Abner 
drove  to  Wood  Lawn  Cemetery,  where  they  personally  made  all 
arrangements  to  place  their  mother's  remains  beside  those  of  their 
father.  While  here  another  touching  scene  occurred.  Under 
two  carefully-kept  mounds  slept  the  President's  only  two  children. 
Before  leaving  the  city  he  had  ordered  two  beautiful  wreaths  of 
flowers,  and  he  laid  them  gently  and  reverently  on  the  two  little 
graves  while  the  spot  for  the  mother  was  being  measured  off  by  the 
workmen. 

HIS  MOTHER'S  FUNERAL 

The  funeral  services  were  held  in  the  First  Methodist  Church, 
already  referred  to  as  the  sacred  spiritual  home  of  mother  and 
son.  Here,  thirty  years  before,  McKinley  had  been  Superin 
tendent  of  the  Sunday  school.  Here,  for  a  quarter  of  a  century, 
mother  and  son  had  come  together  to  worship — a  fitting  spot  in 
which  to  pay  a  last  public  respect  to  her  memory. 

Rev.  Dr.  C.  E.  Manchester,  pastor  of  the  church  and  a  warm 
personal  friend  of  the  President  and  his  mother,  who  had  accom 
panied  them  to  the  inauguration  in  March,  and  was  a  frequent 
attendant  and  comforter  at  the  cottage  during  the  illness  of  Mrs. 
McKinley,  conducted  the  funeral  service,  and  it  is  from  his  address 
on  the  occasion  and  a  personal  interview  which  the  writer  enjoyed 


THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY  47 

with  him  and  his  good  wife  at  their  home,  in  Canton,  that  we  are 
indebted  for  much  of  the  data  contained  in  this  sketch. 

All  of  the  thirty  pastors  in  Canton  were  invited  to  be  present, 
occupy  the  pulpit,  and  participate  in  the  service.  The  pall-bearers 
were  of  the  old  men  who  for  many  years  had  been  neighbors  and 
friends  of  Mrs.  McKinley.  Dr.  Manchester,  in  his  funeral  eulogy, 
declared,  "  It  was  of  such  as  she  the  wise  man  spoke  when  he  said, 
*  The  heart  of  her  husband  doth  safely  trust  in  her.  She  will  do 
him  good,  and  not  evil,  all  the  days  of  her  life.  Strength  and 
honor  are  her  clothing,  and  she  shall  rejoice  in  time  to  come.  She 
openeth  her  mouth  with  wisdom,  and  in  her  tongue  is  the  law  of 
kindness.  She  looketh  well  to  the  ways  of  her  household,  and 
eateth  not  the  bread  of  idleness.  Her  children  arise  up  and  call 
her  blessed.  Give  her  of  the  fruit  of  her  hands,  and  let  her  own 
works  praise  her  in  the  gates."1 

"  It  is  worth  all  the  cost  of  trial  and  sorrow,"  said  Dr.  Man 
chester,  "  to  be  worthy  of  such  divine  portraiture  as  this — and  she 
was  worthy  of  it.  Her  motherhood  was  the  crowning  glory  of  her 
days.  She  was  by  divine  right  the  gentle  mistress  of  her  own 
house.  Always  tender  and  true  in  her  loving  sympathies,  self- 
poised  and  sturdy  in  her  personal  uprightness,  she  ruled  like  a 
queen  over  her  own  home.  The  law  of  kindness  was  the  law  of 
her  life.  Her  heart  throbbed  with  tenderest  care  for  those  whom 
God  had  given  her,  and  her  children  do  rise  up  and  call  her 
blessed. 

"  Another  characteristic  of  Mother  McKinley  was  her  unvary 
ing  cheerfulness.  It  was  as  if  the  sunlight  from  the  throne  of  God 
played  upon  her  soul  and  kept  it  bright.  And,  after  all,  that  was 
the  sublime  secret  of  her  daily  existence.  She  might  have  said  to 
a  sordid,  grasping  world,  *  I  have  meat  to  eat  that  ye  know  not  of.' 
Her  faith  that  God  does  all  things  well,  that  He  makes  no  mis 
takes,  was  the  one  creed  of  her  Christian  life.  She  grew  old 
beautifully,  because  she  walked  with  God.  She  came  down  to  her 
grave  like  the  well-ripened  grain  ready  for  the  harvest." 


48  THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

The  assemblage  was  the  largest  ever  gathered  at  a  funeral  in 
Canton,  and  perhaps  the  largest  ever  turned  out  to  honor  any 
mother  of  the  nation's  Chief  Magistrate.  Members  of  the  Cabinet 
and  prominent  officials  and  national  celebrities  traveled  from 
Washington  and  all  parts  of  the  country  to  attend.  "  The  church 
was  appropriately  draped,"  said  the  Canton  Repository,  "  and 
when  at  i  o'clock,  under  the  strains  of  the  great  organ,  the  body 
was  carried  to  the  front  of  the  pulpit,  it  was  literally  covered  with 
flowers.  After  the  services  the  undertaker  removed  the  cover,  and 
the  vast  congregation  marched,  to  a  solemn  dirge  from  the  organ, 
past  the  chancel  rail  and  gazed  upon  the  pale,  peaceful  face,  pass 
ing  out  at  one  door  while  crowds  passed  in  at  another,  until 
thousands  had  passed  the  casket  in  respectful  silence." 

After  this  a  brief  private  service  for  the  immediate  family  and 
Washington  guests  was  held  at  the  cottage,  and  the  carriages, 
headed  by  the  hearse,  with  its  black  nodding  plumes,  moved  slowly 
away  to  Wood  Lawn,  where  this  noble  wife,  mother,  and  grand 
mother  was  laid  to  rest.  President  McKinley  was  buried  from 
the  same  church,  in  the  same  cemetery,  the  same  minister  officiating, 
September  19,  1901. 

MOTHER  MCKINLEY'S  DEVOTION  TO  HER  CHILDREN 

During  her  life  Mrs.  McKinley  showed  a  fondness  for  visiting 
her  children  at  their  homes,  as  well  as  having  them  often  at  hers. 
She  spent  one  winter  with  her  son  David  in  California  shortly 
before  his  death,  and  frequently  went  to  Somerset,  Pennsylvania, 
the  home  of  her  son  Abner,  as  well  as  to  Pittsburg  and  Cleveland, 
the  home  of  her  daughter,  Mrs.  Duncan.  Some  of  her  grand 
children  were  nearly  always  at  her  cottage  with  her.  Her  maiden 
daughter,  Miss  Helen,  continued  to  reside  at  the  cottage  after  her 
mother's  death. 

"  Did  you  know  Mrs.  McKinley  ?"  the  writer  asked  of  Jeremiah 
Lind,  Canton's  oldest  inhabitant,  who  claims  to  have  lived  in  one 
street  seventy-four  years. 


THE  ANCESTRY  OF  WILLIAM  McKINLEY  49 

"  Oh,  yes,"  he  responded.  "  She  and  I  were  nearly  the  same 
age.  I  often  saw  her  on  the  street.  The  old  woman  was  hearty 
and  pleasant  all  her  days.  Only  a  little  while  before  she  got  sick 
I  saw  her  with  her  little  market  basket  on  her  arm  tripping  along 
better  than  many  a  woman  of  fifty  years  could  do." 

"  Her  head  was  never  turned  by  the  glare  of  society,"  said 
another  acquaintance.  "  The  common  people  were  always  fond 
of  her." 

On  December  i5th  Congress  adjourned  out  of  respect  to  hef 
memory  ;  and  coming  generations  will  point  to  the  grave  of  Nancy 
McKinley,  as  they  now  delight  to  point  to  that  of  Mary  Washing 
ton,  as  the  resting-place  of  a  model  mother. 

Pilgrims  who,  in  coming  generations,  visit  Canton  will  note  this 
one  difference  between  the  grave  of  McKinley  and  that  of  any 
other  President,  except  Garfield  —  he  sleeps  close  beside  his 
mother.  And  how  fitting  it  is  !  for  what  man  more  than  the  third 
martyr  President  avowed  his  obligation  and  love  to  her  who  gave 
him  birth  ? 


CHAPTER   III 

McKinley's   Boyhood  and  Education 

91  I  ^HE  story  of  William  McKinley  as  a  successful  fisherman,  a 
skater,  a  blackberry  picker,  as  a  playmate,  and  of  the  boy 
who  "licked  "  him  when  he  was  eight  years  old,  is  one  which 
makes  every  boy's  and  man's  heart  warm  with  memories  of  similar 
experiences.  Niles,  Ohio,  was  McKinley's  birthplace.  The  house  in 
which  he  was  born  has  recently  been  cut  in  two,  and  the  section 
which  includes  the  room  of  his  birth  has  been  moved  a  mile  away, 
to  a  pretty  spot  known  to  the  people  of  Niles  as  Riverside  Park. 
This  half  of  the  house  has  been  newly  sided  up  and  is  occupied  by 
James  Maines  and  family.  The  house  has  been  the  victim  of  relic 
hunters.  The  room  in  which  Mr.  McKinley  was  born  bears  the 
marks  of  penknives  on  all  sides.  A  chip  from  the  woodwork,  a 
piece  of  plaster — anything  has  served  as  a  memento  to  the  sight 
seer,  who  has  been  happening  this  way  for  the  last  few  years. 

Joe  Fisher  was  for  a  long  time  the  village  constable,  the  truant 
officer,  and  an  old  soldier.  "  There,"  said  he,  as  he  pointed  the  small 
end  of  his  corncob  pipe  to  a  red  colored  building  across  the  street, 
"is  the  old  school  in  which  '  Bill'  and  I  learned  our  A.  B.  C's.  'Bill' 
is  President  now,  but  he  hasn't  forgotten  Joe  Fisher.  I  never  asked 
him  for  an  office,  for  I  don't  believe  in  that  sort  of  thing,  but  if  ever 
I  happen  to  be  where  McKinley  is  he  throws  his  arm  around  me  and 
gives  my  hand  such  a  shake  as  brings  back  the  days  when  three  of 
us  boys  were  chums,  *  Bill '  and  Mr.  Allison  and  Joe  Fisher."  Great 
ness  never  spoiled  the  good  President,  nor  kept  him  aloof  from  his 
old  friends  and  neighbors. 

The  red  building,  referred  to  by  Mr.  Fisher  as  the  schoolhouse, 
is  now  occupied  by  a  marble  and  granite  company,  and  is  situated 

50 


»  B 

3  H 

§•5 


CL    Q 

—  70 

s  d 
IS 

s:  o 


£L  o 


OF  THE 

{    UNIVERSITY    ) 


THEODORE  ROOSEVET/T  AT  HTS  DESK 


McKINLEY'S  BOYHOOD  AND  EDUCATION  53 

on  the  main  street  of  the  town.  Just  to  the  rear  of  its  present 
location  once  stood  the  blackberry  bushes  which  McKinley  as  a 
boy  used  to  visit  with  his  companions,  the  blackberry  pails  sus 
pended  in  front  of  them  at  a  convenient  height  for  picking.  That 
section  of  Niles  was  then  a  sort  of  swamp.  To-day  it  is  covered 
by  the  nice  little  homes  of  the  laborers  who  work  in  the  mills  not 
far  distant. 

"  I  declare  I  never  thought  '  Bill '  would  be  President,"  con 
tinued  Joe  Fisher.  "  Little  did  I  suppose  as  I  sat  fishing  with  him  on 
Mosquito  Creek  with  our  legs  dangling  from  the  edge  of  the  bridge, 
or  as  we  caught  angle  worms  to  bait  our  hooks,  that  I  was  with  a 
coming  President.  I  well  remember  his  patience  with  the  hook 
and  line.  The  rest  of  the  boys  would  get  disgusted  at  not  getting 
a  bite  and  go  in  bathing,  but  *  Bill '  would  keep  on  fishing.  When 
it  came  time  to  go  home  he  would  carry  a  string  of  fish,  while  the 
rest  had  to  be  content  with  their  baths.  Sometimes  we  would  all 
have  good  luck,  and  the  strings  of  fish  we  would  carry  home  sus 
pended  from  a  pole  across  our  shoulders  would  make  the  eyes  of 
everyone  we  passed  stick  'way  out." 

THE    PLACE    OF    HIS    BIRTH 

Niles  is  now  a  city  of  9000  to  10,000  inhabitants.  It  is  a  busy 
eentre.  Furnaces  and  steel  mills  are  located  in  the  very  boyhood 
footsteps  of  President  McKinley.  Fifty  years  ago  there  were  a  few 
mills  there  and  a  number  of  blacksmith  shops.  One  of  the  black 
smith  shops  made  the  pair  of  skates  on  which  McKinley  learned  to 
skate.  Ice  skates  could  not  be  purchased  in  the  stores  of  Niles  at 
that  time.  They  were  as  much  a  luxury  as  diamonds  are  to-day. 
Allison,  McKinley  and  Fisher  all  learned  to  skate  on  the  same  pair 
of  skates.  They  took  turns  at  using  them.  After  they  had  learned, 
the  first  one  to  the  spot  where  the  skates  were  kept  used  them  first, 
in  accordance  with  the  maxim,  "  first  come,  first  served."  Mr.  Mc 
Kinley  was  a  good  skater,  although  he  is  not  remembered  as  hav 
ing  attempted  to  cut  any  fancy  figures. 


54  McKINLEY'S  BOYHOOD  AND  EDUCATION 

The  three  chums  before  mentioned  lived  within  a  stone's  throw 
of  each  other,  right  in  what  is  to-day  the  centre  of  the  town.  They 
were  always  together.  As  a  playmate  McKinley  was  very  quiet  in 
disposition.  The  boys  bent  on  mischievousness  could  never  enlist 
his  help  or  sanction.  "He  would  not  participate  in  any  "deviltry/' 
as  Mr.  Fisher  puts  it. 

The  Mr.  Allison  referred  to  is  now  in  business  in  Cleveland. 
"  Us  three  boys  used  to  go  down  to  the  saw  mill  yard  and  play  with 
the  chips  of  wood,"  said  Joe  Fisher,  using  language  which  was 
familiar  if  it  is  not  entirely  grammatical.  "  '  Bill '  and  Allison  sided 
with  each  other  and  picked  up  all  the  large  chips  and  left  me  the 
small  ones.  At  last  I  got  disgusted  and  pitched  in  and  licked  both 
of  them.  *  Bill '  was  about  eight  years  old  then." 

The  boys'  mothers  never  encouraged  the  little  fellows  to  tell  on 
each  other.  In  fact,  they  were  punished  for  tattling  every  time 
they  were  found  guilty. 

Speaking  of  a  visit  to  this  interesting  spot  a  person  says: 

"As  we  passed  up  Church  Street,  Mr.  Fisher  pointed  out  the 
high  school  which  McKinley  attended  after  he  had  completed  his 
studies  in  the  little  building  now  used  as  a  marble  shop.  As  we 
neared  the  city  hall  a  Spanish  gun  was  a  noticeable  acquirement  of 
the  grounds.  'That,'  said  Joe,  'was  presented  to  Niles  by  the 
government  through  the  efforts  of  Mr.  McKinley.'  As  we  passed 
down  an  alley  near  the  fire  engine  house,  the  other  part  of  the  Mc 
Kinley  homestead  could  be  seen.  It  is  used  for  a  storehouse  now, 
the  principal  interest  centering  around  the  half  in  which  is  the  room 
where  McKinley  was  born.  " 

When  about  fifteen  years  of  age  McKinley  moved  with  his 
parents  to  Poland,  which  is  about  six  miles  from  Youngstown. 
There  for  a  long  time  he  helped  his  father  days,  and  studied  nights. 
Poland  once  possessed  a  notable  literary  society.  The  Edward 
Everett  Society  it  was  called.  President  McKinley  was  a  member, 
and  often  served  as  a  judge  of  debates.  A  picture  of  Orator 
Everett  was  purchased  way  back  in  the  sixties  and  placed  upon  the 


McKINLE Y  'S  BO  YHOOD  AND  ED UCA  T1ON  55 

society  walls.  It  was  meant  to  be  an  inspiration  to  the  orators 
which  the  society  was  to  produce,  but  when  the  seventy  members 
were  taxed  $i  each  to  pay  for  the  painting,  some  of  them  refused 
to  be  levied  upon,  and  by  action  of  the  society  such  members  were 
dismissed.  Mr.  McKinley  paid  his  $i  and  took  advantage  of  all 
the  oratorical  inspirations  which  the  painting  furnished. 

President  McKinley's  youth  was  passed  in  comfortable  sur 
roundings.  His  parents  were,  as  we  have  intimated,  in  his  early 
years,  well-to-do  people,  though  by  no  means  rich.  He  knew  no 
struggle  with  grinding  poverty  in  his  childhood.  Neither  was  he 
pampered  in  the  lap  of  luxury.  His  childhood  was  spent,  like 
that  of  the  average  healthy,  wholesome  child  of  intelligent  and 
thrifty  parents,  in  a  simple  and  unpretentious  state  of  society.  No 
startling  tales  are  told  of  his  precocity.  But  he  was  at  least  rather 
more  than  an  ordinary  boy,  in  that  he  was  observant  in  mind  and 
robust  in  body.  He  was  fond  of  play  and  out-of-door  sports,  and 
was  genial  in  his  companionship  with  other  children.  At  the 
same  time  there  was  apparent,  even  in  his  earliest  years,  something 
of  that  quiet  earnestness  that  was  afterwards  so  marked  a  character 
istic  of  the  man.  "  A  black-haired,  grave-faced,  but  robust  and 
manly  little  chap,"  is  the  memory  the  older  inhabitants  of  Niles 
have  of  their  famous  townsman's  early  appearance. 

The  boy  was  sent  for  a  few  years  to  the  village  school  at  Niles. 
Then  the  family  removed  to  Poland,  in  Mahoning,  the  county 
between  Trumbull  and  Columbiana,  in  order  that  he  and  the  other 
children  might  enjoy  the  advantages  of  a  high  school  or  academy 
in  that  town.  In  both  institutions  he  showed  himself  a  solid  and 
thorough,  rather  than  a  showy  student.  He  already  had  a  leaning 
towards  argument  and  oratory,  and  was  a  prominent  figure  in  all 
schoolboy  debates.  At  Poland  there  was  a  literary  society  and  debat 
ing  club,  and  of  it  he  was,  for  some  time  president.  The  story  is 
told  that  the  boys  and  girls  saved  up  their  spending  money  until 
they  had  enough  to  buy  a  carpet  for  the  meeting-room  of  the  club. 
They  purchased  at  a  neighboring  carpet  store  what  they  deemed 


56  McKINLEY'S  BOYHOOD  AND  EDUCATION 

an  exceedingly  handsome  fabric.  Its  groundwork  was  green,  and 
its  ornamentation  gorgeously  golden  wreaths.  The  society  unani 
mously  decided  that  no  boots  should  ever  profane  that  sacred 
carpet,  and  the  girl  members,  therefore,  volunteered  to  knit  slippers 
for  all  the  members  to  wear.  Unfortunately,  the  slippers  were  not 
ready  for  the  first  meeting,  and  so  all  the  members  who  attended, 
and  the  visitors,  too,  were  required  to  put  off  their  shoes  from  their 
feet  and  listen  to  the  debate  shod  only  in  stockings.  The  debaters 
themselves  did  likewise,  and  young  McKinley  presided  over  the 
meeting  in  his  stocking  feet. 

HIS    COLLEGE    CAREER 

At  the  Poland  Academy  McKinley  was  prepared  to  enter 
college,  and  at  the  age  of  sixteen  he  was  matriculated  at  Allegheny 
College,  Meadville,  Pa.  Scarcely  was  he  well  started  in  his  studies 
there,  however,  when  he  fell  ill  and  was  compelled  to  return  home. 
When  his  health  was  restored,  hs  found  himself  thrown  largely  on 
his  own  resources.  William  McKinley  was  a  good  student.  That 
is  shown  by  the  fact  that  he  was  able  to  enter  as  a  junior,  coining, 
as  he  did,  from  an  academy.  He  secured  a  room  in  a  house  north 
of  the  college  campus.  The  building  still  stands,  and  has  been 
enlarged  and  changed  to  serve  the  needs  of  its  present  use,  that 
of  a  home  for  orphans  of  Odd  Fellows.  The  hard  times  of  the 
Buchanan  Administration  had  caused  his  father  some  embarrass 
ment  in  business,  and  justice  to  the  rest  of  the  family  made  it 
necessary  for  William,  at  least  partially,  to  support  himself.  He 
therefore  took  to  school-teaching  in  a  district  school  near  Poland. 
He  got  $25  a  month  salary  and  "boarded  around."  Much  of 
the  time,  however,  he  lived  at  home,  walking  to  and  from  school 
every  day,  a  distance  of  several  miles.  His  intention  was  to  save 
up  a  little  money  and  return  to  college  in  a  year  or  two.  But  that 
was  not  to  be.  For  the  clouds  of  war  were  gathering  and  he  was 
soon  to  respond  to  the  call  of  his  country.  He  was  among  the  first 
to  enlist.  The  story  of  his  war  career  follows  in  another  chapter. 


CHAPTER  IV 

The  Soldier  Boy  Earns  His  Spurs 

IN  April  1 86 1,  when  Fort  Sumter  was  fired  on,  the  Ohio  youth 
with  whose  history  we  are  concerned,  was  still  engaged  in  the 

creditable  profession  of  teaching.  But  the  call  of  patriotic 
citizens  to  the  defence  of  their  country's  flag  found  him  quick  to 
drop  the  tutor's  pen  and  take  up  the  soldier's  sword.  At  Lincoln's 
summons  the  whole  loyal  North  sprang  to  arms  ;  no  part  of  it  with 
more  patriotic  ardor  than  the  old  Western  Reserve,  in  the  borders 
of  which  McKinley  was  living.  From  every  county  and  town 
volunteers  were  soon  marching  toward  the  frontier.  Every  village 
and  hamlet  sent  its  quota.  Poland  was  not  behind  the  rest.  In 
June,  1861,  a  mass  meeting  was  held,  at  which  some  stirring- 
speeches  were  made,  and  at  its  close  a  company  was  enlisted. 

Among  those  who  composed  this  company,  many  of  them  boys, 
was  our  young  teacher,  then  about  eighteen  years  of  age,  a  pale- 
faced,  slender  youth  of  scarcely  middle  height,  but  full  of  boyish 
energy  and  vim. 

General  Fremont  inspected  and  mustered  in  the  recruits.  He 
examined  young  McKinley,  pounded  his  chest,  looked  into  his  eyes 
and  said  :  "  You'll  do."  That  was  perhaps  the  proudest  moment 
the  boy  had  yet  known,  to  be  thus  treated  by  the  famous  "  Path 
finder,"  of  whose  thrilling  adventures  he  had  read  with  so  much 
zest. 

The  captain  and  first  lieutenant  were  selected,  the  company 
assembled  on  the  village  green, where  the  last  good-byes  to  parents 
and  sweethearts  were  said,  the  final  tears  of  regret  and  homesick 
ness  that  sprang  to  their  eyes  frowned  down,  and  off  they  marched 
for  Columbus,  the  State  Capital,  where  the  Governor  was  then 
e  57 


58  THE  SOLDIER  BOY  EARN 3  HIS  SPURS 

busily  mustering  the   regiments  needed  for  the   State  quota  and 
despatching  them  with  all  speed  to  the  seat  of  the  coming  war. 

The  Poland  company  was  made  company  E,  of  the  Twenty- 
third  Regiment  of  Ohio  Volunteers,  its  first  colonel  being  William 
S.  Rosecrans,  soon  to  be  raised  to  the  rank  of  general,  and  in  the 
end  to  gain  great  distinction  as  commander  of  the  Army  of  the 
Cumberland,  a  military  organization,  only  surpassed  in  size  by  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac.  Its  major  was  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  also 
destined  to  rise  to  the  rank  of  major-general,  and  to  become  in  after 
years  Governor  of  Ohio  and  President  of  the  United  States. 

HIS    REGIMENT    MUSTERED    IN 

The  regiment  was  mustered  in  by  Captain  J.  C.  Robinson,  of 
the  Fifth  U.  S.  Infantry,  afterwards  a  major-general  of  volunteers. 
It  had  enlisted  for  three  months'  service  in  response  to  President 
Lincoln's  call  for  75,000  men,  but  on  reaching  Columbus  it  was 
found  that  the  Ohio  quota  of  twenty-two  regiments  was  already 
filled.  It  would  have  been  obliged  to  disband  but  for  the  fact  that 
a  second  call  for  volunteers  for  three  years'  service  had  just  been 
made.  The  regiment,  without  hesitation,  enlisted  for  this  term,  and 
thus  took  rank  as  the  Twenty-third  Regiment,  the  senior  Ohio 
regiment  on  the  roll  of  three-year  volunteers.  Its  date  of  enroll 
ment  was  June  n,  1861. 

For  fourteen  months  McKinley  carried  a  musket  in  the  ranks. 

He  was  a  good  soldier,  intelligently  obedient  to  his  superior  officers 

and   genial  and  generous  to  his  comrades.   '  There  was   no  more 

popular  man  in  the  regiment,  and  no  harder  fighter.      Nor  was  there 

my  lack  of  fighting  to  do.     Six  weeks  after  it  left  Columbus  the 

- egi  merit   had  its  baptism   of  blood   and    fire  at   Carnifex    Ferry. 

\  hen  it  had  to  chase  the  Rebel  raiders  back  and  forth  across  the 

rugged  mountain  ranges,  was  drenched  by  incessant  rains,  almost 

famished  at  times  for  lack  of   food,  and  exposed  to  all  manner  of 

unpleasant   experiences.     The  young  men   from   Poland  thus  had 


THE  SOLDIER  BOY  EARNS  HIS  SPURS  59 

their  fighting  qualities  and  powers  of  endurance  put  to  a  hard  test. 
But  they  stood  it  admirably. 

Colonel  Rosecrans  did  not  lead  the  regiment  to  the  field.  His 
abilities  as  a  strategist  were  recognized  and  his  promotion  to  a 
higher  command  came  before  the  Twenty-third  received  its  orders 
to  march.  He  was  succeeded  by  Colonel  E.  S.  Scammon,  who  led 
his  ardent  young  soldiers  to  West  Virginia,  where  the  country 
around  Clarksburg  was  being  raided  by  roving  bands,  threatening 
to  hold  that  region  for  the  Confederate  cause.  This  state  of 
affairs  was  doing  much  to  discourage  Union  sentiment. 

Scammon  and  his  men  were  bidden  to  drive  these  wasps  from 
their  nests.  This  was  a  trying  service  for  raw  troops,  most  of 
them  boys,  or  just  past  the  period  of  boyhood,  denizens  of  a  level 
country,  heavily  laden  with  arms  and  accoutrements,  and  sent  into 
a  wild,  mountainous  region,  there  to  endure  the  trials  and  priva 
tions  of  a  soldier's  life. 

HARD     MARCHING 

The  regiment  reached  Clarksburg  on  July  27th.  It  was  given 
but  a  single  day  to  rest,  and  on  the  28th  was  ordered  to  Weston, 
as  a  central  point  from  which  to  deal  with  the  mountain  bands. 
Days  and  nights  of  weary  and  largely  profitless  labor  succeeded, 
labor  from  which  no  fame  was  to  be  gained,  but  which  played  its 
part  in  the  effort  of  the  Government  to  suppress  the  rebellion  and 
restore  peace  to  the  land.  Up  and  down  the  rugged  hills  and 
through  the  ravines  and  valleys  about  Rich  Mountain  the  raw 
recruits  marched  and  countermarched,  exposed  to  incessant  rains 
and  rapidly  hardening  themselves  from  untrained  countrymen  into 
vigorous  and  capable  soldiers.  The  enemy  being  made  up  of 
small,  scattered  bands,  it  became  necessary  to  divide  the  regiment 
into  detachments  and  spread  those  through  the  hills.  The  rovers 
were  hard  to  find  and  hard  to  overtake  when  found,  it  being  their 
policy  to  strike,  but  to  avoid  being  struck,  and  for  six  weary  weeks 
the  Twenty-third  was  employed  in  chasing  elusive  foes,  who  were 
ever  on  the  alert  and  were  adepts  at  concealment  and  ambush. 


60  THE  SOLDIER  BOY  EARNS  If  IS  SPURS 

It  may  well  be  believed  that  the  order  for  the  reunion  of  the 
detatchments  was  heard  with  delight.  This  took  place  on  Septem 
ber  i,  the  regiment  marching  to  Bulltown.  where  it  joined  the  main 
body  of  General  Rosecrans'  command.  Thence  the  army  pro 
ceeded  with  rapid  marches  to  Carnifex  Ferry,  where  the  Confed 
erate  General  Floyd,  with  a  strong  body  of  troops,  was  encamped 
in  a  strong  position. 

The  previous  service  of  the  regiment  had  been  like  fox-hunting. 
The  service  before  them  was  more  like  war.  They  were  now  in 
the  face  of  the  foe,  as  eager,  apparently,  as  themselves  for  battle, 
and  doubtless  many  a  heart  beat  high  and  many  a  hope  of  glory 
and  fame  was  indulged  in  when  the  sound  of  the  bugles  of  the 
enemy  reached  their  ears.  With  these  feelings,  we  may  be  sure,  were 
mingled  sentiments  of  dread  and  alarm,  natural  to  those  who,  for 
the  first  time,  face  an  enemy  on  the  embattled  field.  This  was  a 
different  matter  from  chasing  a  flying  band  or  guarding  against  an 
ambushed  enemy,  rarely  to  be  seen  until  their  rifles  rang  out.  Yet 
the  latter  service  had  made  men  of  the  untrained  boys  of  the  Twenty- 
third,  and  we  may  safely  assure  ourselves  that  the  youthful  McKin- 
ley  and  his  brothers-in-arms  awaited  the  battle  with  more  of  hope 
than  of  dread. 

TRYING    TO    CATCH    FLOYD 

Whatever  their  feelings,  their  fortitude  as  soldiers  was  not  put 
to  the  test,  for  the  expected  battle  was  not  fought.  There  was  a 
sharp  skirmish  between  the  advanced  lines  of  the  two  armies  on 
the  evening  of  the  loth,  and  the  Union  troops  lay  on  their  arms 
during  the  dark  hours  of  the  night,  fully  expecting  to  be  greeted 
with  the  rattle  of  musketry  the  next  day.  They  were  disappointed. 
General  Floyd  decided  that  prudence  was  the  better  part  of  valor, 
and  when  day  dawned  the  troops  of  Rosecrans  gazed  upon  an 
empty  scene.  The  Confederates  had  left  their  camp  and  slipped 
away  during  the  night.  Pursuit  was  made,  but  in  vain.  A  heavy 
rain  made  the  creeks  impassable,  and  before  they  could  be  crossed 
the  enemy  was  out  of  reach. 


THE  SOLDIER  BOY  EARNS  HIS  SPURS  61 

Returning  from  this  fruitless  pursuit  with  nothing  to  show 
except  a  few  stragglers  taken  prisoners,  the  regiment  marched  to 
Camp  Ewing,  on  New  River,  where  it  went  into  winter  quarters. 
The  position  proved  to  be  an  unhealthy  one,  the  air  full  of  the 
germs  of  malaria,  and  the  young  soldiers,  many  of  them  worn  out 
with  their  unaccustomed  hardships  and  privations,  were  ill  fitted 
to  withstand  the  insidious  assaults  of  disease.  Malarial  fever  and 
other  diseases  attacked  them,  and  the  hospital  was  quickly  filled. 

We  have  reason  to  believe  that  young  McKinley  withstood 
this  creeping  foe.  The  winter  was  well  employed  in  drilling 
the  new  troops  and  recruiting  the  regiments,  the  only  active  service 
being  an  occasional  foray  after  some  adventurous  band  of  Con 
federates  that  came  within  striking  distance  of  the  camp. 

When  the  Spring  of  1862  opened,  the  old  work  of  the  regi 
ment  was  renewed.  On  May  1st  it  reached  Princeton,  in  West 
Virginia,  only  to  find  it  in  flames  and  the  Confederate  band  which 
had  held  it  vanished  and  gone.  The  tables  were  turned  against 
the  Twenty-third  on  May  8th,  when  the  regiment  was  attacked  by 
General  Heth,  with  a  strong  force  of  infantry  and  six  pieces  of 
artillery.  Much  overmatched,  it  was  obliged  to  retreat,  but  fell 
back  in  good  order  to  East  River. 

The  next  camping-place  of  the  Twenty-third  Ohio  was  at  Flat 
Top  Mountain,  where  it  remained  until  July  I3th,  suffering  severely 
from  want  of  supplies,  which  were  cut  off  by  the  activity  of  the 
roving  foe.  Thence  they  were  ordered  to  Green  Meadows,  on  New 
River,  and  on  August  8th  came  a  peremptory  command  for  the 
regiment  to  march  with  all  speed  to  Camp  Platt,  on  the  Great 
Kanawha  River.  In  a  little  more  than  three  days  they  made  the 
distance  of  104  miles  on  foot — a  highly  creditable  achievement. 

This  hasty  march  had  its  adequate  cause.  While  the  minor 
war  we  have  chronicled  was  going  on  in  West  Virginia,  war  on  a 
large  scale  was  being  waged  elsewhere.  McClellan's  advance 
against  Richmond  had  been  made,  the  disastrous  Seven  Days' 
fight  and  the  Second  Bull  Run  battle  had  been  fought,  General 


62  THE  SOLDIER  BOY  EARNS  HIS  SPURS 

Lee  was  about  to  invade  Maryland  with  his  victorious  army,  and 
the  cause  of  the  North  was  in  imminent  danger.  Every  effort  was 
being  made  to  gather  forces  to  meet  the  threatened  peril,  and  the 
rapid  march  of  the  Twenty-third  was  a  part  of  this  hasty  gathering 
of  the  hosts. 

This  midsummer  march  brought  the  regiment  within  the  reach  of 
railroad  facilities,  and  the  Twenty-third  Ohio,  then  commanded  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  R.  B.  Hayes,  was  drawn  at  the  full  speed  of  the 
iron  horse  to  the  national  capital,  there  to  join  the  army  which 
McClellan  was  rapidly  mustering  for  the  defence  of  Washington 
and  Maryland. 

MADE    COMMISSARY    SERGEANT 

Before  detailing  the  stirring  events  that  succeeded,  we  must 
return  for  a  moment  to  the  fortunes  of  William  McKinley,  the 
youthful  Poland  volunteer.  He  had  shown  himself  from  the  first 
an  ardent  and  faithful  soldier,  and  had  gone  through  the  trying 
West  Virginia  campaign  in  a  manner  to  attract  the  favorable  atten 
tion  of  his  officers.  As  a  result,  on  April  19,  1862,  he  was  appointed 
commissary  sergeant  to  the  regiment — a  responsible  and  trying 
position  for  the  ten  months'  soldier  and  youth  of  nineteen.  That 
he  was  competent  to  fill  the  duties  of  the  position  with  skill  and 
ability  the  future  clearly  showed. 

From  Washington  the  army,  of  which  the  Twenty-third  Ohio 
now  formed  a  part,  made  a  rapid  march  to  South  Mountain  and 
Antietam,  where  the  next  great  struggles  of  the  war  were  to  take 
place.  The  story  of  the  great  battles  that  followed  does  not  come 
within  our  scope.  We  are  concerned  only  with  the  part  played  by 
the  regiment  of  which  Sergeant  McKinley  formed  a  part,  and  a 
description  of  this  service  we  may  fitly  quote  from  the  work  entitled 
Ohio  in  the  War,  by  the  Hon.  Whitelaw  Reid.  This  is  his  account 
of  the  doings  of  the  Twenty-third  Ohio  at  South  Mountain  and 
Antietam  : 

11  At  South  Mountain  the  regiment,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Hayes  (Gen.  J.  D.  Cox  commanding  division),  was  the  first  infantry 


THE  SOLDIER  BOY  EARNS  HIS  SPURS  63 

engaged,  being  the  advance  of  the  column  of  that  day.  It  was 
ordered  at  an  early  hour  to  advance  by  an  unfrequented  road  lead 
ing  up  the  mountain  and  to  attack  the  enemy.  Posted  behind  stone 
walls,  the  enemy,  in  greatly  superior  force,  poured  a  destructive  fire 
of  musketry,  grape,  and  canister  into  our  ranks  at  very  short  range 
and  in  a  very  short  space  of  time.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hayes, 
Captain  Skiles,  and  Lieutenants  Hood,  Ritter,  and  Smith  were 
each  badly  wounded  (Colonel  Hayes'  arm  broken  ;  Captain  Skiles 
shot  through  the  elbow,  arm  amputated;  Ritter,  leg  amputated)  , 
and  over  100  dead  and  wounded  lay  upon  the  field  out  of  the  350 
who  went  into  the  action. 

BATTLE    OF    SOUTH    MOUNTAIN 

"The  command  now  devolved  upon  Major  Comly,  and 
remained  with  him  from  that  time  forward.  The  enemy  suddenly 
opened  fire  from  the  left,  and  the  regiment  changed  front  on  first 
company.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hayes  soon  after  again  made  his 
appearance  on  the  field,  with  his  wound  half-dressed,  and  fought, 
against  the  remonstrances  of  the  whole  command,  until  carried  off. 
Soon  after  the  remainder  of  the  brigade  came  up,  a  gallant  charge 
was  made  up  the  hill,  and  the  enemy  was  dislodged  and  driven  into 
the  woods  beyond.  In  this  charge  a  large  number  of  the  enemy 
were  killed  with  the  bayonet.  During  the  remainder  of  the  day 
the  regiment  fought  with  its  division.  Three  bayonet-charges  were 
made  by  the  regiment  during  the  day,  in  each  of  which  the  enemy 
were  driven  with  heavy  loss. 

"  During  the  day  the  Twenty-third  lost  nearly  200,  of  whom 
almost  one-fourth  were  killed  on  the  field  or  afterward  died  of 
wounds.  Only  seven  men  were  unaccounted  for  at  the  roll-call 
after  the  action.  The  colors  of  the  regiment  were  riddled  and  the 
blue  field  almost  completely  carried  away  by  shells  and  bullets. 

"  At  Antietam  the  regiment  fought  with  the  Kanawha  division. 
Near  the  close  of  the  day  a  disastrous  charge  was  made  by  the 
division  (the  Twenty-third  occupying  the  right  of  the  first  brigade), 


64  '  THE  SOLDIER  BOY  EARNS  HIS  SPURS 

by  which  the  left  of  the  division  was  exposed  to  a  large  force  of 
the  enemy,  who  suddenly  emerged  from  a  corn-field  in  rear  of  the 
left.  The  colors  of  the  regiment  were  instantly  shot  down,  at  the 
same  time  a  feint  was  made  in  the  front.  A  battery  in  the  rear 
opened  fire  on  the  advancing  column  of  the  enemy,  by  which  also 
the  national  forces  sustained  more  loss  than  the  enemy.  After  a 
moment's  delay  the  colors  were  planted  by  Major  Comly  on  a  new 
line  at  right  angles  with  the  former  front,  and  without  waiting  for 
any  further  order  the  regiment,  at  a  run,  formed  a  line  in  the  new 
direction  and  opened  fire  on  the  enemy,  who  for  some  cause  retired. 
Little  damage  was  done  by  the  enemy  except  a  few  captures  from 
the  left.  The  division  soon  after  withdrew,  but  through  some 
inadvertency  no  order  reached  the  Twenty-third,  and  it  remained 
on  the  field  until  Colonel  Scammon  (commanding  the  division) 
came  back  and  ordered  it  to  the  rear. 

"  Almost  exhausted  by  several  days'  hard  fighting,  the  regi 
ment  was  ordered  to  support  a  battery  of  General  Sturgis'  division 
during  the  night,  and  was  not  relieved  until  the  afternoon  of  the 
next  day." 

PRESIDENT  HAYES'  TRIBUTE 

McKinley,  made  a  sergeant  in  West  Virginia,  won  a  commis 
sion  at  Antietam.  This  he  did  by  a  striking  act  of  coolness  and 
daring  and  in  the  practical  method  which  was  conspicuous 
throughout  his  subsequent  career.  There  is  always  a  mob  of  faint 
hearts  in  the  rear  of  a  line  of  battle,  who  seek  to  shirk  their 
duty.  If  these  men  would  not  fight  they  might  be  otherwise  em 
ployed.  McKinley  knew  that  the  soldiers  who  had  toiled  and 
struggled  under  a  burning  sun  on  that  scorching  line  of  battle 
would  be  very  glad  to  receive  some  of  the  creature  comforts  of 
life.  He  therefore  pressed  into  service  some  of  these  stragglers, 
whom  he  set  to  making  coffee.  Then,  loading  up  a  couple  of 
wagons,  he  started  with  his  mule  teams  for  the  line  of  battle. 

On  July  30,  1891,  Ex-President  Hayes,  while  addressing  a 
religious  meeting  at  Lakeside,  Ohio,  gave  the  following  testimony 


THE  SOLDIER  BOY  EARNS  HIS  SPURS  65 

to  this  timely  act  of  the  young  commissary  sergeant,  with  a  warm 
estimate  of  his  general  character  as  man  and  soldier  : 

"  Rather  more  than  thirty  years  ago  I  first  made  the  acquaint 
ance  of  Major  McKinley.  He  was  then  a  boy — had  just  passed 
the  age  of  seventeen.  He  had  before  that  taught  school  and  was 
coming  from  an  academy  to  the  camp.  He  with  me  entered  upon 
a  new,  strange  life — a  soldier's  life — in  the  time  of  actual  war. 

"  With  the  Twenty-third  Ohio  regiment  Major  McKinley 
came,  the  boy  I  have  described,  carrying  his  musket  and  his  knap 
sack.  In  every  company  of  that  regiment  General  Rosecrans  and 
Colonel  Matthews  and  myself  soon  found  there  were  young  men  of 
exceptional  character  and  promise.  I  need  not  go  into  any  detail 
of  the  military  history  of  this  young  man  I  have  described.  At 
once  it  was  found  he  had  unusual  character  for  the  mere  business 
of  war.  There  is  a  quartermaster's  department,  which  is  a  very 
necessary  and  important  department,  in  every  regiment,  in  every 
brigade,  in  every  division,  in  every  army. 

"  Young  as  he  was,  we  soon  found  that  in  business,  in  execu 
tive  ability,  young  McKinley  was  a  man  of  rare  capacity,  of 
unusual  and  unsurpassed  capacity,  especially  for  a  boy  of  his  age. 
When  battles  were  fought,  or  service  was  to  be  performed  in  war 
like  things,  he  always  took  his  place.  The  night  was  never  too 
dark  ;  the  weather  was  never  too  cold ;  there  was  no  sleet,  or  storm, 
or  hail,  or  snow  or  rain  that  was  in  the  way  of  his  prompt  and 
efficient  performance  of  every  duty. 

"  When  I  became  commander  of  the  regiment  he  soon  came 
to  be  upon  my  staff,  and  he  remained  upon  my  staff  for  one  or  two 
years,  so  that  I  did  literally  and  in  fact  know  him  like  a  book  and 
loved  him  like  a  brother. 

"  From  that  time  he  naturally  progressed,  for  his  talents  and 
capacity  could  not  be  unknown  to  the  staff  of  the  commander  of 
the  Army  of  West  Virginia,  George  Crook,  a  favorite  of  the  army 
he  commanded.  He  wanted  McKinley,  and  of  course  it  was  my 
duty  to  tell  McKinley  he  must  leave  me.  The  bloodiest  day  of 


66  THE  SOLDIER  BOY  EARNS  HIS  SPURS 

the  war,  the  day  on  which  more  men  were  killed  or  wounded  than 
on  any  other  day  of  the  war — observe,  I  don't  say  of  any  other 
battle,  stretching  over  many  days,  but  any  one  day — was  September 
17,  1862,  in  the  battle  of  Antietam. 

SERVING    HOT    COFFEE    ON    THE    FIGHTING    LINE 

"That  battle  began  at  daylight.  Before  daylight  men  were  in 
the  ranks  and  preparing  for  it.  Without  breakfast,  without  coffee, 
they  went  into  the  fight,  and  it  continued  until  after  the  sun  had 
set.  Early  in  the  afternoon,  naturally  enough,  with  the  exertion 
required  of  the  men,  they  were  famished  and  thirsty  and  to  some 
extent  broken  in  spirit.  The  commissary  department  of  that 
brigade  was  under  Sergeant  McKinley's  administration  and  per 
sonal  supervision.  From  his  hands  every  man  in  the  regiment  was 
served  with  hot  coffee  and  warm  meats,  a  thinof  that  had  never 

o 

occurred  under  similar  circumstances  in  any  other  army  in  the 
world.  He  passed  under  fire  and  delivered,  with  his  own  hands, 
these  things,  so  essential  for  the  men  for  whom  he  was  laboring. 

"Coming  to  Ohio  and  recovering  from  wounds,  I  called  upon 
Governor  Tod  and  told  him  this  incident.  With  the  emphasis  that 
distinguished  that  great  war  governor  he  said,  *  Let  McKinley  be 
promoted  from  sergeant  to  lieutenant/  and  that  I  might  not  forget, 
he  requested  me  to  put  it  upon  the  roster  of  the  regiment,  which  I 
did,  and  McKinley  was  promoted.  As  was  the  case,  perhaps,  with 
very  many  soldiers,  I  did  not  keep  a  diary  regularly  from  day  to 
day,  but  I  kept  notes  of  what  was  transpiring.  When  I  knew  that 
I  was  to  come  here,  it  occurred  to  me  to  open  the  old  note-book  of 
that  period  and  see  what  it  contained,  and  I  found  this  entry : 

"'  Saturday,  December  13,  1862. — Our  new  second  lieutenant, 
McKinley,  returned  to-day — an  exceedingly  bright,  intelligent,  and 
gentlemanly  young  officer.  He  promises  to  be  cne  of  the  best.' 

"  He  has  kept  the  promise  in  every  sense  of  the  word." 

Twenty  years  afterward,  when  the  soldier  whose  story  we  are 
telling,  himself  became  Governor  of  Ohio,  one  of  his  first  acts  was 


THE  SOLDIER  BOY  EARNS  HIS  SPURS  67 

to  have  an  oil  portrait  of  Governor  Tod  hung  in  the  Execu 
tive  Chamber.  He  had  not  forgotten  how  his  predecessor  made 
him  second  lieutenant  of  Company  D,  in  his  regiment,  the  commis 
sion  dating  September  23,  1862. 

We  have  still  another  account  of  McKinley's  action  on  that 
day  of  stress  and  strife,  written  by  General  J.  L.  Botsford,  quarter 
master  of  his  regiment.  The  General  states  : 

ANOTHER    ACCOUNT    OF    THE    SAME    INCIDENT 

"  At  the  battle  of  Antietam  McKinley  was  the  commissary 
sergeant  of  the  Twenty-third  Regiment,  O.  V.  I.,  and  his  duty  was, 
of  course,  with  the  commissary  supplies,  which  were  at  least  two 
miles  from  the  battle-field  proper. 

"  As  you  no  doubt  are  aware,  in  all  battles,  whether  large  or 
small,  there  are  numerous  stragglers  who  easily  find  their  way  back 
to  where  the  commissary  supplies  are.  This  was  the  case  at  An 
tietam,  and  McKinley  conceived  and  put  into  execution  the  idea  of 
using  some  of  these  stragglers  to  make  coffee  and  carry  it  to  the 
boys  in  front.  It  was  nearly  dark  when  we  heard  tremendous 
cheering  from  the  left  of  our  regiment.  As  we  had  been  having 
heavy  fighting  right  up  to  this  time,  our  division  commander,  Gen 
eral  Scammon,  sent  me  to  find  out  the  cause,  which  I  very  soon 
found  to  be  cheers  for  McKinley  and  his  hot  coffee.  You  can  read 
ily  imagine  the  rousing  welcome  he  received  from  both  officers 
and  men. 

"  When  you  consider  the  fact  of  his  leaving  his  post  of  security 
and  driving  into  the  middle  of  a  bloody  battle  with  a  team  of 
mules,  it  needs  no  words  of  mine  to  show  the  character  and  deter 
mination  of  McKinley,  a  boy  of,  at  this  time,  not  twenty  years  of 
age.  McKinley  loaded  up  two  wagons  with  supplies,  but  the  mules 
of  one  wagon  were  disabled.  He  was  ordered  back  time  and  again, 
but  he  pushed  right  on." 

After  the  battle  of  Antietam  the  Twenty-third  Ohio  returned 
to  its  former  work  of  Confederate  hunting  in  the  mountains  of 


68  THE  SOLDIER  BOY  EARNS  HIS  SPURS 

West  Virginia.  After  many  marches  they  were  ordered  to  Clarks 
burg  in  the  middle  of  October.  Several  changes  were  here  made 
in  the  command.  Colonel  Scammon  was  appointed  brigadier-gen 
eral  ;  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hayes  was  made  colonel,  and  Comly 
became  lieutenant-colonel.  On  November  i8th  the  regiment  went 
into  winter  quarters  at  the  Falls  of  the  Great  Kanawha,  having 
during  the  campaigns  of  1862  marched  over  600  miles. 

The  coming  winter  brought  lighter  duty,  and  the  regiment  did 
not  resume  its  activity  until  March  16,  1863,  when  it  was  ordered  to 
Charleston.  There  it  lay  in  camp  until  July  without  seeing  much 
field  service.  Next  it  was  hurried  to  the  Ohio  River  to  help  cap 
ture  Morgan's  raiders,  whose  escapades  in  the  Buckeye  State  had 
given  rise  to  much  excitement. 

Reaching  Buffington  Bar,  on  the  Ohio  River,  they  succeeded 
in  heading  off  Morgan's  band  and  picked  up  a  number  of  his  men. 
They  remained  in  camp  at  Charleston,  W.  Va.,  during  the  rest  of 
1863,  and  up  to  the  preparations  made  by  Grant  in  the  Spring  of 
'64  for  the  final  crushing  of  the  Confederacy. 

During  this  interval  McKinley  gained  a  second  promotion,  be 
ing  made  first  lieutenant  of  Company  E,  in  February,  1863,  and  serv 
ing  with  that  rank  during  that  year.  After  Hayes  was  made  colonel 
and  placed  in  command  of  the  first  brigade  of  the  Kanawha 
division,  he  took  the  young  officer  on  his  staff  as  brigade  quarter 
master.  He  had  been  very  friendly  to  him  from  an  early  period  of 
his  service. 


CHAPTER  V 

In  the  Shenandoah  Valley 

IN  the  year  1864,  the  military  affairs  of  the  Union,  the  conduct 
of  which  had  been  in  many  respects  unsatisfactory,  were 

entrusted  to  a  new  hand  and  took  on  a  new  form.  General 
Grant,  whose  remarkable  success  in  the  West  had  made  him 
famous,  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  all  the  armies  of  the 
Union,  and  laid  his  plans  for  a  systematic  advance  from  all  quar 
ters.  The  Army  of  the  Potomac,  which  he  joined  in  person,  was  to 
cross  the  Rapidan  River,  on  the  overland  route  from  Washington 
to  Richmond.  Sherman  received  orders  to  set  out  simultaneously 
from  Chattanooga,  and  various  contemporary  movements  were 
planned.  Among  the  latter  was  a  movement  against  Lynchburg, 
Virginia,  entrusted  to  General  David  Hunter.  The  Kanawha 
division,  under  General  Crook,  of  which  the  Twenty-third  Ohio 
formed  a  part,  was  ordered  to  join  Hunter;  but,  before  doing  so, 
General  Crook  made  a  movement  of  his  own  against  the  Virginia  & 
Tennessee  Railroad.  The  column  took  to  the  road  on  April  29. 
1864,  and,  after  ten  days  of  hard  marching,  with  an  occasional  skir 
mish,  Crook's  command  found  itself  in  front  of  the  enemy  at  Cloyd's 
Mountain. 

Whitelaw  Reid's  history  of  the  Ohio  volunteers,  from  which 
we  have  already  quoted,  furnishes  the  following  account  of  the 
sharp  encounter  that  took  place: 

"  In  this  engagement  the  Twenty-third  was  on  the  right  of  the 
first  brigade.  About  noon  they  were  ordered  to  charge  the  enemy, 
who  occupied  the  first  crest  of  the  mountain  with  artillery  and 
infantry,  behind  rudely  constructed  breastworks.  The  hill  itself 
was  thickly  wooded,  steep  and  difficult  of  ascent,  and  was  skirted 

69 


70  IN  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY 

by  a  stream  of  water  from  two  to  three  feet  deep.  The  approach 
was  through  a  beautiful  meadow  five  or  six  hundred  yards  in  width. 
At  the  word  of  command  the  regiment  advanced  at  double-quick 
across  the  meadow,  under  a  very  heavy  fire  of  musketry  and  artil 
lery,  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain  across  the  stream.  The  regiment 
advanced  steadily  to  this  point  without  returning  the  fire  of  the 
enemy,  and  after  a  short  pause  a  furious  assault  was  made  upon 
the  enemy's  works,  carrying  them  and  capturing  two  pieces  of 
artillery,  which  were  brought  off  the  field  by  Lieutenant  Austin. 
The  enemy  fell  back  to  the  second  crest  or  ridge  of  the  mountain, 
where  a  determined  attempt  was  made  to  form  a  line,  but  after  a 
short  struggle  he  was  driven  from  there  in  full  retreat.  Reinforce 
ments  arriving  on  the  field,  a  third  attempt  was  made  to  make  a 
stand,  but  unsuccessfully.  The  struggle  at  the  guns  was  of  the 
fiercest  description.  The  rebel  artillerymen  attempted  to  reload 
ther  pieces  when  our  line  was  not  more  than  ten  paces  distant. 
Private  Kosht,  Company  G,  a  recruit,  eighteen  years  of  age,  was 
the  first  to  reach  the  guns.  "  With  a  boyish  shout  he  sprang  from 
the  ranks  and  hung  his  hat  over  the  muzzle  of  one  of  the  guns." 

MCKINLEY    IN    THE    RETREAT    AT    LYNCHBURG 

This  affair  was  followed  by  several  brisk  skirmishes  and  further 
hard  marching,  and  on  June  8th,  the  column  returning,  the  Twenty- 
third  Ohio  joined  Hunter  at  Stanton.  On  the  nth  of  that 
month  the  three  years'  service  of  this  regiment  expired,  but  its 
patriotic  members  had  not  yet  had  enough  of  war,  and  most  or 
the  men  re-enlisted.  Hunter's  Lynchburg  expedition,  of  which  the 
regiment  formed  a  part,  proved  a  failure.  On  reaching  the  vicinity 
of  Lynchburg  he  found  his  command  heavily  outnumbered,  and 
threatened  with  a  serious  repulse.  The  only  thing  to  be  done  was 
to  retreat  with  as  little  loss  as  possible.  The  direct  route  down 
the  valley,  however,  was  not  available,  and  Hunter's  only  safe  way 
out  of  his  difficulty  was  to  march  westward,  making  his  way  back 
to  the  valley  by  a  long  detour  along  the  Kanawha  River  and  up 


IN  THE  SHENANDOAH   VALLEY  71 

the  Ohio.  Crook's  command  took  the  lead  in  this  difficult  move 
ment  through  a  mountainous  country.  During  the  long  retreat 
Lieutenant  McKinley  acted  as  a  staff  officer,  and  took  part  in  all 
the  perilous  duties  of  the  march.  In  truth,  Hunter's  command  had 
no  small  difficulty  in  extricating  itself  from  the  situation.  This  is 
shown  by  the  diary  of  an  officer  which  is  quoted  in  Mr.  Reed's 
work. 

44  June  19. — Marched  all  day,  dragging  along  very  slowly. 
The  men  had  nothing  to  eat,  the  trains  being  sent  in  advance.  It 
is  almost  incredible  that  men  should  have  been  able  to  endure  so 
much,  but  they  never  faltered  and  not  a  murmur  escaped  them. 
Often  men  would  drop  out  silently,  exhausted,  but  not  a  word  of 
complaint  was  spoken.  Shortly  after  dark,  at  Liberty,  had  a  brisk 
little  fight  with  the  enemy's  advance  ;  reached  Buford's  Gap  about 
10  A.  M.  of  the  2oth.  General  Crook  remained  here  with  Hayes' 
brigade,  holding  the  Gap  until  dark,  inviting  an  attack.  The  army 
was,  however,  too  cautious  to  do  much  skirmishing.  After  dark 
we  withdrew  and  marched  all  night  to  overtake  the  command  in 
advance.  Reached  Salem  about  9  A.  M.  Hunter  had  passed 
through  Salem,  and  a  body  of  the  enemy's  cavalry  fell  upon  his 
train  and  captured  the  greater  part  of  his  artillery. 

INTENSE    TOIL    AND    SUFFERING 

"  About  the  same  time  Crook  was  attacked  in  front  and  rear, 
and  after  a  sharp  fight  pushed  through,  losing  nothing.  Heavy 
skirmishing  all  day,  and  nothing  to  eat  and  no  sleep.  Continued 
the  march  until  about  10  P.  M.,  when  we  reached  the  foot  of  North 
Mountain  and  slept.  At  4  A.  M.  next  morning  (22d)  left  in  the 
advance,  the  first  time  since  the  retreat  commenced.  By  a  mistake 
a  march  of  eight  miles  was  made  for  nothing.  Thus  we  toiled  on, 
suffering  intensely  with  exhaustion,  want  of  food,  clothing,  etc. 
Men  all  crazy.  Stopped  and  ate  ;  marched  and  ate  ;  camped  about 
dark  and  ate  all  night.  Marched  180  miles  in  the  last  nine  days, 
fighting  nearly  all  the  time,  and  with  very  little  to  eat." 


72  IN  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY 

Hunter's  command  ended  its  long  roundabout  march  at 
Charleston  on  July  ist,  and  remained  there  to  recuperate  until  the 
loth.  On  that  date  Crook's  command  was  ordered  to  Martinsburg 
to  take  part  in  the  pursuit  of  Early,  who  had  invaded  Maryland 
and  Pennsylvania.  Remaining  at  Martinsburg  until  the  i8th,  it 
next  set  out  for  Cabletown,  ten  miles  from  Harper's  Ferry,  where 
the  enemy's  pickets  were  encountered.  Here  Hayes'  brigade  was 
sent  in,  without  cavalry,  and  with  only  two  sections  of  a  battery, 
to  attack  Early's  army,  which  outnumbered  it  six  to  one.  It 
reflects  great  credit  upon  General  Hunter  and  his  command  that, 
after  this  futile  and  perilous  attempt,  the  soldiers  engaged,  instead 
of  defeating  the  enemy,  escaped  a  visit  to  Andersonville  Prison. 
From  this  point  the  march  was  resumed  towards  Harper's  Ferry, 
and  the  brigade  reached  Winchester  on  July  22d.  At  Kernstown, 
near  this  point,  there  occurred  on  the  24th  an  engagement  which 
proved  disastrous  to  Crook's  command.  In  this  affair  McKinley 
again  distinguished  himself  for  gallantry.  His  conduct  is 
described  in  an  account  of  the  events  of  that  date,  written  by 
General  Russell  Hastings. 

General  Hastings,  for  many  years  after  the  war  a  prominent 
resident  of  Bermuda,  but  afterwards  living  at  St.  Paul,  was  one  of 
the  participants  in  the  following  affair  described  by  him  : 

"  The  Union  forces  were  commanded  by  General  George 
Crook;  the  Confederate  forces  by  General  Jubal  Early. 

"  It  is  not  pleasant  work  for  one  who  participated  in  a  defeat 
to  recount  those  hours,  yet  no  one  can  be  better  informed  than  he 
who  saw  each  movement  of  the  command.  To  lead  up  to  this 
battle,  I  feel  it  necessary  to  begin  at  the  time  General  Jubal  Early 
was  menacing  Washington,  twelve  days  before  the  battle,  when  he 
had  his  whole  army  close  up  to  the  works  north  of  the  city,  on  July 
nth  and  I2th.  For  two  days  he  stood  before  our  national  capital 
challenging  the  Union  troops  to  combat.  General  Grant  soon 
made  such  disposition  of  troops,  by  sending  from  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  before  Richmond,  the  Sixth  and  Nineteenth  Army 


IN  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY  73 

Corps,  as  caused  Early  to  leisurely  retreat  toward  the  Shenandoah 
Valley,  by  way  of  Poolesville,  Md.,  Edward's  Ferry,  on  the 
Potomac,  and  Leesburg,  Va.,  reaching  Snicker's  Gap  in  the  Blue 
Mountians  on  the  i;th,  and  crossing  the  Shenandoah  at  Snicker's 
Ford  they  went  into  camp  on  the  west  bank. 

"  The  Sixth  and  Nineteenth  Corps  as  leisurely  followed,  and 
at  or  near  Snicker's  Gap  united  with  one  division  of  General 
Hunter's  infantry  (Thoburn's)  which  had  just  arrived  from  the 
Kanawha  Valley  over  the  Baltimore  &  Ohio  Railroad.  On  the 
afternoon  of  the  :8th,  Thoburn's  division  was  ordered  to  cross 
Snicker's  Ford  and  attack  Early,  but  the  Sixth  Corps,  which  was 
to  support  Thoburn,  not  coming  into  action  as  expected,  the  latter 
was  driven  back  through  the  stream  with  considerable  loss. 

MCKINLEY    AT    WINCHESTER 

"On  July  iQth  General  Early  retreated  southward  on  the  road 
toward  Strasburg,  safely  carrying  with  him  all  the  plunder  he  had 
gathered  over  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  while  the  whole  Union 
army,  consisting  of  the  Sixth  and  Nineteenth  Corps  and  Hunter's 
command,  which  had  but  lately  arrived  from  the  Kanawha  Valley, 
was  massed  in  the  vicinity  of  Berryville  and  Winchester,  quite  a 
formidable  army,  some  20,000  strong. 

"  At  this  time  it  was  supposed  by  General  Grant  that  General 
Lee  had  ordered  Early  with  the  main  body  of  his  veteran  army  to 
Richmond,  and  Grant,  needing  the  Sixth  and  Nineteenth  Corps, 
with  him  before  Richmond,  ordered  them  to  Washington  on  their 
way.  This  left  in  the  valley  to  confront  the  Confederates  only 
Hunter's  command,  consisting  of  the  Eighth  Corps,  commanded 
by  Gen.  George  Crook,  some  6,000  in  number,  with  a  brigade  of 
nondescript  troops  made  up  of  dismounted  cavalrymen  and  deci 
mated  infantry  regiments.  Such  troops  were  naturally  demoraliz 
ing  to  any  command.  In  addition  to  this  infantry  was  some  cavalry 
under  Generals  Averill  and  Dufrie,  some  2,000  strong. 

5 


74  /W  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY 

"  In  the  Eighth  Corps  was  a  brigade  commanded  by  Gen. 
Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  and  it  is  of  the  part  taken  by  this  brigade 
in  the  battle  of  Kernstown  that  I  propose  to  relate.  The  brigade 
was  formed  as  follows  : 

"  First  Brigade,  Second  Division,  Eighth  Corps,  Gen.  Ruther 
ford  B.  Hayes  commanding;  Twenty-third  Ohio  Volunteer 
Infantry,  Col.  J.  M.  Comly ;  Thirty-sixth  Ohio  Volunteer  Infantry, 
Col.  A.  I.  Duval;  Fifth  West  Virginia  Infantry,  Col.  E.  H. 
Enochs  ;  Thirteenth  West  Virginia  Infantry,  Col.  William  Brown. 
The  brigade  staff  was  as  follows  :  Col.  Joseph  Webb,  surgeon  ; 
Capt.  Russell  Hastings,  adjutant-general  ;  Lieut.  William 
McKinley,  Jr.,  quartermaster ;  Lieut.  B.  A.  Twiner,  ordnance  ; 
Lieut.  A.  W.  Delay,  commissary  ;  Lieut.  O.  J.  Wood,  aide. 

HARD    CAMPAIGNING 

"  General  Crook's  Eighth  Corps,  much  fatigued  and  worn, 
had  just  returned  from  a  raid  to  Lynchburg,  close  to  Appomattox, 
where  General  Lee  surrendered  his  army  in  April,  1865.  We  now 
felt,  with  Early  and  his  veterans  well  off  on  their  way  to  Rich 
mond,  with  no  enemy  of  any  considerable  force  in  our  front,  that 
we  should  have  a  few  days  of  much-needed  rest.  From  April  3Oth 
up  to  this  date  we  had  made  a  raid  to  the  New  River  Bridge, 
in  southwestern  Virginia,  another  to  Lynchburg,  marching  in 
these  raids  over  800  miles,  often  out  of  food,  short  of  clothing 
and  shoes,  were  on  the  skirmish-line  daily,  either  advancing  or 
retreating,  and  had  fought  four  hard-contested  battles.  Directly 
after  the  close  of  these  raids  we  had  been  moved  with  incon 
siderate  haste  from  the  Kanawha  Valley,  near  the  Kentucky  line, 
to  this  valley,  by  forced  marches,  on  steamboats  on  the  Ohio 
River,  and  on  freight  cars  on  the  Baltimore  &  Ohio  Railroad,  with 
no  opportunity  for  sleep  or  rest.  General  Crook  had  now  advanced 
his  little  army  to  Winchester,  going  into  camp  just  south  of  the 
town,  where  there  is  one  of  those  noted  springs  of  the  valley 
gushingout  from  a  crevice  inthelimestone  rock  in  sufficient  quantities 


IN  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY  75 

to  furnish  power  for  a  large  flouring  mill.  Here  we  rolled  our 
selves  in  our  blankets  upon  the  luxuriant  grass  under  the  shade  of 
large  oak  trees,  and  slept  away  the  night  and  a  large  part  of  two 
delightful  days. 

"  On  Sunday  morning,  July  24th,  our  '  resting  spell '  came  to 
a  sudden  close.  While  at  inspection  on  this  bright,  sunny  Sunday 
morning,  the  sound  of  cannon,  well  out  on  our  front  toward  the 
south,  was  heard.  Usually  such  sounds  did  not  worry  us,  as  our 
cavalry  was  always  *  banging  away  '  with  the  artillery  attached  to 
them.  We  did  not,  though,  this  morning  like  the  sound  of  it,  for 
to  a  veteran's  ear  the  frequency  of  the  discharges  was  such  as 
seemed  to  mean  work  before  us.  Soon  cavalry  couriers  came  in 
from  the  front,  bringing  word  to  General  Crook  that  our  cavalry 
outposts  on  the  valley  pike,  some  ten  miles  south  of  Winchester, 
were  being  driven  in  by  a  seemingly  large  force.  General  Crook, 
still  relying  on  the  former  information  that  Early  was  well  off  on 
his  way  to  Richmond,  did  not  feel  the  necessity  of  immediately 
moving  out  and  forming  line  of  battle,  but  as  courier  after  courier 
arrived  with  the  additional  report  of  large  bodies  of  the  enemy's 
infantry  being  seen,  he  finally  ordered  all  his  troops  to  advance  to 
the  front  and  form  line  of  battle  at  the  little  hamlet  of  Kernstown, 
some  four  miles  south  of  Winchester.  This  ground  had  already 
been  made  historic,  as  here  General  Shields  met  Stonewall  Jackson 
in  1862  and  repulsed  him. 

"  At  about  noon  Crook  had  formed  all  his  available  troops  in 
line,  with  his  First  Division  on  the  extreme  right,  extending  to  the 
Romney  Pike,  with  his  nondescript  brigade  of  mounted  cavalry 
and  infantry  next  and  the  Second  Division  on  the  left,  Hayes' 
brigade  occupying  the  extreme  left,  extending  east  of  the  valley 
pike  out  into  some  open  fields,  where  a  view  of  the  country  could 
be  had  for  a  mile  or  more  to  our  left.  The  Thirteenth  West 
Virginia  Infantry,  of  Hayes'  brigade,  was  posted  in  an  orchard 
some  500  yards  to  the  rear  and  left  to  act  as  a  reserve. 


76  IN  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY 

11  At  this  moment  Crook  discovered  he  had  been  deceived 
about  Early's  march  for  Richmond.  On  July  23d  Early  had 
halted  at  Strasburg,  and  there  learning  that  the  Sixth  and  Nine 
teenth  Corps  had  withdrawn  toward  Washington,  and  that  the 
forces  occupying  Winchester  were  only  those  of  Crook,  about  one- 
third  his  numbers,  had  determined  to  return  and  crush  him  without 
delay. 

A  BATTLE  WITH  GENERAL  EARLY's  FORCES 

"  Several  historians  have  made  an  effort  to  show  that  General 
Early  was  hardly  fitted  for  the  position  he  occupied  as  commander 
of  the  Confederate  forces  in  the  valley.  The  Union  army  before 
him,  on  the  contrary,  found  him  always  watchful,  alert,  ready  to 
seize  upon  such  an  opportunity  as  now  presented  itself ;  a  hard 
fighter,  full  of  vim  and  subtle  cunning,  able  to  maneuvre  his  troops 
in  such  a  way  as  completely  to  deceive  our  commanders.  Even 
after  General  Sheridan  assumed  command  in  the  valley,  with  an 
army  more  than  three  times  larger  than  General  Crook  had  on  this 
day,  there  was  much  marching  and  countermarching,  much  maneuv 
ering  for  an  advantage,  before  Sheridan  thought  it  prudent  to 
attack,  but  when  he  did  attack  he  gave  Early  a  crushing  blow. 

•*  The  battle  opened  with  sharp  firing  all  along  the  line,  our 
artillery  on  rising  ground  at  our  rear  firing  over  our  heads,  the 
enemy's  artillery  replying,  with  their  shells  exploding  among  us. 
How  could  we  hope  to  win  a  battle  when  so  largely  outnumbered? 
On  the  Union  side  was  only  Crook's  little  corps,  some  6,000  strong, 
combating  the  whole  of  Early's  army.  The  Confederate  infantry 
line  extended  far  beyond  us  on  our  left,  and  still  beyond  that  could 
be  seen  Confederate  cavalry  covering  the  country  for  a  mile  or  more 
and  rapidly  driving  back  our  cavalry  in  great  confusion.  Although 
our  infantry  could  probably  manage  to  keep  back  the  Confederates 
in  our  front,  this  rapidly  advancing  line  on  our  left,  with  nothing 
whatever  to  oppose  them,  would  soon  engulf  us.  At  this  moment 
the  nondescript  brigade  broke  in  great  confusion,  leaving  a  sad  gap 
in  our  centre.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  and  not  until  the  enemy  in 


OF  THE  \ 

UNIVERSITY    I 
/ 


IN  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY  79 

our  front  was  severely  punished,  did  Hayes'  brigade  turn  and  fall 
back,  with  but  trifling  confusion,  in  the  direction  of  Winchester, 
maintaining  our  organization  then  and  throughout  all  the  afternoon. 
"  Now  came  hurrying  times  for  staff  officers.  Orders  had  to  be 
carried  in  all  directions.  To  one  would  be  given  orders  to  gallop 
rapidly  to  the  rear  and  try  to  form  a  guard  line  to  stop  the  strag 
glers  ;  to  another  to  go  to  the  rear  and  order  the  wagon  train  in 
full  retreat  toward  Martinsburg ;  to  another  to  go  to  that  battery 
and  order  it  rapidly  to  form  and  unlimber  on  that  adjacent  ridge, 
and  play  with  rapidity  upon  the  advancing  enemy  with  shot  and 
shell ;  to  another  to  direct  the  ambulance  train  down  the  pike,  and 
so  on  until  this  class  of  officers  became  scarce.  Crook  was  at  one 
time  without  a  staff  officer  about  him,  having  already  borrowed  of 
Hayes  several,  and  still  he  had  need  for  more. 

MCKINLEY'S  PERILOUS  RIDE 

"  Just  now  it  was  discovered  that  one  of  the  regiments  was  still 
in  the  orchard  where  posted  at  the  beginning  of  the  battle.  Gen 
eral  Hayes,  turning  to  Lieutenant  McKinley,  directed  him  to  go 
for  and  bring  away  this  regiment  if  it  had  not  already  fallen. 
McKinley  turned  his  horse  and,  keenly  spurring  it,  pushed  it  at  a 
fierce  gallop  obliquely  toward  the  advancing  enemy.  A  sad  look 
came  over  Hayes'  face  as  he  saw  this  young,  gallant  boy  pushing 
rapidly  forward  to  almost  certain  death.  McKinley  was  much  loved 
in  the  command — a  mere  boy  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  who  had 
left  his  college,  his  expectation  for  the  future,  all,  everything,  will 
ing  to  serve  his  country  and  his  flag  in  their  dire  need.  With 
wonderful  force  of  character,  then,  true,  pure,  noble  and  brave,  he 
had,  by  reason  of  his  ability  and  wonderful  power  with  men  even 
much  older  than  himself,  risen  from  the  ranks  to  become  a  noted 
staff  officer  ;  and  later  was  called  to  the  staff  of  General  Crook,  and 
so  on  up  to  General  Hancock's  headquarters  ;  and  for  his  many 
brave  acts  and  conspicuous  gallantry  was  by  President  Lincoln 
brevetted  major. 


8o  .  IN  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY 

"  Hayes  loved  him  as  father  loves  a  son,  and  only  imagine  what 
must  have  been  his  feelings  when  the  necessities  of  the  moment 
demanded  that  he  should  order  this  boy  to  do  this  dangerous  work. 
None  of  us  expected  to  see  him  again  as  we  watched  him  push  his 
horse  through  the  open  fields,  over  fences,  through  ditches,  while  a 
well-directed  fire  from  the  enemy  was  poured  upon  him,  with  shells 
exploding  around,  about,  and  over  him.  Once  he  was  completely 
enveloped  in  the  smoke  of  an  exploding  shell,  and  we  thought  he 
had  gone  down;  but  no,  he  was  saved  for  better  work  for  his 
country  in  his  future  years.  Out  of  this  smoke  emerged  his  wiry 
little  brown  horse,  with  McKinley  still  firmly  seated  and  as  erect  as 
a  hussar.  Now  he  had  passed  under  cover  from  the  enemy's  fire, 
and  a  sense  of  relief  came  to  us  all.  Thus  far  he  was  all  right,  but 
we  knew  his  danger  was  really  but  just  beginning,  for  the  enemy 
was  still  coming  on,  though  not  with  the  fierce  energy  with  which 
he  had  attacked  the  main  line  a  few  moments  before,  no  doubt 
feeling  the  need  of  cautious  approach,  for  Crook  at  this  time  had 
planted  several  batteries  on  the  ridge  near  by,  which  then  were  doing 
effective  work. 

MCKINLEY    DELIVERS    HIS    ORDERS 

"McKinley  gave  the  colonel  the  orders  from  Hayes  to  fall 
back,  saying,  in  addition  :  *  I  supposed  you  would  have  gone  to  the 
rear  without  orders.'  The  colonel's  reply  was  :  *  I  was  about  con 
cluding  I  would  retire  without  waiting  any  longer  for  orders.  I 
am  now  ready  to  go  wherever  you  shall  lead,  but,  lieutenant,  I 
p'intedly  believe  I  ought  to  give  those  fellows  a  volley  or  two 
before  I  go.'  McKinley's  reply  was:  4  Then  up  and  at  them  as 
quickly  as  possible,'  and  as  the  regiment  arose  to  its  feet  the  enemy 
came  on  into  full  view.  Colonel  Brown's  boys  gave  the  enemy  a 
crushing  volley,  following  it  up  with  a  rattling  fire,  and  then  slowly 
retreated  towards  some  woods  directly  in  their  rear.  At  this 
the  enemy  halted  all  along  Brown's  immediate  front  and  for  some 
distance  to  his  right  and  left,  no  doubt  feeling  he  was  touching  a 


IN  '1  HE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY  81 

secondary  line,  which  should  be  approached  with  all  due  caution. 
During  this  hesitancy  of  the  enemy  McKinley  led  the  regiment 
through  these  woods  on  toward  Winchester. 

"  As  Hayes  and  Crook  saw  this  regiment  safely  off  they 
turned,  and,  following  the  column,  with  it  moved  slowly  to  the 
rear,  down  the  Winchester  pike.  At  a  point  near  Winchester 
McKinley  brought  the  regiment  to  the  column  and  to  its  place  in 
the  brigade.  McKinley  was  greeted  by  us  all  with  a  happy,  con 
tented  smile — no  effusion,  no  gushing  palaver  of  words,  though  all 
of  us  felt  and  knew  one  of  the  most  gallant  acts  of  the  war  had 
been  performed. 

"As  McKinley  drew  up  by  the  side  of  Hayes  to  make  his 
verbal  report,  I  heard  Hayes  say  :  '  I  never  expected  to  see  you  in 
life  again.'  During  such  scenes  as  these  were  our  friendly  ties 
knitted,  and  can  you  blame  us  if  in  our  grizzled  veteran  age  the 
tears  will  sometimes  spring  to  the  eye  when  we  greet  each  other 
after  a  long  separation  ? 

"  The  battle  was  over,  and  now  began  a  well-organized  retreat, 
so  far  as  Hayes'  brigade  was  concerned,  with  the  enemy's  infantry 
pushing  us  from  the  front  and  the  cavalry  harassing  us  on  right 
and  left.  Our  wagon  train  was  well  off  toward  Martinsburg,  and 
we  knew  our  brigade  could  take  care  of  itself,  no  matter  how  hard 
Early  should  push  us.  We  had  good,  strong  legs,  plenty  of 
ammunition,  and  we  certainly  could  march  just  as  rapidly  as 
Early's  infantry  could  follow ;  and  as  for  the  cavalry,  no  matter 
where  they  attacked,  right,  left,  or  rear,  we  could  with  a  few  well- 
directed  volleys  scatter  them. 

MCKINLEY'S  KINDNESS  OF  HEART 

"  All  this  long,  fateful  afternoon  we  marched  down  the  pike, 
first  through  Winchester  town,  where  the  faces  of  the  inhabitants 
instantly  informed  us  on  which  side  of  the  cause  were  their  sympa 
thies.  The  jubilant  faces  largely  outnumbered  the  sad  ones.  One 
dear  old  Quaker  lady,  whom  we  all  knew,  stood  at  her  gate  as  we 


82  IN  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY 

passed.  Tears  were  running  down  her  cheeks,  and  we  knew  they 
were  caused  by  sympathy  for  our  misfortunes.  For  her  own 
safety,  with  her  Confederate  neighbors  looking  on,  we  dared  not 
make  any  effusive  display  of  sorrow  at  her  condition,  but 
McKinley  in  his  great  kindness  of  heart  reined  his  horse  to  the 
curbstone  and  in  a  low  voice  said  :  '  Don't  worry,  my  dear  madam. 
We  are  not  hurt  as  much  as  it  seems,  and  we  shall  be  back  here 
again  in  a  few  days.'  A  smile  directly  spread  over  her  face,  and 
her  heart  was  made  almost  happy  by  these  timely  spoken  words. 

"  During  most  of  the  afternoon  we  were  marching  in  line  of 
battle  on  the  east  side  of  the  pike.  Occasionally,  though,  after  we 
had  given  the  pushing  infantry  of  the  enemy  a  reminder  that  there 
was  still  some  pluck  left  in  us,  we  would  change  the  column  to 
route  march,  and  on  the  pike  make  good  time  to  the  rear.  After 
we  were  past  Winchester  the  infantry  annoyed  us  very  little,  but 
the  cavalry  harassed  us  more  or  less  during  the  afternoon. 

AN    INTERESTING    INCIDENT 

"  I  will  relate  an  incident  of  the  afternoon  which  occurred 
some  eight  miles  north  of  Winchester,  to  show  that  valor  did  not 
reside  alone  on  either  side,  that  we  were  brethren  of  the  same 
Anglo-Saxon  lineage,  of  like  characteristics,  and  the  two  armies, 
each  in  the  other,  found  'a  foe  worthy  of  their  steel/  Some  Con 
federate  cavalry  had,  while  we  were  marching  to  the  rear  in  line  of 
battle,  formed  column  and  charged  down  upon  what  had  now 
become  our  right  and  front.  On  they  came  with  the  usual  Con 
federate  yell  and  sabres  drawn.  This  was  a  frightful  sight  to  men 
who  a  few  hours  before  had  become  somewhat  demoralized  by  the 
onset  at  Kernstown,  but  not  a  thought  of  fear  was  seen  upon  the 
faces  of  the  men.  Cavalry  to  them  was  a  mere  pastime,  and,  with 
a  few  well-directed  volleys  poured  at  the  charging  columns,  with 
many  empty  saddles  this  cavalry  broke  and  fled  away  in  great  con 
fusion.  Only  the  officer  in  command  charging  at  the  head  of  his 
troops  did  not  flee,  but  continued  right  on,  veering  to  his  right ; 


IN  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY  83 

he  kept  at  a  respectful  distance  from  us,  riding  the  whole  length 
of  our  line.  We  discovered  that  his  horse  was  running  away  with 
him,  and  the  only  guiding  power  he  had  was  exerted  to  prevent 
the  horse  from  running  into  us.  Very  little  firing  was  directed 
upon  him  during  these  moments,  as  every  one  watched  with 
interest  his  efforts.  Finally  he  stopped  his  horse  and,  turning, 
retraced  his  steps  in  the  direction  where  his  troops  were  disappear 
ing  over  a  hill.  This  again  carried  him  along  the  front  of  our 
line.  An  occasional  shot  was  fired  at  him,  but  now  the  word 
passed  along  our  line,  *  Don't  shoot — he  is  too  brave  to  kill/  and 
instead  a  cheer  broke  forth,  to  which  he  responded  by  taking  off 
his  hat  and  bowing  in  the  most  cavalier  style.  He  soon  gained 
the  crest  of  the  hill,  seemingly  unhurt,  halted  a  moment,  and  again 
saluting  us,  turned  away  and  passed  out  of  sight.  After  this  inci 
dent  we  were  not  again  disturbed  by  the  cavalry.  Perhaps  a  liking 
for  us  had  sprung  up  in  this  officer's  breast,  and  he  felt  he  would 
no  longer,  at  least  for  this  day,  quarrel  with  us.  I  have  often 
hoped  I  might,  during  the  peaceful  days  after  the  war,  meet  that 
officer  and  talk  things  over. 

"  We  now  changed  our  column  into  route  march,  and,  walking 
along  the  pike,  settled  down  to  a  comparative  peace,  each  man 
beginning  to  hunt  in  his  haversack  for  a  stray  bit  of  hard  tack  which 
might  happen  to  be  there.  Up  to  this  time  there  had  been  but 
little  opportunity  to  think  of  food.  It  was  now  nearly  dark,  and 
while  plodding  along,  wondering  where  we  would  find  the  balance 
of  the  command  and  the  wagon  train,  so  we  might  go  into  camp, 
we  discovered  that  some  time  during  the  afternoon  there  had  been 
a  stampede  of  our  wagon  train  and  several  wagons  had  been  aban 
doned  and  left  on  the  pike.  Quick  investigation  was  made  for  food, 
but,  finding  none,  a  jolly  fire  was  built  in  each  wagon,  and  they  were 
soon  reduced  to  ashes  or  so  disabled  that  they  would  be  wholly  use 
less  to  the  enemy.  Further  along  the  pike  we  found  a  battery  of 
artillery,  consisting  of  four  guns  with  their  caissons,  which  had  been 
abandoned  and  left  for  peaceable  capture  by  the  enemy. 


84  IN  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY 

"  Here,  again,  McKinley  showed  his  force  of  character  and 
indomitable  will-power.  He  asked  the  privilege  of  carrying  away 
these  guns,  thus  saving  them  from  the  enemy.  It  did  not,  with 
the  exhausted  condition  of  our  men,  seem  practicable,  yet  he 
insisted  it  could  be  done,  and  he  thought  his  regiment,  the  Twenty- 
third,  would  gladly  aid  him.  Hayes,  with  a  smile,  said:  'Well, 
McKinley,  ask  them.'.  Going  first  to  his  old  company  (E),  he 
called  for  volunteers ;  all  stepped  out  to  a  man,  and,  the  infection 
spreading,  soon  the  whole  regiment  took  hold  of  these  guns  and 
caissons  and  hauled  them  off  in  triumphal  procession.  When  we 
went  into  camp  that  night  long  after  dark,  this  artillery  captain  was 
found  and  the  guns  were  turned  over  to  him.  He  cried  like  a  baby. 

"  Now  this  fearful  day  was  over,  and  in  a  drizzling  rain,  dinner- 
less  and  supperless,  we  wound  ourselves  in  our  blankets  and  slept 
soundly  until  morning. 

"Our  losses  were  very  heavy.  Hayes'  little  brigade  of  1,700 
men  alone  lost  one-fourth  of  its  number  in  killed  and  wounded,  and 
most  of  the  wounded  were  left  in  the  enemy's  hands.  The  balance 
of  the  command  lost  in  nearly  the  same  proportion.  The  cause  of 
the  disaster  was  simply  that  we  were  outnumbered  three  to  one, 
and  the  surprise  is  that  we  were  not  all  captured,  as  General  Early 
anticipated. 

"Considerable  effort  was  made  at  that  time  to  impugn  the 
bravery  of  Crook's  Eighth  Corps  in  this  disaster,  but  a  noted  and 
unbiased  historian  has  said  the  following,  which  I  quote  with  much 
pleasure  : 

"  *  Crook's  troops  had  campaigned  too  well  at  Floyd's  Mountain 
and  during  Hunter's  march  to  Lynchburg  to  be  disgraced  by  this 
encounter ;  and  while  some  of  them,  chiefly  the  recent  additions, 
had  proved  of  little  value,  it  must  be  remembered  that  whatever 
efforts  had  been  made  to  challenge  Early's  retreat  from  Washing 
ton  were  the  work  of  this  command.  Their  defeat  was  not  strange, 
for  the  force  soon  after  assembled  in  the  valley  as  needful  to  match 
Early  was  thrice  Crook's  at  Kernstown  ' " 


CHAPTER  VI 

From  Captain  to  Major 

McKIN LEY'S  gallantry  at  Kernstown  was  rewarded  by  his 
being  raised  to  the  rank  of  captain,  his  commission  dating 
from  July  25th,  the  day  after  the  battle.  On  the  succeed 
ing  day  the  command  began  a  series  of  marches  and  counter 
marches  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  These  were  continued  until 
the  middle  of  August,  fighting  occurring  whenever  the  enemy 
could  be  reached.  The  campaigns  in  the  valley,  which  were 
described  in  the  last  chapter,  were  by  no  means  satisfactory  to 
General  Grant.  They  had  so  far  proved  a  series  of  misadven 
tures  which  were  far  from  acceptable  to  one  accustomed,  like  him 
self,  to  rarely  interrupted  victory.  He  was  now  at  the  headquarters 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  far  away  to  the  south,  and  found  com 
munication  with  Washington  far  from  certain,  the  lines  being  often 
broken.  This  fact  rendered  the  presence  in  the  valley  of  some 
capable  leader,  who  could  be  trusted  to  give  a  good  account  of 
himself,  indispensable. 

The  politics  of  the  Administration  were  then  directed  by  Secre 
tary  Stanton,  whose  judgment  was  influenced  by  the  effect  which 
military  operations  were  likely  to  have  upon  the  approaching  elec 
tions,  a  line  of  policy  which  did  not  appeal  to  General  Grant. 
Stanton  particularly  dreaded  a  defeat  of  the  Union  forces  in  the 
valley  and  the  possible  capture  of  Washington  by  the  Confed 
erates.  The  effect  of  this  mingling  of  politics  with  military  affairs 
was  to  hamper  General  Hunter  to  such  an  extent  that  he  was  ren 
dered  unable  of  giving  Early  a  crushing  blow  should  an  oppor 
tunity  arise.  General  Grant,  growing  more  and  more  dissatisfied, 
decided  during  the  first  week  in  August  to  go  to  Washington 

8s 


86  FROM  CAPTAIN  TO  MAJOR 

himself  and  see  if  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  valley  could  not  be  radi 
cally  changed.  He  was  quite  tired  of  the  game  of  retreat  and 
pursuit  which  Hunter  and  Early  had  been  so  long  playing.  Since 
the  war  began,  this  region  had  been  the  scene  of  incessant  move- 

o  o 

ments  by  the  hostile  forces,  the  Union  troops  now  advancing,  now 
retreating,  but  the  advantage  always  remaining  on  the  side  of  the 
Confederates.  No  less  than  four  commanders,  Banks,  Shields, 
Siegel  and  Hunter,  had  succeeded  each  other  in  this  region,  and 
all  had  failed  in  effort  to  hold  the  valley  and  prevent  the  Confed 
erate  raids  ;  and  what  was  equally  unsatisfactory  was  the  fact  that 
the  fertile  fields  of  the  Shenandoah  were  constantly  furnishing 
food  for  Lee's  army. 

General  Grant  saw  but  one  way  to  put  an  end  to  this,  v/hich 
was  to  put  his  best  fighting  general  in  command  of  that  section. 
With  this  view  President  Lincoln  strongly  sided.  Grant's  choice 
for  the  position  was  General  Sheridan,  who  had  added  greatly  to 
his  renown  by  his  performances  as  chief  of  cavalry  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  in  the  recent  campaign.  Grant's  confidence  in 
Sheridan  was  not  shared  by  the  authorities  at  Washington,  largely 
on  account  of  his  youth,  and  it  may  be  with  some  fear  that  he 
might  be  too  headstrong  for  a  commander  on  whom  so  much 

o  o 

depended.  His  method  of  driving  straight  at  the  enemy  was  one 
which  would  seem  to  have  in  it  an  element  of  rashness. 

MCKINLEY    SERVES    UNDER    GENERAL    SHERIDAN 

The  result  of  the  conference  was  that  the  various  military 
departments  around  Washington  were  consolidated  into  what  was 
known  as  the  Middle  Military  Division,  Sheridan  being  appointed 
commander.  Hunter  retired  to  make  way  for  the  new  chief.  The 
advent  of  Sheridan  to  command  in  the  valley  proved  especially 
happy,-  and  rapidly  made  a  change  in  the  state  of  affairs.  With 
out  hesitation  he  advanced  up  the  valley,  Early  at  the  same  time 
drawing  in  his  scattered  commands  and  concentrating  them  along 
Opequan  Creek.  Here  the  armies  encamped  within  watching 


Copyright  by  Judge  Co. 


THE  PRESIDENT  AT  THE  CAR  WINDOW 

Gazing  at  the  busy  factories  with  keen  satisfaction 


OFTHE 

f   UNIVERSITY 


OF 


FROM  CAPTAIN  TO  MAJOR  59 

distance  of  each  other.  Sheridan  had  taken  the  opportunity  to 
reorganize  his  army,  this  division  now  consisting  of  the  Sixth  Army 
Corps  under  General  Wright,  the  Nineteenth  Army  Corps  under 
General  Emory,  and  the  Army  of  West  Virginia,  with  General 
Crook  in  command.  General  Torbert  commanded  the  cavalry 
escort,  with  Merritt  and  Averill  as  division  commanders. 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes  was  at  the  head  of  the  first  brigade  of 
the  second  division  of  Crook's  army,  this  being  McKinley's  reg 
iment.  But  the  young  captain  was  no  longer  attached  to  it.  On 
August  9th,  Crook  had  taken  him  from  General  Hayes'  staff  and 
attached  him  to  his  own.  From  that  time  until  near  the  end  of 
the  year  he  held  the  position  of  acting  assistant  adjutant  general, 
a  capacity  in  which  he  served  throughout  Sheridan's  valley  cam 
paign.  In  his  new  field  of  duty  McKinley  seemed  to  have  a  knack 
for  getting  into  danger ;  in  the  successive  skirmishes  that  occurred 
before  the  battle  of  Opequan  he  was  frequently  under  fire.  This 
was  the  case  in  a  sharp  little  night  engagement  with  Early's  out 
posts  at  Berryville  on  September  3d,  when  he  had  his  horse  killed 
under  him. 

The  armies  lay  in  front  of  each  other  for  a  month,  when  as  a 
result  of  information  furnished  General  Sheridan  by  Miss  Rebecca 
Wright  of  Winchester,  to  the  effect  that  a  part  of  Early's  army 
had  been  withdrawn  by  Lee  to  Richmond,  he  decided  to  force  a 
battle.  The  blow  was  delivered  at  dawn  on  September  igth. 
Crook's  command  at  this  time  was  in  reserve,  but,  time  being  lost 
in  getting  the  troops  into  position  for  the  main  attack,  the  reserves 
were  soon  brought  into  action,  being  sent  to  the  right  to  attack 
the  Confederates  in  flank. 

Here  an  almost  impenetrable  growth  of  cedar  and  a  swampy 
stream  hindered  the  advance  ;  but  finally  they  emerged  from  the 
timber,  and,  supported  by  cavalry,  advanced  rapidly  across  two  or 
three  open  fields,  which  brought  them  face  to  face  with  the 
enemy's  infantry.  A  galling  rifle  fire  was  at  once  opened  upon 
them,  accompanied  by  artillery,  but  Crook's  men  advanced  at 


90  FROM  CAPTAIN  TO  MAJOR 

double  quick  and  swept  the  enemy  before  them,  charging  over  his 
works,  and  contributing  largely  to  his  defeat  and  demoralization. 
Sheridan  in  his  Memoirs  says  : 

SHERIDAN'S  OWN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  BATTLE 

"  Crook's  success  began  the  moment  he  started  to  turn  the 
enemy's  left ;  and,  assured  by  the  fact  that  Torbert  had  stampeded 
the  Confederate  cavalry  and  thrown  Breckenridge's  infantry  into 
such  disorder  that  it  could  do  little  to  prevent  the  envelopment  of 
Gordon's  left,  Crook  pressed  forward  without  even  a  halt.  Both 
Emory  and  Wright  took  up  the  fight  as  ordered,  and  as  they  did 
so  I  sent  word  to  Wilson,  in  the  hope  that  he  could  partly  perform 
the  work  originally  laid  out  for  Crook,  to  push  along  the  Senseny 
and  if  possible  gain  the  valley  pike  to  the  south  of  Winchester.  I 
then  returned  toward  my  right  flank,  and  as  I  reached  the  Nine 
teenth  Corps  the  enemy  was  contesting  the  ground  in  its  front 
with  great  obstinacy ;  but  Emory's  dogged  persistence  was  at 
length  rewarded  with  success,  just  as  Crook's  command  emerged 
from  the  morass  of  Red  Bud  Run  a"  a  swept  around  Gordon 
toward  the  right  of  Breckenridge,  who,  with  two  of  Horton's 
brigades,  was  holding  a  line  at  right  angles  with  the  valley  pike  for 
the  protection  of  the  Confederate  rear.  Early  had  ordered  these 
two  brigades  back  from  Stevenson's  Depot  in  the  morning,  pur 
posing  to  protect  with  them  his  right  flank  and  line  of  retreat,  but 
while  they  were  en  route  to  this  end  he  was  obliged  to  recall  them 
to  his  left  to  meet  Crook's  attack." 

Captain  McKinley  had  been  exceedingly  active  during  this 
fierce  struggle,  riding  rapidly  back  and  forth  to  the  brigade  and 
division  commanders,  with  orders  from  the  commanding  general. 
He  acquitted  himself  so  well  in  this  duty  that  when  he  received  his 
brevet  commission  as  major,  the  name  of  Opequan  was  mentioned  as 
an  occasion  when  he  had  distinguished  himself  by  bravery  and 
merit.  There  is  one  incident  of  the  day  in  particular  which  illus 
trates  his  firmness.  We  describe  it  as  told  by  an  eyewitness : 


FROM  CAPTAIN  TO  MAJOR  91 

Crook  had  sent  McKinley  with  verbal  orders  to  General  Duval 
to  move  his  division  into  action.  Duval  on  receiving  the  order, 
not  knowing  the  country,  asked  :  u  By  what  route  shall  I  move  my 
command?"  Captain  McKinley  replied  :  *' I  would  move  up  this 
creek."  Duval's  answer  was  :  "  I  will  not  budge  without  definite 
orders."  McKinley  then  decisively  said:  "This  is  a  case  of  great 
emergency,  general.  I  order  you,  by  command  of  General  Crook, 
to  move  your  command  up  the  ravine  to  a  position  on  the  right  of 
the  army." 

Duval  went  in  as  McKinley  directed  and  came  out  in  the 
right  place.  It  was  a  great  responsibility  for  so  young  an  officer 
to  take  on  his  hands  the  fate  of  a  division,  but  the  result  demon^ 
strated  his  good  judgment,  and  he  was  warmly  commended  for  the 
service.  On  reporting  to  his  chief  he  was  told  that  it  was  all  right, 
the  movement  having  turned  out  successfully.  If,  on  the  contrary, 
it  had  turned  out  differently,  it  would  certainly  have  been  all  wrong. 

After  winning  the  battle  of  Opequan,  Sheridan  pursued  Early 
up  the  valley  to  Fisher's  Hill,  where  he  found  the  Confederate 
army  drawn  up  in  a  strong  position.  Early,  in  fact,  was  posted  too 
strong  for  an  assault  in  front,  and  Sheridan  decided  once  more  to 
use  Crook's  forces  in  a  flank  movement,  and  in  this  way  force  him 
to  abandon  his  works.  Crook  was  directed  to  lead  his  men  into 
the  desired  position,  under  cover  of  the  woods  on  the  eastern  slope 
of  the  Little  North  Mountain,  the  remainder  of  the  army  meanwhile 
engaging  the  attention  of  the  enemy  by  a  demonstration  in  front. 
This  completely  deceived  the  Confederate  commander  as  to 
Sheridan's  real  intention.  Before  Early  had  any  conception  of 
what  Sheridan  was  about  Crook  had  completed  his  movement,  and 
fell  upon  their  rear  and  left  flank,  winning  the  battle  almost  in  a 
moment.  This  engagement  was  conducted  with  more  precision 
and  much  less  slaughter  on  both  sides  than  the  previous  battle. 
Early  again  retreated  up  the  valley  with  Sheridan  in  hot  pursuit. 

During  this  engagement  McKinley  was  still  on  Crook's  staff, 
and  made  himself  so  useful  that  Fisher's  Hill  was  also  mentioned 


92  FROM  CAPTAIN  TO  MAJOR 

in  his  commission  as  brevet  major.  Sheridan  had  hoped  to  capture 
and  destroy  Early 's  army  after  Fisher's  Hill,  but  the  failure  of 
Torbert  and  Averill  to  intercept  him  in  his  flight  gave  him  an 
opportunity  to  escape.  The  succeeding  month  was  largely  taken 
up  by  cavalry  skirmishes.  Early  was  pursued  as  far  as  Harrison- 
burg,  after  which  Sheridan  fell  back  down  the  valley,  destroying 
the  forage  as  he  went,  and  finally  posting  his  forces  on  the  north 
side  of  Cedar  Creek. 

ALMOST    A    DISASTER    TO    SHERIDAN'S    ARMY 

Meanwhile  the  movements  of  Sheridan's  army  had  become  a 
subject  of  interest  and  debate  at  Washington,  and  a  discussion  by 
telegraph  about  its  future  operations  went  on  for  some  time.  In 
the  end  he  was  summoned  to  Washington  by  General  Halleck  for 
a  personal  interview.  This  action  well  nigh  resulted  in  a  very 
serious  disaster  to  the  army,  and  led  to  the  famous  incident  known 
as  "Sheridan's  Ride." 

Crook's  command  held  at  this  time  the  left  flank  of  the  Union 
army.  On  the  morning  of  October  iQth,  under  cover  of  a  dense 
fog,  the  Confederates  swept  down  upon  his  camp  with  such  sudden 
ness  and  force  that  the  whole  Union  army  was  thrown  into  con 
fusion  and  driven  back  in  dismay.  The  story  of  what  followed  is 
told  by  Sheridan  in  his  Memoirs,  in  his  simple  and  lucid  language. 
We  learn  from  him  how  he  had  reached  Winchester  on  his  return 
from  Washington,  how  he  set  out  from  there  with  the  sound  of 
distant  artillery  ringing  in  his  ears,  and  how  he  arrived  on  the  field 
and  turned  the  tide  of  battle,  changing  defeat  into  victory.  The 
episode  is  one  of  the  most  dramatic  in  the  nation's  whole  history. 

On  arriving  at  Newton,  where  a  portion  of  the  demoralized 
army  was  still  seeking  to  hold  its  own  against  Early's  triumphant 
forces,  Sheridan  tells  us  that  he  met  Major  McKinley  of  Crook's 
staff,  who  quickly  spread  the  news  of  his  arrival  among  the 
disorganized  soldiers,  giving  them  new  hope  and  confidence. 
McKinley  had  just  been  engaged  in  placing  Dupont's  battery  in  a 


FROM  CAPTAIN  TO  MAJOR  93 

favorable  position,  by  command  of  General  Crook.  It  was  on  his 
return  from  the  performance  of  this  duty  that  he  met  Sheridan. 
This  brilliant  cavalry  leader  rode  hurriedly  from  side  to  side  of  the 
field,  observing  the  situation,  calling  the  men  to  face  the  enemy, 
and  when,  two  hours  later,  at  the  suggestion  of  Colonel  Forsyth, 
he  decided  to  ride  down  the  line  so  that  all  the  troops  might  see 
him,  McKinley  was  among  the  group  of  officers  that  accompanied 
him. 

MCKINLEY    RECEIVES    HIS    BREVET    OF    MAJOR 

Sheridan  threw  off  his  overcoat  and  appeared  in  a  new 
uniform,  which  he  had  put  on  with  the  purpose  of  presenting  him 
self  at  the  War  Department  in  Washington.  In  the  hurry  of  the 
movement  he  handed  his  new  epaulets  to  McKinley,  and  mounting 
his  black  horse,  Rienzi,  still  white  with  dust  and  foam  from  its 
recent  headlong  gallop,  he  rode,  hat  in  hand,  and  followed  by  his 
staff,  down  the  front  of  the  re-formed  army,  the  wildest  enthusiasm 
greeting  him  as  regiment  after  regiment  and  brigade  after  brigade 
rose  with  cheers  of  welcome  and  waving  battle  flags.  At  the  sight 
of  their  commander  the  spirit  of  the  army  blazed  forth  again, 
and  at  the  word  of  command  they  sprang  to  the  charge  and  swept 
Early's  army  out  of  the  valley,  never  to  return. 

McKinley  remained  on  Crook's  staff  until  after  the  latter  had 
the  misfortune  of  being  captured  with  General  Kelly  in  West 
Virginia.  Subsequently  the  young  captain  was  detailed  to  the 
staff  of  General  Hancock,  then  commanding  the  department.  At 
a  later  date  he  was  assigned  to  the  staff  of  General  S.  S.  Carroll  at 
Washington.  In  this  duty  he  remained  until  after  Lee's  surrender 
at  Appomattox.  On  March  13,  1865,  he  received  his  brevet  as 
major,  and  without  seeing  any  more  fighting  was  mustered  out  of 
the  United  States  service  on  July  26th.  Thus  closed  his  military 
career. 


CHAPTER  VII 

Choosing    a    Profession 

THE  close  of  the  Civil   War  left   the  young  soldier  without  a 
profession.       He   had   entered   the   ranks  of  the  volunteer 

army  as  an  enthusiastic  boy,  eager  for  the  active  stir  of  a 
military  life  and  moved  by  a  warm  patriotic  impulse.  He 
had  risen  through  sheer  force  of  valor,  intelligence,  and  military 
ability  from  the  rank  of  a  private  soldier  to  that  of  a  Major, 
and  was  still  only  twenty-two  years  of  age  when  the  close 
of  the  conflict  left  him  with  the  world  before  him  in  which 
to  choose  a  career.  It  was  something  for  one  of  his  age  to 
be  the  proud  owner  of  a  commission,  signed  by  Abraham  Lincoln, 
appointing  him  to  the  rank  of  Brevet-Major  of  United  States 
volunteers  "  for  gallant  and  meritorious  services  at  the  battles  of 
Opequan,  Cedar  Creek,  and  Fisher's  Hill  ;  "  but  this  valued  docu 
ment  would  not  bring  him  bread,  and  how  to  obtain  a  place  in  the 
strife  of  life  was  next  to  be  considered. 

He  was  not,  indeed,  obliged  to  seek  a  position  in  private  life. 
An  army  career  lay  before  him,  if  he  chose  to  accept  it,  and  General 
S.  S.  Carroll,  his  personal  friend,  earnestly  advised  him  to  enter 
the  regular  army,  saying  that  a  young  officer  with  his  reputation 
,,  for  gallantry  and  efficiency  could  readily  secure  a  commission.  He 
offered,  indeed,  to  use  his  influence  in  the  young  man's  behalf,  and 
laid  before  him  the  temptation  of  a  life  free  from  business  cares 
and  in  which  his  future  would  be  assured. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  temptation  was  a  strong  one, 
and  that  the  proffered  place  was  not  declined  until  after  long  and 
anxious  deliberation.  Yet  it  did  not  appeal  to  the  young  soldier.  To 
remain  in  the  army  in  times  of  peace,  with  none  of  the  excitement 

94 


CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION  95 

of  battle,  none  of  the  thrill  of  danger,  none  of  those  stirring 
scenes  which  set  the  nerves  tingling  and  the  blood  bounding 
through  the  veins,  was  by  no  means  to  his  taste.  He  had  been  a 
soldier.  He  did  not  care  to  become  a  drill-master.  Afield  of  con 
flict  of  different  character  lay  before  him,  that  of  professional  or 
business  life,  and  the  warlike  spirit  which  still  inspired  his  soul 
counselled  him  to  enter  upon  a  private  career,  where  alone  his 
impulse  to  fight  seemed  likely  to  find  a  vent. 

WITHOUT    A    TRADE    OR    PROFESSION 

His  father  and  mother,  brothers  and  sisters,  still  resided  in  the 
quiet  little  village  of  Poland,  whence  he  had  set  out  as  a  lad  of 
eighteen  to  follow  his  country's  flag  and  give  his  young*  life,  if  need 
were,  to  her  cause.  He  had  spent  in  the  army  the  years  when 
most  boys  are  getting  their  training  for  business,  with  the  roar  of 
cannon  and  rattle  of  rifles  in  his  ears  instead  of  the  bustle  of 
trade  or  the  activity  of  professional  life.  He  had  entered  the  years 
of  manhood  without  trade  or  profession,  and  to  begin  his  'prentice 
life  at  his  age  was  not  an  attractive  prospect.  But  it  must  be  done ; 
he  had  chosen  the  alternative ;  he  must  set  his  shoulder  to  the 
wheel. 

What  career  should  he  choose?  No  doubt  he  called  the  com 
bined  experience  and  judgment  of  the  family  to  the  decision  of  this 
important  question,  and  there  may  have  been  long  and  anxious  con 
sultations  within  the  precincts  of  that  humble  home.  However  this 
be,  the  choice  finally  fell  upon  a  profession  in  which  many  a  Western 
boy  has  found  the  route  to  fame  and  fortune,  that  of  law.  He 
decided  to  enter  upon  a  legal  career. 

Little  time  was  lost  after  the  decision  had  been  made.  He 
obtained  admission  as  a  student  to  the  office  of  Judge  Charles  E. 
Glidden,  the  leading  lawyer  of  the  county  in  which  he  resided,  and 
then  earnestly  began  his  studies,  assailing  the  outworks  of  the  law 
as  vigorously  as  he  had  attacked  the  intrenchments  of  the  Con 
federate  troops  in  the  field. 


96  CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION 

The  young  man  had  days  and  years  to  make  up.  Others  of 
his  age  were  practicing  in  the  courts  before  he  had  opened  his  first 
legal  tome.  There  was  no  time  to  be  lost.  Only  hard  and  incessant 
work  could  regain  the  vanished  time.  Night  and  day  found  him 
at  his  studies,  devouring  books  with  an  ever  unsatisfied  appetite. 
He  worked  like  a  Trojan,  for  he  had  more  than  the  difficulties  of 
legal  lore  to  overcome.  His  family  were  far  from  wealthy  and  his 
father  could  give  him  little  aid.  Wants  and  demands  pressed  upon 
him,  and  more  than  once,  during  his  long  months  of  study,  he  was 
sorely  tempted  to  abandon  his  books  and  enter  upon  a  business 
career. 

We  are  told  that  his  elder  sister  was  his  chief  mental  support 
in  his  persistent  study.  She  assured  him  that  no  sacrifice  was  too 
great  to  enable  him  to  accomplish  the  end  which  he  had  deliber 
ately  set  out  to  win,  and  her  courageous  spirit  was,  no  doubt,  of 
the  utmost  aid  to  the  struggling  and  penniless  young  man.  For 
nearly  two  years  he  continued  in  Judge  Glidden's  office,  and  then 
entered  a  law  school  at  Albany,  New  York,  where  he  finished  his 
studies  and  graduated  with  success.  It  was  in  1867  that  this  strug 
gle  for  a  profession  ended,  and  the  newly-fledged  lawyer  gained 
admission  to  the  bar. 

The  next  question  to  be  decided  was  that  all-important  one 
for  a  new  "limb  of  the  law,"  of  the  best  place  to  locate;  where,  in 
the  growing  State  of  which  he  was  a  citizen,  a  young  lawyer  might 
look  for  a  reasonable  share  of  business.  Poland,  with  its  400 
people,  was  no  place  in  which  to  hope  for  success.  The  town 
finally  chosen  was  Canton,  the  county-seat  of  Stark  County,  and 
not  far  away  from  his  boyhood's  home.  In  selecting  Canton  he 
was  largely  influenced  by  the  fact  that  his  elder  sister  Anna,  she 
whose  counsel  had  done  so  much  towards  inducing  him  to  persist 
in  his  legal  studies,  was  a  teacher  in  that  town,  where  she  had 
won  the  good-will  and  respect  of  the  people  by  her  merit  as  an 
instructor  and  her  estimable  character  as  a  woman.  Her  brother 
had  the  warmest  affection  for  her,  and  her  residence  in  Canton  was 


WILLIAM   McKINLEY 
A  late  photograph 


MRS.  WILLIAM  McKlNLEY 
A  late  photograpjK^A.  1* 

OF  T!'£ 

UNIVIT 


CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION  99 

naturally  a  strong  inducement  for  him  to  settle  in  that  town. 
Thither,  then,  he  made  his  way,  there  he  hung  out  his  shingle,  and 
there  he  waited  for  clients  to  drift  his  way.  And  Canton  remained 
his  legal  place  of  residence  until  the  day  of  his  death,  his  periods 
of  residence  in  Washington  being  but  passing  incidents  in  his 
career. 

CANTON    BECOMES    HIS    HOME 

Canton  was  not  large.  It  had  at  that  time  about  5,000  inhabit 
ants.  But  to  the  young  man,  reared  in  a  village,  accustomed  for 
four  years  to  the  wild  life  of  a  camp,  and  with  little  knowledge  of 
large  cities,  no  doubt  it  seemed  a  thriving  and  bustling  place,  one 
likely  to  yield  abundant  opportunities  for  legal  business.  Men  will 
quarrel  and  do  wrong  in  small  places  as  in  large,  and  in  all  localities 
where  disputes  are  settled  by  the  law,  instead  of  by  the  stick  or 
the  sword,  a  lawyer's  services  are  likely  to  be  called  into  request. 

Stark  County,  indeed,  was  well  settled,  it  being  a  fertile  and 
productive  section  of  land.  It  lies  in  the  Tuscarawas  Valley, 
covering  500  square  miles  of  productive  soil.  Originally  it  was 
largely  settled  by  Dunkers,  a  German  religious  sect,  immigrants 
from  Pennsylvania.  These  sturdy  farmers  took  possession  of  the 
fields,  leaving  to  the  later-coming  Americans  the  making  of  the 
towns.  The  Germans  were  Democrats  in  political  faith ;  the  new 
comers,  English  and  Scotch-Irish,  from  the  Eastern  and  Middle 
States,  were  stalwart  Whigs.  Between  these  two  parties  the 
county  was  divided,  with  a  preponderance  in  favor  of  the  Demo 
crats. 

Stark  County,  and  its  county  seat,  have  grown  since  that  day. 
Its  population  has  more  than  doubled,  while  Canton  is  six  times  as 
large  as  it  was  when  the  young  lawyer  sought  it  as  the  seat  of  his 
fortunes.  Its  growth  has  been  due  to  the  founding  of  numerous 
manufacturing  industries,  giving  rise  to  a  business  activity  very 
likely  to  make  work  for  the  courts.  These  industries  consisted  of 
iron  works  of  various  kinds,  woolen  factories,  paper  mills,  agricuK 
turil  implement  manufactories,  etc. 


ioo  CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION 

Major.  McKinley,  with  his  quick  intelligence  and  energetic 
spirit,  took  an  active  interest  and  soon  became  a  leading  man  in  the 
affairs  of  his  new  place  of  residence.  No  one  was  more  alive  to 
the  importance  of  the  development  of  the  material  welfare  of  the 
people,  and  the  older  inhabitants  of  the  town  soon  began  to  look 
with  attention  and  respect  upon  the  enterprising  young  man  who 
had  established  himself  in  their  midst.  His  influence  was  greatly 
increased  by  his  engaging  manners  and  his  readiness  and  fluency  in 
legal  oratory,  none  the  less  for  the  decided  opinions  and  strong 
common  sense  which,  from  the  beginning,  he  displayed.  McKinley's 
first  speech  had  been  made  just  after  the  close  of  the  war,  when 
he  responded  for  himself  and  his  comrades  at  a  public  reception 
given  them  on  their  return  from  the  field.  The  oratorical  power 
shown  at  that  early  date  improved  steadily  as  time  went  on. 

HIS  PROGRESS  IN  LAW  PRACTICE 

But,  leaving  this  phase  of  our  subject  for  the  present,  we  must 
return  to  the  story  of  McKinley's  progress  in  the  service  of  the  law. 
Naturally,  as  a  young  and  unknown  man,  litigants  were  disinclined 
to  trust  their  interests  in  his  hands.  A  fortnight  passed  without  a 
client,  and  the  youthful  lawyer  was  beginning  to  find  the  time  hang 
very  heavy  on  his  hands.  Then,  one  day,  his  old  preceptor, 
Judge  Glidden,  stepped  into  his  little  office. 

"  McKinley,"  said  he,  "here  are  the  papers  in  a  case  of  mine. 
It  comes  up  to-morrow.  I  have  got  to  go  out  of  town,  and  I  want 
you  to  take  charge  of  it  for  me." 

McKinley  was  nonplussed.  He  declared  that  he  could  not  do 
justice  to  the  case  at  so  short  a  notice.  "  I  never  have  tried  a 
single  case  yet,  Judge,"  said  he. 

"Well,  begin  on  this  one,  then,"  was  the  Judge's  reply.  And 
it  was  finally  settled  that  McKinley  should  do  so.  He  sat  up  all 
night  working  on  the  case,  tried  it  the  next  day,  and  won  it.  A 
few  days  later  Judge  Glidden  entered  his  office  and  handed  him 
$25.  McKinley  demurred  at  taking  it. 


CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION  101 

'*  It  is  too  much  for  one  day's  work,"  he  said. 

"  Don't  let  that  worry  you,"  replied  Glidden,  good-naturedly. 
"I  charged  them$ioo  for  the  case,  and  I  can  well  afford  a  quarter 
of  it  to  you." 

A  year  or  two  later  McKinley  found  himself  pitted  against 
John  McSweeney,  then  considered  one  of  the  most  brilliant  lawyers 
of  the  Ohio  bar.  The  case  was  a  suit  for  damages  for  malprac 
tice,  the  plaintiff  charging  that  a  surgeon  had  set  his  broken  leg  in 
such  a  way  as  to  make  him  bow-legged  on  that  side.  McKinley 
defended  the  surgeon.  McSweeney  brought  his  client  into  court 
and  had  the  injured  limb  exposed  to  the  view  of  the  jury.  It 
certainly  was  very  crooked,  and  the  case  looked  bad  for  the  sur 
geon.  McKinley  had  both  eyes  wide  open,  however,  and  fixed 
them  to  good  purpose  upon  the  ma^'s  other  leg.  As  soon  as  the 
witness  was  turned  over  to  him,  he  asked  that  the  other  leg  should 
also  be  bared.  The  plaintiff  and  McSweeney  vigorously  objected, 
but  the  Judge  ordered  it  done.  Then  it  appeared  that  this  second 
leg  was  still  more  crooked  than  that  which  the  surgeon  had  set. 

14  My  client  seems  to  have  done  better  by  this  man  than  nature 
itself  did,"  said  McKinley,  "and  I  move  that  the  suit  be  dismissed, 
with  a  recommendation  to  the  plaintiff  that  he  have  the  other  leg 
broken  and  then  set  by  the  surgeon  who  set  the  first  one." 

INTEREST    IN    LOCAL    AND    STATE    POLITICS 

Major  McKinley  no  sooner  felt  himself  firmly  on  his  feet  as  a 
lawyer  than  he  began  to  take  interest  in  local  and  State  politics. 
In  political  principles  he  was  an  ardent  Republican.  To  him 
Republicanism  meant  union,  freedom  and  progress — the  cause  for 
which  he  had  fought  for  four  years.  If  political  ambition  had  been 
uppermost  in  his  mind  at  that  time  he  \vould  not  have  selected 
Stark  County  for  his  home,  since  the  Democratic  cause  was  there 
in  the  ascendency.  Nevertheless,  he  was  drawn  into  politics  almost 
as  soon  as  he  had  his  first  brief.  In  the  Autumn  of  1867  there  was 
a  hotly  contested  Gubernatorial  campaign  in  Ohio,  and  a  constitu- 


io*  CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION 

tional  amendment  giving  suffrage  to  colored  men  was  submitted  to 
the  popular  vote.  The  Republicans  carried  the  election,  but  the 
amendment  was  lost.  In  this  canvass  McKinley  made  his  first 
political  speech,  and  it  was  in  favor  of  the  suffrage  amendment. 
This  was  in  New  Berlin.  The  orator,  twenty-four  years  old,  spoke 
from  a  dry  goods  box,  placed  near  the  steps  of  the  village  tavern, 
to  an  audience  strongly  against  him. 

The  story  of  this,  his  pioneer  political  oration,  the  advance 
guard  of  so  many  more  important  ones  in  his  later  life,  is  of  much 
interest,  and  a  racy  description  of  it  exists,  which  is  well  worth 
repeating. 

MCKINLEY'S  FIRST   SPEECH 

On  a  dry-goods  box  4  feet  long,  3  feet  wide  and  3  feet  high, 
President  McKinley  made  his  first  political  speech  in  the  little  town 
of  New  Berlin.  The  box  stood  in  front  of  a  house  which  has  since 
burned  down,  and  just  inside  the  gate  of  a  wooden  fence  within  100 
feet  of  the  four  corners  of  the  business  centre.  The  man  who  intro 
duced  him  to  his  first  audience  afterward  lived  in  a  new  brick  house, 
built  within  ten  feet  of  the  location  of  the  dry-goods  box  which 
supported  the  President  on  that  memorable  night.  The  benches  in 
front  of  the  post  office,  next  door,  furnished  a  resting-place  for  the 
old  politicians  who  here  gathered  to  get  their  mail  daily,  and  talk 
over  the  most  notable  event  in  New  Berlin's  history,  made  notable 
by  the  achievements  of  the  boy  orator,  McKinley,  in  succeed 
ing  years. 

"Can  you  make  a  speech?"  said  Michael  Bitzer  to  William 
McKinley  when  the  speaker  arrived  from  Canton,  ready  to  follow 
Judge  Underhill  upon  the  improvised  stage.  Michael  Bitzer  was 
the  chairman  of  the  meeting.  Even  at  eighty-three  years  of  age,  he 
remembered  the  night  he  introduced  McKinley  as  though  it  were  a 
happening  of  a  yesterday.  The  somewhat  unexpected  remark  of  the 
chairman  of  the  meeting  to  the  young  man  who  was  to  make  his 
debut  before  a  large  audience  rather  took  his  breath  away  for  a 
moment,  but,  on  the  assurance  of  Judge  Underhill  that  Mr.  Bitzer 


CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION  103 

meant  no  offense,  he  regained  his  pleasant  face,  showing  the  kind 
disposition  which  was  so  characteristic  of  him  in  later  days. 

"  Could  he  speak?"  said  Michael,  "Well,  I  should  say  he 
could.  Everybody  was  simply  dumfounded.  For  nearly  an  hour  he 
talked  as  never  a  young  man  in  Stark  County  had  talked  before. 
I  told  Judge  Underbill,  who  accompanied  him,  after  the  meeting, 
that  McKinley  did  a  blamed  sight  better  than  he  did,  and  the 
Judge,  too,  pronounced  him  a  coming  politician." 

"  I  really  was  surprised  when  Judge  Underhill  introduced  that 
young  strip  of  a  boy  to  me,  saying  that  he  had  come  to  make  a 
speech  in  place  of  another  Judge,  who  was  unable  to  be  present. 
Of  course,  I  only  asked  McKinley  in  a  joke  if  he  could  make  a 
speech.  I  spoke  to  him  as  much  as  I  would  to  a  boy,  but  I  really 
did  have  my  doubts  about  such  a  young  man  doing  justice  to  the 
occasion."  Mr.  Bitzer  introduced  him  as  William  McKinley,  of 
Canton.  He  little  thought  he  was  introducing  the  coming  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States. 

McKinley  arose  and  looked  over  his  audience.  There  was  not 
a  sign  of  the  emotion  on  his  part  which  usually  attends  the  first 
speech  of  a  speaker.  In  stature  he  was  not  portly  and  strong  like 
he  was  in  later  days. 

"  But,"  said  Mr,  Bitzer,  "  as  I  remember  him,  the  same  strong 
characteristics  which  were  so  notable  in  his  public  life  within 
the  last  years  stood  out  forcibly  on  that  night." 

He  spoke  under  the  glimmer  of  the  street  lighted  by  oil  lamps, 
for  that  was  before  the  days  of  electric  lights.  His  strong  person 
ality  and  his  kindly  manner  were  noticed  by  the  people  of  New 
Berlin.  His  hearty  handshake,  his  pleasant  smile  were  all  there, 
only  waiting  for  opportunity  and  strength  of  purpose  to  develop 
them. 

As  McKinley  and  Judge  Underhill  drove  into  town  in  the 
early  evening  and  up  to  the  hotel,  many  of  the  admiring  audience 
of  an  hour  and  a  half  later  undoubtedly  mistook  the  young  man 
beside  the  stately  Judge  for  the  driver  of  the  carriage. 


io4  CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION 

Mr.  McKinley  spoke  in  the  open  air,  but  not  to  the  winds. 
There  was  a  silence  which  would  admit  of  the  audible  dropping  of 
a  pin.  The  night  was  clear.  His  voice  was  easily  heard  by  those 
who  sat  a  hundred  feet  away  on  the  steps  of  the  store  near  the 
corner.  He  confined  himself  strictly  to  the  issues  of  the  campaign 
of  1867,  which,  however,  was  not  a  Presidential  one.  He  did  not 
once  refer  to  notes.  His  vocabulary  and  active  brain  were  his  only 
promoters. 

"  I  just  wondered,"  said  Mr.  Bitzer,  "where  he  got  all  those 
words  and  ideas." 

A  short  time  before  his  death  Mr,  and  Mrs.  McKinley  took  a 
drive  from  their  home  in  Canton.  Almost  before  they  realized  it, 
they  came  upon  the  town  of  New  Berlin.  As  they  passed  the  place 
where  Mr.  McKinley  had  started  his  political  career  upon  a  dry-goods 
box,  the  occupants  of  the  carriage  loth  turned  their  heads,  and  a 
smile  spread  over  the  countenance  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  They  drove  past  and  turned  east  at  the  four  corners  by  the 
post  office.  After  a  short  drive  up  that  road  they  returned  and 
again  passed  the  spot  where  stood  the  dry-goods  box  of  thirty-five 
years  ago.  It  was  not  long  after  President  McKinley  had  crossed 
the  boundary  line  of  the  town  from  Canton  that  the  people  realized 
that  they  were  very  unexpectedly  entertaining  a  notable  guest,  and 
one,  too,  who  had  more  than  a  passing  interest  in  the  little  town. 
They  turned  out  in  large  numbers.  The  President  bowed  to  all  he 
met. 

WINS    HIS    FIRST    ELECTION 

Mr.  Bitzer  was  justly  proud  of  "  introducing  the  President  into 
politics,"  as  he  called  it.  He  is  an  old  soldier  and  a  life-long  Repub 
lican.  Once,  during  McKinley's  term  as  Governor,  he  called  at  his 
office  in  Columbus.  There  were  not  less  than  a  dozen  people  in 
the  room:  "This,"  said  McKinley,  "is  the  man  who  first  introduced 
me  into  politics,"  and  Mr.  Bitzer's  hand  was  grasped  not  less 
than  a  dozen  times.  "  Yes,"  said  Bitzer,  "  McKinley  and  I  are  fast 
friends." 


CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION  105 

The  able  and  ardent  young  orator  was  at  once  welcomed  into 
the  Republican  party  by  the  leaders,  and  during  the  remainder  of 
that  campaign,  and  the  campaign  for  President  in  1868,  he  was 
frequently  called  upon  to  speak  in  public  for  the  party's  princi 
ples  and  candidates.  By  1869  he  was  well  known  throughout  the 
county  as  a  rising  young  lawyer,  and  a  speaker  of  thoughtful 
force.  He  was  gaining  in  wisdom  and  experience. 

As  a  somewhat  questionable  form  of  reward  for  his  services, 
the  party  put  him  forward  in  that  year  as  its  candidate  for  District 
Attorney.  The  nomination  was  looked  upon  as  an  empty  honor, 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  Stark  was  reckoned  one  of  [the  banner 
Democratic  counties  of  the  State.  An  old  party  leader  would  have 
had  a  very  hard  battle  to  win,  and  for  a  young  and  inexperienced 
man  the  case  seemed  hopeless.  The  nomination  appeared  a  very 
cheap  way  of  rewarding  the  rising  young  orator. 

But  however  the  Convention  and  the  people  regarded  the 
nomination,  McKinley  took  it  in  all  seriousness,  and  went  into  the  race 
determined  to  win,  if  youthful  energy  and  hard  work  could  bring 
success.  He  made  a  vigorous  canvass  of  the  county,  throwing  his 
whole  soul  into  the  work,  and  displaying  an  enthusiasm  which  was 
something  new  in  that  district.  He  assailed  the  voters  as  if  he  was 
again  charging  upon  the  works  of  the  enemy.  Day  after  day  he 
made  ardent  speeches,  inspiring  confidence,  gaining  friends  among 
the  people,  and  making  raids  upon  the  ranks  of  the  foe.  When  the 
election  was  over  the  Democrats  were  amazed  to  find  that  this 
young  man,  scarcely  known  in  the  county,  had  defeated  their  candi 
date  and  won  the  fight  by  a  safe  majority.  Thus,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-six,  Major  McKinley  won  his  first  political  success.  The 
office  did  not  pay  a  large  salary,  but  it  was  a  stepping-stone  alike 
to  legal  business  and  to  further  political  honors. 

McKinley  gained  popular  favor  in  his  first  office  by  his  honest 
and  able  performance  of  his  duties.  On  the  expiration  of  his  two 
years'  term  he  was  again  nominated,  the  party  looking  upon  him  as 
their  safest  candidate.  The  Democrats  were  now  thoroughly 


io6  CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION 

awakened.  This  new  aspirant  for  public  honors  was  winning  the 
good-will  of  his  fellow-citizens  far  too  rapidly  to  please  them.  They 
put  into  the  field  against  him  the  best  man  they  could  find  in  their 
ranks,  and  employed  all  the  devices  of  political  tactics  in  the  cam 
paign.  They  succeeded,  but  their  majority  was  so  small — only  forty- 
five  instead  of  the  usual  hundreds — that  McKinley  rather  gained 
than  lost  standing  by  his  defeat.  His  vigorous  canvass  and  grow 
ing  ability  as  a  speaker  brought  him  into  ihe  front  rank  of  his  party, 
and  thenceforth  he  was  to  be  reckoned  with  as  the  most  powerful 
political  factor  in  the  county.  His  next  step  in  political  life  was 
to  be  towards  a  much  higher  goal,  but  five  years  passed  before  it 
was  taken — years  of  hard  study  and  diligent  practice  at  the  bar. 

WINNING    A    BRIDE 

We  must  now  leave  politics  for  the  more  attractive  story  of 
love  and  matrimony.  Six  years  passed  after  McKinley  left  the 
army,  and  four  years  after  he  engaged  in  the  practice  of  his  profes 
sion,  before  his  rising  fortunes  gave  him  warrant  to  seek  a  wife. 
It  must  not  be  imagined,  however,  that  he  had  lived  in  Canton  all 
these  years  and  was  not  familiar  with  its  attractions  in  the  way  of 
womanly  beauty  and  grace.  He  was  doubtless  a  favorite  in  many 
houses,  his  genial  manners  and  courtly  address  being  well  calcu 
lated  to  win  him  a  host  of  social  friends,  and  among  his  fair  asso 
ciates  not  the  least  to  be  considered  was  she  who  then  reigned  as 
the  belle  of  Canton,  the  lovely  Ida  Saxton. 

The  Saxtons  had  long  been  leading  people  in  Canton.  John 
Saxton,  the  founder  of  the  family  in  Ohio,  was  one  of  the  pioneers 
in  that  State  at  the  beginning  of  the  last  century.  There,  in  1815, 
he  established  the  Ohio  Repository,  long  the  chief  journal  of  the 
town,  and  of  wide-spread  influence  in  the  county  ;  conducting  it 
with  success  until  his  death,  at  an  advanced  age.  For  sixty  years 
he  was  its  editor,  and  had  the  distinction  of  printing  in  it  the  news 
of  the  battle  of  Waterloo — some  five  months  after  it  occurred— 
and  the  defeat  of  the  Third  Napoleon  at  Sedan,  fifty-five  years 


/  OF  THE 

(    UNIVER 


CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION  109 

afterward.  He  was  a  warm  personal  friend  of  Horace  Greeley, 
who  was  one  of  the  first  to  put  on  record  the  above  interesting 
fact.  The  paper  is  still  published  at  Canton,  and  retains  much  of 
its  old  influence. 

One  of  the  veteran  editor's  sons,  James  A.  Saxton,  became  a 
banker  in  Canton,  and  a  man  of  much  wealth  and  prominence. 
Ida  Saxton,  whom  we  have  above  designated  as  the  belle  of 
Canton,  was  his  daughter.  She  was  a  girl  of  many  personal 
charms,  a  tall  blonde,  with  expressive  bright  blue  eyes,  a  winning 
manner,  and  a  lively  intelligence. 

MRS.  MCKINLEY'S  GIRLHOOD 

As  a  girl  she  was  busy,  whether  at  work  or  at  play.  Her 
education  was  begun  at  the  boarding  school  of  Miss  Sandford, 
in  Cleveland,  and  at  Miss  Eastman's  Seminary,  Brooke  Hall,  in 
Media,  Pa.  In  both  of  these  schools  she  left  the  stamp  of  her 
personality.  She  led  the  other  girls  in  their  enterprises,  sometimes 
mischievous  ones,  and  her  quickness  kept  her  at  the  head  of  her 
classes,  while  she  spent  less  time  in  study  than  any  of  the  others. 
One  thing  is  recorded  of  her  by  all  those  who  knew  her ;  she  never 
said  unkind  things  of  any  one.  She  seems  to  have  been  too  large 
in  heart  to  indulge  in  any  petty  acts. 

Miss  Eastman,  the  principal  of  the  school,  lived  for  long  years 
after  that  time — long  enough  to  tell  many  a  story  of  her  favorite 
pupil.  She  said  that  Ida  Saxton  was  the  one  girl  in  her  school 
who  ever  caused  her  to  break  her  rule  against  favoritism.  She 
believed  that  this  was  unfair  on  a  teacher's  part,  and  she  fought 
persistently  against  it,  but  Ida  Saxton  was  too  much  for  her.  She( 
couldn't  help  loving  her  better  than  she  loved  any  of  the  others, 
and  in  her  fear  of  showing  this  she  was  more  severe  with  her  than 
any  other. 

Ida  responded  most  heartily  to  her  teacher's  affection,  and 
afterward,  when  she  became  Mrs.  McKinley,  and  with  her  distin 
guished  husband  visited  now  and  then  in  Philadelphia,  she  always 


no  CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION 

sent  a  letter  out  to  Brooke   Hall,  as  the  school  was  called,  inviting 
Miss  Eastman  to  dine  with  them. 

Mr.  Saxton  was  a  devoted  father,  and  he  lavished  upon  his 
daughter  every  pleasure  and  accomplishment  that  was  to  be  had. 
After  her  excellent  education  in  this  country  she  went  abroad  and 
made  a  long  and  extended  tour  over  Europe  with  her  sister.  She 
did  not  return  until  1869. 

HER    EXPERIENCE    AS    A    CASHIER    OF    A    BANK 

Then,  after  all  these  years  of  fashionable  education,  she  did 
a  most  unexpected  and  unconventional  thing.  She  turned  bank 
cashier.  Canton  found  cause  for  gossip  in  that  fact,  but  Miss 
Saxton's  serene  bearing  and  her  popularity  were  of  a  nature  to 
wither  gossip.  Were  the  family  funds  giving  out  ?  gossip  at  first 
inquired.  That  was  soon  found  to  be  not  the  case.  Mr.  Saxton 
himself  explained  the  matter. 

"  I  have  seen  enough  girls  left  stranded  by  sudden  losses  of 
means,"  he  said,  "and  I  don't  intend  that  this  shall  ever  happen  to 
my  daughter.  She  can  be  taken  care  of  at  home  now,  but  I  may 
be  poor  some  day.  Nobody  ever  knows  what  is  going  to  happen. 
I  want  her  to  be  able  to  support  herself  if  trouble  ever  comes  her 
way.  Above  all,  I  don't  want  her  to  have  to  marry  solely  to  be 
supported,  as  I  have  seen  plenty  of  girls  do.  I  want  her  to  marry 
because  and  whom  she  wants  to." 

Through  all  the  flutter  that  her  presence  caused  in  the  place 
of  business  Miss  Saxton  preserved  a  businesslike  calm.  She  was  a 
diligent  worker,  and  became  accurate,  quick  and  reliable  in  her 
new  duties,  gaining  such  a  knowledge  of  the  banking  business  as 
would  have  qualified  her  to  hold  a  position  in  much  larger  estab 
lishments  than  that  of  her  father. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed,  however,  that  a  young  lady  of  such 
attractions  would  long  be  left  to  the  dry  details  of  local  finance. 
She  was  certainly  not  likely  to  want  devoted  friends  and  suitors, 
and  among  these  Major  McKinley  was  not  the  least  favored. 


CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION  in 

He  made  the  acquaintance  of  his  future  wife  on  a  visit  to  his 
sister  Anna,  then  a  teacher  at  Canton,  shortly  after  his  return 
from  the  war.  In  those  days  the  favorite  pleasure  resort  for  the 
young  folks  of  Canton  was  Meyers'  Lake,  two  miles  out  of  town, 
and  that  was  where  the  Major  met  Miss  Ida  Saxton. 

The  acquaintance,  there  begun,  was  not  suffered  to  lapse  after 
he  became  a  citizen  of  Canton,  and  was  renewed  with  ardor  after 
Miss  Saxton's  school  life  and  her  return  from  Europe.  It  was  con 
tinued  with  increased  warmth  during  her  business  life  as  cashier, 
friendship  now  rapidly  ripening  into  love,  and  social  amenities 
verging  into  courtship.  The  young  lady  saw  in  Major  McKinley 
not  only  the  most  devoted,  but  the  most  agreeable  of  the  aspirants 
to  her  hand.  She  returned  his  affection  with  a  warmth  equal  to 
his  own.  The  matter  was  brought  to  the  usual  climax  in  affairs  of 
this  character,  and  when  Mr.  Saxton  was  asked  by  the  young 
attorney  for  the  hand  of  his  daughter,  the  latter  received  the  flat- 
tering  assurance  that  he  was  the  only  man  Mr.  Saxton  knew  to 
whom  he  would  trust  the  future  of  his  child. 

THE    WEDDING    DAY 

The  young  couple  were  married  on  January  25,  1871.  The 
wedding  ceremonies  took  place  in  the  Presbyterian  Church  of 
Canton,  to  the  building  fund  of  which  the  bride's  grandfather  and 
father  had  been  the  principal  contributors.  Miss  Saxton  had  been 
a  teacher  in  the  Sunday  school,  and  her  marriage  was  the  first  in 
the  new  church.  Major  McKinley  was  a  Methodist,  Miss  Saxton 
a  Presbyterian.  She  joined  her  husband's  church  soon  after  the 
marriage.  The  wedding  service  was  performed  by  the  Rev.  E. 
Buckingham,  the  bride's  pastor,  assisted  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Endsley, 
a  Methodist  clergyman.  Abner  McKinley  was  best  man  and  Miss 
Mary  I.  Saxton  was  bridesmaid.  The  wedding  was  a  great  social 
event  in  the  town,  owing  alike  to  the  prominence  of  the  bride's 
family  and  the  popularity  of  the  groom. 


H2  CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION 

They  visited  several  of  the  Eastern  cities  on  their  wedding 
trip  and  then  went  back  to  Canton  to  live.  Their  silver  wedding 
anniversary  was  celebrated  on  January  25,  1896,  in  the  same  house 
in  which  they  had  begun  their  home-making.  In  the  meantime 
Abner  McKinley,  the  Major's  brother,  had  married  the  daughter  of 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Endsley,  and  Mr.  Barber,  one  of  the  ushers  at  the 
wedding  in  1871,  had  married  the  bridesmaid,  Miss  Mary  Saxton. 
They,  and  many  others  who  had  attended  the  wedding  of  Major 
McKinley  and  Miss  Saxton,  were  at  the  celebration  of  the  twenty- 
fifth  anniversary. 

The  young  couple  set  up  their  own  establishment  and  began 
housekeeping  in  the  old-fashioned  way.  On  Christmas  Day,  1871, 
a  child  was  born— —a.  daughter  destined  to  be  taken  from  them  when 

o 

only  a  little  more  than  three  years  old.  In  the  meantime,  a  few 
months  before  the  birth  of  a  second  child,  Mrs.  McKinley  lost  her 
mother,  and  then  her  baby  died. 

The  death  of  her  two  little  girls,  together  with  that  of  her 
mother  just  before  Ida  was  born,  was  more  than  Mrs.  McKinley 's 
health  could  stand.  She  broke  down  physically  because  of  her 
grief,  and  remained  an  invalid  during  the  rest  of  her  life. 

After  the  death  of  Mrs.  McKinley' s  mother,  she  and  her  hus 
band  took  up  their  residence  in  the  Saxton  homestead,  and  there, 
during  his  fourteen  years'  service  in  Congress,  and  while  he  was 
Governor  of  Ohio  and  President  of  the  United  States,  they  passed 
their  time  whenever  they  were  at  home. 

MARRIED    LIFE  OF    THE    MCKINLEYS 

Of  the  married  life  of  President  and  Mrs.  McKinley  the  public' 
needs  to  be  told  little,  for  the  devotion  of  this  man  and  woman 
was  a  theme  for  comment  for  many  years.  Their  affection 
appears  to  have  been  ideal,  almost  idealized.  On  the  part  of  Mrs. 
McKinley  there  was  a  constant,  tender,  adoring  love  for  the 
man  who  won  such  great  success,  and  at  the  same  time  was  never 
too  engrossed  to  pay  her  delicate  attentions.  On  his  part,  there 


CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION' 

was  a  lifetime  of  unselfish  devotion  to  a  gentle,  feeble  invalid. 
The  devoted  husband  saw  before  him  the  tragic  vision  of  a 
childless  life  and  the  companionship  of  an  incurable  invalid.  But 
he  accepted  the  situation  with  a  cheerfulness  which  never  failed,  and 
which  constantly  showed  the  depth  of  his  regard  for  the  woman  he 
loved. 

Public  affairs  never  interfered  with  this,  and  no  biography  of 
William  McKinley,  as  Congressman,  Governor  or  President,  is 
adequate  without  reference  to  his  unfailing  care  of  his  invalid  wife. 
On  the  other  hand,  Mrs.  McKinley's  illness  never  interfered  with 
her  lively  interest  in  public  affairs  and  in  the  part  that  her  husband 
took  in  them. 

MRS.    'MCKINLEY    A    DEVOTED    WIFE 

Although  she  never  became  very  robust  in  health,  she  so  far 
recovered  as  to  accompany  her  husband  to  Washington,  and  was 
his  almost  constant  companion  in  the  long  trips  he  took  during  his 
late  campaigns.  When  he  went  to  Washington  during  the  Hayes 
regime  his  wife,  although  they  lived  somewhat  quietly  at  a  hotel, 
became  prominent  at  the  White  House  as  the  close  personal  friend 
of  Mrs.  Hayes,  receiving  with  her  upon  public  occasions  and  taking 
her  place  in  her  absence.  She  was  a  conspicuous  figure  at  the 
brilliant  wedding  at  the  Executive  Mansion  when  Gen.  Russell 
Hastings,  who  had  ben  on  General  Hayes'  staff  in  the  army,  and 
Miss  Platt,  Mrs.  Hayes'  niece,  were  married. 

After  the  loss  of  her  own  children,  whose  baby  clothes  and 
playthings  she  always  kept  near  her,  Mrs.  McKinley's  love  and  care 
for  the  children  of  others  became  one  of  her  most  delightful  char 
acteristics.  She  was  "  Aunt  McKinley"  to  a  host  of  little  folks,  and 
one  of  her  pleasures  was  in  giving  entertainments  for  children  at 
her  home. 

Because  of  her  illness  Mrs.  McKinley  clung  to  the  pleasures 
and  occupations  of  the  women  and  wives  of  a  generation  past. 
She  could  not  take  an  active  part  in  the  public  charities  of  the 
present  day,  but  gave  much  and  did  much  for  the  relief  and  comfort 


n4  CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION 

of  the  unfortunate.  Needlework  was  an  occupation  at  which  she 
became  an  adept.  Another  of  her  little  domestic  pleasures  was 
afforded  by  her  collection  of  laces,  a  rare  and  valuable  one,  the 
nucleus  of  which  was  some  handkerchiefs  which  she  collected  when 
she  was  abroad.  Besides  her  laces  was  a  choice  assortment  of 
gems,  which  were  given  to  her  by  her  father  and  grandfather. 

In  person  Mrs.  McKinley  was  singularly  attractive.  She  had 
large  deep  blue  eyes,  a  transparent  complexion,  and  an  oval  face 
surmounted  by  a  cluster  of  brown  wavy  curls.  Although  she  had 
none  of  the  reputed  characteristics  of  the  so-called  "strong- 
minded  woman,"  she  kept  her  hair  cut  short,  a  circumstance  which 
no  doubt  contributed  much  to  her  youthful  and  girl-like  appear 
ance.  In  spite  of  the  piquancy  of  the  curly  head,  her  bearing  was 
always  that  of  benignant  and  serene  beauty,  which  captivated  all 
who  approached  her,  causing  her  to  be  viewed  at  once  with  respect 
and  affectionate  interest.  Of  the  many  "  Ladies  of  the  White 
House,"  few  equalled  Mrs.  McKinley  in  personal  attractiveness, 
though  her  feeble  health  prevented  her  taking  the  prominent  part 
in  public  entertainments  which  fell  to  the  lot  of  many  of  her 
predecessors.  To  the  President's  last  day  he  was  not  alone  a  care 
ful  husband,  but  a  tender  and  devoted  lover,  and  his  deep  sym 
pathy  and  heartfelt  grief  during  her  severe  illness  in  California,  in 
the  closing  year  of  his  life,  endeared  him  more  to  the  people  than 
almost  any  other  act  of  his  life. 

The  calmness  with  which  the  President  asked,  "  Am  I  shot  ?  " 
the  lack  of  excitement  or  of  any  other  expression,  the  evident 
absence  of  any  kind  of  fear  of  what  might  be  before  him  in  the  next 
hour,  was  the  kind  of  bravery  that  sent  a  feeling  of  pride  in  their 
chief  officer  through  the  veins  of  all  Americans.  Whatever  else 

o 

Mr.  McKinley  was,  he  was  a  brave  man — a  man  who  exhibited  in 
the  last  critical  moment  the  dignity  of  a  Christian  and  a  soldier. 

Very  few,  if  any  of  us,  can  begin  to  appreciate  the  devotion 
and  affection  of  Mrs.  McKinley  for  her  husband.  More  than  once 
the  President  actually  saved  her  life  by  his  influence  over  her.  She 


"  CHOOSING  A  PROFESSION  115 

believed  in  him  so  thoroughly  that  whatever  he  told  her  she  knew 
to  be  true.  Her  ill-health,  the  strain  of  constantly  recurring  ner 
vous  attacks,  would  long  ago  have  forced  her  to  give  up  the  strug 
gle,  but  relying  on  her  husband,  filled  with  absolute  confidence  and 
affection  for  him,  she  held  on  to  life.  And  when  he  lay  near  death 
the  sick  woman  bore  the  news  of  his  danger,  and  ministered  to  him 
with  as  calm  attention  as  any  one  of  those  about  him.  There  is 
something  here  that  is  as  old  as  the  hills,  but  that  never  fails  to 
seem  new  and  fine,  because  it  shows  a  little  of  the  beautiful  and 
the  true  side  of  humanity. 

MRS.  MCKINLEY'S  FAVORITE  POEM 

God  gives  us  love.     Something  to  love 
He  gives  us  ;  but  when  love  is  grown 

To  ripeness,  that  on  which  it  throve 
Falls  off,  and  love  is  left  alone. 

Sleep  sweetly,  tender  heart,  in  peace  ! 

Sleep,  holy  spirit ;  blessed  soul, 
While  the  stars  burn,  the  moons  increase, 

And  the  great  ages  onward  roll. 

Sleep  till  the  end,  true  soul  and  sweet ! 

Nothing  comes  to  thee  new  or  strange. 
Sleep  full  of  rest  from  head  to  feet ; 

Lie  still,  dry  dust,  secure  of  change. 

—TENNYSON. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

Member    of   Congress 

IT  was  in  1876,  nine  years  after  Major  McKinley  engaged  in  the 
practice  of  law,  that  he  entered  upon  his  Congressional  career. 

He  had  already  engaged  in  politics  in  his  active  canvass  for  the 
office  of  prosecuting  attorney,  of  which  we  have  already  spoken. 
Though  defeated  in  his  contest  for  a  second  term  in  the  latter,  his 
active  canvass  brought  him  into  very  great  popularity,  and  he 
became  an  important  element  in  the  political  conditions  of  his  dis 
trict.  The  Congressional  District  which  it  was  his  desire  to  repre 
sent  was  composed  of  the  counties  of  Carroll,  Columbiana,  Mahon- 
ing  and  Stark.  It  was  at  that  time  represented  by  the  Hon.  L.  D. 
Woodworth,  who  was  again  a  candidate  for  the  office.  There  were 
a  number  of  other  prominent  citizens  whro  desired  the  office,  all  of 
them  older  men  than  the  young  Canton  lawyer,  whose  candidacy 
they  looked  upon  as  something  of  an  impertinence.  The  result 
was  a  hot  fight  for  the  nomination,  which  proved  a  surprise  for 
McKinley's  opponents.  He  very  actively  canvassed  the  district, 
and  with  such  success  that  he  received  the  nomination  on  the  first 
ballot. 

The  district  was  a  very  close  one,  and  was  rendered  the  more 
so  in  the  year  1876  from  the  fact  that  the  country  was  suffering 
from  the  prostration  which  succeeded  the  war ;  the  nation  was; 
struggling  under  an  enormous  debt,  and  the  Greenback  party  was 
vigorously  advocating  repudiation  and  fiat  money.  McKinley  ran 
against  a  gentleman  named  Sanborn,  one  of  the  strongest  the 
Democrats  could  have  selected.  Yet  despite  these  discouraging 
circumstances,  the  result  of  the  election  was  that  McKinley  received 
116 


MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS  117 

16,489  votes  against  13,185  for  Sanborn,  thus  receiving  the  large 
majority  for  the  district  of  3,304. 

The  45th  Congress  was  called  in  special  session  in  October, 
1877,  by  President  Hayes.  Ohio  had  sent  a  very  strong  delega 
tion  to  the  House,  among  the  members  being  James  A.  Garfield, 
General  Thomas  Ewing,  and  others  of  prominence,  while  in  the 
r Senate  were  John  Sherman  and  Allen  G.  Thurman.  Among 
members  from  other  states  who  entered  Congress  at  that  time  was 
Thomas  B.  Reed,  who  was  destined  to  occupy  so  prominent  a  posi 
tion  in  succeeding  Congresses. 

Among  the  more  important  laws  enacted  by  this  Congress  was 
one  providing  for  the  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar,  which  had  been 
discontinued  in  1873.  McKinley  was  strongly  in  favor  of  this 
measure,  which  was  passed  by  a  large  majority,  vetoed  by  the 
President,  and  promptly  passed  again  over  the  veto.  The  first 
time  that  Major  McKinley  addressed  the  House  was  on  December 
10,  1877,  to  present  a  petition  from  certain  iron  manufacturers  of 
his  district  asking  Congress  to  take  no  action  relative  to  tariff  revi 
sion  until  it  had  thoroughly  inquired  into  the  commercial  necessi 
ties  of  the  country.  McKinley,  whose  name  has  become  so  closely 
associated  with  tariff  legislation,  made  his  first  speech  on  the  tariff 
on  April  15,  1878.  In  this  he  sustained  the  doctrine  of  protection 
as  opposed  to  tariff  for  revenue,  and  was  listened  to  with  the 
greatest  attention,  from  his  apparent  thorough  mastery  of  the 
question.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks  he  said  : 

"  Home  competition  will  always  bring  prices  to  a  fair  and  rea 
sonable  level  and  prevent  extortion  and  robbery.  Success,  or  even 
apparent  success,  in  any  business  or  enterprise,  will  incite  others  to 
engage  in  like  enterprises,  and  then  follows  healthful  strife,  the  life  of 
business,  which  inevitably  results  in  cheapening  the  article  produced/ 

He  ended  with  an  appeal  to  the  tariff  reformers  and  free 
traders  to  let  the  country  have  a  rest  from  this  agitation  until  there 
was  time  to  recover  from  the  effects  of  the  war  and  the  panic  of 
1873.  In  this  connection  he  said  : 


"8  MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS 

"  There  never  was  a  time  in  the  history  of  this  country  more 
inauspicious  than  the  present  time  for  the  dreamer  and  the  theorist 
to  put  into  practical  operation  his  impracticable  theories  of  political 
economy.  The  country  does  not  want  them  ;  the  business  men  of 
the  country  do  not  want  them.  They  want  quiet  to  recuperate 
their  wasted  forces ;  and  I  am  sure  I  utter  no  sentiment  new  or 
original  when  I  say  that  if  this  House  will  promptly  pass  the  appro 
priation  bills,  and  other  pressing  legislation,  following  this  with  an 
immediate  adjournment,  the  people  will  applaud  such  a  course  as 
the  work  of  statesmen  and  the  wisdom  of  men  of  affairs." 

HIS    DISTRICT    GERRYMANDERED 

The  reputation  which  McKinley  had  made  in  Congress  as  a 
protectionist  was  by  no  means  satisfactory  to  the  Democrats  of  his 
district,  and  when  they  secured  control  of  the  Ohio  Legislature,  in 
1878,  they  decided  to  re-district  him  into  private  life.  To  attain  this 
purpose  they  succeeded  in  putting  Stark  County  into  a  group  that 
would  certainly  return  a  Democrat  to  Congress.  By  this  gerry 
mander  Stark  County  was  thrown  into  the  i6th  District,  along  with 
Ashland,  Portage  and  Wayne  counties,  it  being  expected  to  neu 
tralize  the  heavy  Republican  majority  in  Portage  County  with  the 
Democratic  majorities  usually  given  by  the  remaining  counties. 
The  Democrats  nominated  Aquila  Wiley,  of  Wooster,  a  gallant 
soldier  in  the  Union  army,  with  a  splendid  military  record.  The 
Republicans  nominated  McKinley,  and  the  two  soldiers  marshalled 
their  forces  for  the  campaign.  Despite  this  action  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party,  McKinley's  popularity  and  the  activity  of  his  canvass 
weresuch  that  he  received  15,489  votes  10-14,255  for  Wiley,  and 
was  thus  again  returned  to  Congress,  where  he  was  given  a  place  on 
the  important  Committee  of  the  Judiciary.  This  Congress,  the 
46th,  was  made  notable  by  the  return  of  the  Confederate  "  briga 
diers,"  and  was  chiefly  memorable  for  its  bitter  partisan  contests. 
In  the  heated  discussion  that  followed  Major  McKinley  took  a 
prominent  part,  occupying  an  advanced  position  upon  the  necessity 


MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS  119 

of  fair  elections  and  the  protection  of  the  ballot  at  any  cost.  The 
46th  was  the  first  Congress  in  which  Democrats  had  control  of  both 
branches  since  the  Presidency  of  James  Buchanan.  The  results  of 
this — the  ascendency  of  the  Democrats  with  a  Republican  President 
— were  constant  wrangling  and  efforts  to  coerce  the  President  by  a 
practice  which  led  to  the  now  well-established  rule  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  forbidding  a  "rider"  on  an  appropriation  bill.  As 
a  result  of  this  practice  President  Hayes  was  obliged  to  call  two 
extra  sessions  of  Congress.  The  Hayes  regime  will  go  on  record 
as  one  of  the  most  uncomfortable  administrations,  in  time  of  peace, 
in  American  history. 

In  the  debate  on  the  proposed  law  to  do  away  with  supervisors 
of  national  elections,  McKinley  spoke  long  and  ably.  A  quotation 
from  his  speech  will  be  of  interest  :• 

MCKINLEY    PUTS    A    PRACTICAL    QUESTION 

"  If  I  do  not  misjudge,  the  people  who  fought  for  free  gov 
ernment  and  maintained  it  at  so  great  a  cost  will  now  be  found 
firm  and  invincible  for  a  free  ballot  and  fair  elections.  Let  me 
remind  the  other  side  of  this  chamber  that  supervisors  and  mar 
shals  will  not  be  needed,  and  therefore  no  cost  will  be  incurred, 
whenever  the  party  which  employs  tissue  ballots  and  drives  colored 
citizens  from  the  polls  shall  do  so  no  more  forever,  and  whenever 
Democratic  repeaters  shall  cease  to  corrupt  the  ballot — the  great 
fountain  of  power  in  this  country  ;  in  a  single  sentence,  whenever, 
throughout  this  whole  country,  in  every  State  thereof,  citizenship 
is  respected  and  the  rights  under  it  are  fully  and  amply  secured  ; 
when  every  citizen  who  is  entitled  to  vote  shall  be  secure  in  the 
free  exercise  of  that  right,  and  the  ballot-box  shall  be  protected 
from  illegal  voters,  from  fraud  and  violence,  Federal  supervisors 
of  Federal  elections  will  be  neither  expensive  nor  oppressive. 

"  Has  any  legal  voter  in  the  United  States  been  prevented 
from  exercising  his  right  of  suffrage  by  this  law  or  by  the  officers' 
acting  under  it  ?  This  is  the  practical  question.  None  that  I  have 


120  MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS 

ever  heard  of  ;  while  thousands,  yes,  tens  of  thousands,  of  illegal 
voters  have  been  deterred  from  voting  by  virtue  of  it.  The  honest 
voter  has  no  fear  of  this  law  ;  it  touches  him  as  lightly  as  the  law 
of  larceny  touches  the  honest  man,  or  the  law  of  murder  touches 
him  whose  hands  are  stainless  of  human  blood.  The  thief  hates 
the  law  of  larceny,  the  murderer  the  law  of  homicide.  They,  too, 
can  truthfully  urge  the  cost  of  the  execution  of  these  laws  ;  both 
are  expensive  and  onerous  to  the  taxpayer.  But  I  have  never 
known  such  arguments  seriously  entertained  as  a  reason  for  their 
repeal.  The  law  is  without  terror  save  to  wrongdoers.  The 
presence  of  officers  of  the  law  deters  only  criminals  from  the  com 
mission  of  crime.  They  are  no  restraint  upon  the  honest  man. 
You  can  form  no  system  of  laws  which  will  not  be  open  to  some 
criticism  and  abuse.  These  prove  nothing  against  the  importance 
and  necessity  of  their  maintenance.  If  any  better  method  can  be 
offered  for  preserving  the  ballot-box  in  its  purity,  I  will  cordially 
accept  it  and  labor  for  its  passage,  but  until  such  better  method  is 
proposed  we  should  stand  by  existing  statutes. 

MCKINLEY'S  POSITION  IN   1880 

"  We  cannot  afford  to  break  down  a  single  safeguard  which 
has  been  thrown  around  the  ballot-box.  Every  guarantee  must  be 
kept  and  maintained.  Fair-minded  people  everywhere  are  inter 
ested  in  honest  elections.  It  is  not  a  partisan  measure  ;  it  falls 
alike  upon  all  political  parties.  The  law  recognizes  no  political 
creed,  and  those  who  execute  it  should  carefully  obey  its  letter  and 
sprrit.  It  protects  Democrats  and  Republicans  and  men  of  all 
parties  alike." 

The  situation  of  the  Republican  party  in  1880,  when  McKin- 
ley's  name  was  again  presented  for  nomination,  was  not  in  all 
respects  satisfactory.  There  was  dissension  among  the  party  leaders 
^n  the  country  at  large,  and  in  his  own  district  there  was  an  unwrit 
ten  law  to  the  effect  that  two  terms  in  Congress  were  enough  for 
any  one  candidate,  and  that  the  honor  which  he  had  held  for  the 


MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS  121 

prescribed  time  should  now  be  transferred  to  some  other  candidate. 
Aspirants  for  the  place  presented  themselves  in  every  county  of 
the  district,  all  of  them  anxious  for  the  nomination,  largely  from 
the  fact  that  Republican  success  was  now  considered  assured. 

The  Republicans  having  gained  control  of  the  Ohio  Legisla 
ture,  had  promptly  reversed  the  gerrymandering  work  of  their 
predecessors,  and  restored  Stark  County  to  its  old  affiliation  with 
Carroll,  Columbiana  and  Mahoning,  thus  reconstituting  the  old 
Seventeenth  District.  The  district  was  thus  strongly  Republican, 
and  a  walkover  seemed  assured  for  whoever  should  secure  the 
nomination. 

As  regards  this,  McKinley's  popularity,  and  the  prestige  he 
had  won  in  his  Congressional  career,  proved  sufficient  to  give  him 
precedence  over  his  untried  competitors,  and  he  won  the  nomina 
tion  without  difficulty.  With  it  came,  as  a  sure  result,  the  election, 
he  receiving  20,221  votes,  against  16,660  for  Judge  Thoman,  the 
Democratic  candidate. 

As  we  have  said  in  another  chapter,  the  succeeding  election, 
that  of  1882,  marked  a  change  in  his  fortunes.  The  dissensions 
between  the  party  managers  had  gone  on  to  a  critical  stage,  leading 
to  the  famous  deadlock  between  President  Garfield  and  the  Senate 
in  regard  to  the  appointment  of  a  custom's  collector  for  New  York 
City,  and  the  resignation  of  Senators  Conkling  and Platt  in  conse 
quence,  these  disputes  being  followed  by  the  lamentable  assas 
sination  of  the  President  by  a  disappointed  and  evil-minded  office- 
seeker. 

The    results  of    these    events,   and    the    doubt  of    President 

Arthur's  fitness  for  his  responsible  position,  were  not  favorable  to 

the   success  of   the    Republicans  in  the   next   campaign,  and   their 

.opponents  did  not  fail  to  take  the  fullest  advantage  of  the  situation. 

In  fact,  the  party  was  in  such  a  demoralized  state  that  its 
Democratic  opponents  were  enabled  to  make  a  successful  assault 
upon  its  lines.  The  support  by  the  Administration  of  the  nomi 
nation  of  Secretary  Folger  for  Governor  of  New  York  proved 


122  MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS 

seriously  adverse  to  his  success,  and  he  was  beaten  by  a  tre 
mendous  majority  by  Grover  Cleveland,  the  Mayor  of  Buffalo. 
The  gallant  General  Beaver  was  defeated  in  the  Keystone  State, 
and  Pennsylvania,  for  the  first  time  since  the  war,  had  a  Democratic 
Governor.  A  raid  was  made  in  all  parts  of  the  country  upon  the 
members  of  Congress  who  had  voted  for  a  river  and  harbor 
improvement  bill  vetoed  by  the  President,  despite  the  fact  that  its 
proportions  were  insignificant  compared  with  several  which  have 
passed  since  without  comment. 

MCKINLEY    UNSEATED    IN    CONGRESS 

As  one  result  of  this  rise  of  the  Democrats  to  power,  McKin- 
ley,  for  the  first  time  in  his  Congressional  career,  came  perilously 
near  defeat.  The  election  resulted  in  giving  him  16,906  votes  to 
16,898  for  Wallace,  the  Democratic  candidate.  This  slight  majority 
of  eight  gave  him  the  election,  the  State  Canvassing  Board  pre 
senting  him  the  necessary  certificate.  There  were  but  seven  Repub 
licans  besides  himself  who  were  sent  to  represent  Ohio  in  that 
Congress.  As  it  happened,  he  was  returned  to  a  Congress  with  a 
strong  Democratic  majority  in  the  House,  and  his  bare  eight  votes 
exposed  him  to  a  contest  for  his  seat.  In  this  his  opponents  pre 
vailed,  McKinley  was  unseated,  and  his  competitor  took  his  place. 

In  1884  the  Ohio  Legislature  was  again  Democratic,  and  the 
old  policy  of  redistricting  was  again  brought  into  play.  A  special 
effort  was  made  to  defeat  McKinley,  whose  growing  prominence 
as  a  high-tariff  advocate  was  by  no  means  agreeable  to  his  political 
opponents.  With  this  in  view,  Stark  County  was  once  more  made 
a  political  football,  being  now  driven  to  a  new  goal  in  the  Twen 
tieth  District  and  united  with  Medina,  Summit  and  Wayne  Coun 
ties.  This  time  they  felt  secure,  since  political  arithmetic  gave  the 
new  district  a  Democratic  majority  of  from  1,200  to  1,500  votes. 
But  there  are  influences  stronger  than  figures,  and  here  personal 
popularity  and  known  ability  as  a  statesman  prevailed  over  the 
J<  tricks  that  are  vain  "  of  State  politics.  McKinley  had  for  adversary 


MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS  123 

David  R.  Paige,  then  a  member  of  the  House.  He  received 
22,672  votes,  against  20,643  f°r  Paige,  being  elected  with  a  majority 
of  2,029. 

Before  the  next  election  the  Republicans  returned  to  power 
in  Ohio,  Stark  County  was  again  footballed  back  into  its  old  family 
of  counties,  and  Major  McKinley  was  once  more  elected,  this  time 
with  2,557  majority.  The  election  of  1888  yielded  a  similar  result, 
though  with  a  larger  majority,  McKinley  now  winning  by  4,090  votes. 

MCKINLEY'S  WATERLOO 

In  1890,  in  his  eighth  Congressional  campaign,  came 
McKinley's  Waterloo.  He  had  now  succeeded  Kelley  as  the 
leading  advocate  of  high  protection,  and  was  becoming  so  sharp  a 
thorn  in  the  side  of  Democracy  that  his  political  foes  resorted  to 
desperate  measures  to  shelve  him.  Once  more  they  controlled  the 
Ohio  Legislature,  and,  knowing  that  a  campaign  against  McKinley 
in  his  old  district  was  hopeless,  they  determined  upon  a  still  more 
indefensible  act  of  gerrymandering  than  in  previous  instances.  A 
more  outrageous  partitioning  of  a  State  for  partisan  ends  was  never 
before  performed,  McKinley  being  railroaded  into  a  district  which 
had  the  year  before  given  a  Democratic  plurality  of  2,900.  He 
accepted  the  challenge,  made  a  gallant  fight,  and  was  defeated  by 
only  302  votes. 

It  is  interesting  to  recall,  in  view  of  this  one  defeat,  that 
McKinley  had  been  some  years  before  twitted  in  Congress,  by 
Mr.  Springer,  on  having  been  returned  at  the  previous  election  by 
a  somewhat  diminished  majority.  Mr.  Springer  said  :  "Your  con 
stituents  do  not  seem  to  support  you."  McKinley's  reply  is  worthy 
of  all  remembrance  :  "  My  fidelity  to  my  constituents,"  he  said, 
"  is  not  measured  by  the  support  they  give  me.  I  have  convictions 
which  I  would  not  surrender  if  10,000  majority  had  been  entered 
against  me." 

The  opinion  of  the  people  of  his  State  upon  this  operation 
was  definitely  shown  in  the  succeeding  year,  by  his  election  as 


I24  MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS 

Governor   by  a   large   majority.     This   matter,  which   we  mention 
here  in  passing,  will  be  dealt  with  in  a  later  chapter. 

HIS    RELATION    TO    CONGRESSIONAL    COMMITTEES 

As  regards  Representative  McKinley's  relation  to  Congres 
sional  committees,  a  few  words  must  suffice.  On  his  first  entry  to 
the  House,  Speaker  Randall  placed  him,  as  a  new  and  untried 
member,  in  a  position  of  minor  importance,  that  of  the  Committee 
for  the  Revision  of  the  Laws  of  the  United  States.  In  his  second 
term  he  was  given  a  much  more  important  place,  being  appointed 
to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary.  In  December,  1880,  he  suc 
ceeded  James  A.  Garfield  in  one  of  the  leading  posts  of  Congress, 
as  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  on  which  he 
continued  until  the  close  of  his  Congressional  career.  In  the  pre 
ceding  Congress  he  had  also  been  appointed  on  the  Committee  of 
Visitors  to  the  United  States  Military  Academy,  and  in  1881  was 
made  chairman  of  the  committee  to  conduct  the  Garfield  memorial 
exercises  in  the  House. 

In  1889,  on  the  organization  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress,  he 
became  a  candidate  for  Speaker,  but  was  defeated  on  the  third 
ballot  by  Thomas  B.  Reed,  who,  as  already  stated,  had  entered 
Congress  in  the  same  year  with  him. 

In  April,  1890,  as  Judge  Kelley's  successor  in  the  chairman 
ship  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  he  had  the  honor  of  intro 
ducing  the  famous  tariff  measure  afterwards  known  by  his  name. 

During  the  period  of  his  Congressional  career,  in  addition  to 
his  speeches  on  the  silver  question,  dealt  with  in  this  chapter,  and 
those  on  the  tariff,  his  great  subject,  to  be  hereafter  treated, 
McKinley  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  discussion  of  other 
questions.  Among  these  we  may  name  one  on  the  subject  of 
arbitration  as  a  remedy  for  labor  troubles ;  his  speech  of  December 
17,  1889,  introducing  the  Customs  Administration  Bill  to  simplify 
the  laws  relating  to  the  collection  of  revenue ;  and  his  forceful 
address  of  April  24,  1890,  sustaining  the  Civil  Service  Law. 


MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS  125 

Coming  now  to  the  consideration  of  Major  McKinley's  attitude 
on  the  silver  question,  which  has  given  rise  to  some  controversy, 
and  was  made  use  of  by  his  political  opponents  during  the  canvass 
preliminary  to  the  St.  Louis  nomination  to  discredit  him,  it  can 
readily  be  shown  that  he  was  consistent  throughout.  His  position 
on  this  question  was  always  strictly  that  of  his  party,  and  when  the 
Republicans  found  it  expedient  to  modify  their  views  in  regard  to 
silver  coinage,  McKinley  kept  strictly  in  line  with  them,  finding 
their  reasons  for  this  change  of  policy  expedient  and  judicious. 
His  views  on  finance  during  his  career  were  always  in  unison  with 
those  of  John  Sherman,  whom  no  one  would  think  of  charging 
with  unwise  radicalism  or  lack  of  sound  views  on  finance. 

ATTITUDE    ON    THE     SILVER    QUESTION 

The  change  of  views  was  not  due  simply  to  conditions  exist 
ing  in  this  country,  but  to  the  changing  attitude  of  the  world  in 
regard  to  silver  coinage  and  its  effect  on  the  market  value  of  silver 
bullion.  A  brief  review  of  the  situation  will  demonstrate  this. 

In  the  period  with  which  we  are  now  concerned  there  had  been 
constant  changes  in  the  condition  of  the  currency,  this  being  due 
largely  to  two  causes,  the  action  of  Germany,  and  the  great  increase 
in  the  production  of  silver  in  the  United  States.  Before  the 
establishment  of  the  German  Empire  in  1871,  all  the  states  of 
Germany  were  on  the  silver  basis  except  Bremen,  where  the  gold 
standard  prevailed.  After  the  war  with  France  and  the  establish 
ment  of  the  Empire  it  became  necessary  to  adopt  a  system  for  the 
whole  country.  The  subject  was  widely  discussed,  and  as  a  result 
the  German  Empire  adopted  the  gold  standard,  in  July,  1873. 
Germany  at  that  time  had  $300,000,000  worth  of  silver.  This  it 
was  decided  to  melt  up  and  sell  abroad  in  exchange  for  gold.  The 
government  entered  cautiously  upon  this  process,  selling  the  silver 
gradually. 

At  the  same  time  the  act  of  the  United  States  Congress,  made 
in  1873,  establishing  the  gold  standard  in  this  country,  and  similar 


126  MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS 

legislation  in  the  Netherlands  and  Scandinavia,  all  tended  to 
decrease  the  market  value  of  silver.  Silver  coinage  was  also  dis 
continued  by  the  Latin  Union,  and  the  demand  for  silver  from 
India  decreased  every  year,  thus  cutting  off  Germany's  chief  market 
for  her  bullion. 

AGITATION    FOR    BIMETALLISM 

In  the  meantime,  a  vigorous  agitation  for  bi-metallism  arose 
in  Europe,  and  active  efforts  were  made  to  reinstate  silver.  The 
Hon.  William  G.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania,  at  that  time  traveling 
in  Germany,  took  part  in  this  agitation  in  favor  of  bi-metallism, 
and  he  was  aided  in  his  efforts  by  several  prominent  German  and 
French  statesmen.  The  movement  was  encouraged  by  the  fact 
that  Germany  had  ceased  melting  and  selling  her  silver,  about 
$100,000,000  of  the  old  silver  coin  remaining  in  1879  m  circulation. 

An  active  agitation  had  arisen  in  the  United  States  in  favor 
of  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  which  was  largely  supported  by  emi 
nent  leaders  of  the  Republican  party,  Major  McKinley  among 
them.  It  was  believed  that,  by  an  international  arrangement,  silver 
might  regain  its  old  status  and  a  bi-riietallic  standard  be  established. 
As  is  well  known,  these  efforts  proved  futile,  and  the  market  value 
of  silver  continued  to  decrease. 

In  order  that  a  silver  dollar  shall  equal  a  gold  dollar  in  value, 
silver  bullion  must  be  worth  $1.2939  per  ounce  of  fine  metal. 
Before  1873  the  value  of  silver  was  considerably  above  this  figure, 
the  bullion  in  the  silver  dollar  at  that  time  being  worth  from  two  to 
five  cents  more  than  the  standard  gold  dollar.  It  was,  therefore,  more 
valuable  in  trade  than  gold,  and  could  not  be  kept  in  circulation. 
As  an  inevitable  result  there  was  little  demand  for  it,  and  between 
1834  and  1873  the  total  coinage  of  silver  dollars  was  only  about 
8,000,000.  In  fact,  the  so-called  dollar  of  our  "  daddies  "  was  rarely 
to  be  seen,  and  was  still  more  rarely  used.  Only  after  silver  bul 
lion  decreased  in  price  was  there  any  special  demand  noticed  for 
silver  as  money.  In  1876  the  value  of  silver  had  fallen  to  $1.15  per 


MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS  127 

ounce,  and  the  belief  arose  that  if  at  least  $2,000,000  per  month 
were  coined  the  price  of  the  white  metal  would  be  increased. 

HE    SUPPORTED    THE    BLAND-ALLISON    LAW 

For  this  purpose  the  Bland-Allison  law  was  passed,  among  its 
supporters  being  Major  McKinley.  The  result,  however,  did  not 
accord  with  the  theory.  The  value  of  silver  continued  to  decline. 
In  1879  the  silver  dollar  was  worth  about  eighty-seven  cents,  in 
1885  it  had  fallen  to  eighty-four  cents,  in  1887  to  seventy-five  cents, 
and  in  1889  ^  ^e^  to  seventy-two  cents.  These  facts  rendered  it 
apparent  that,  in  view  of  the  practical  mono-metallism  of  other 
nations,  the  United  States  could  not  bear  the  silver  burden  alone. 
In  consequence  the  Republican  leaders  took  a  stand  against  the 
free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  the  standard  silver  dollar,  Major 
McKinley  taking  the  same  ground  and  voting  to  that  effect  on 
every  occasion  on  which  the  question  was  brought  up  in  Congress 
during  the  remainder  of  his  Congressional  career. 

He  never  hesitated  to  give  his  reasons  for  what  some  were 
pleased  to  call  his  change  of  front,  and  his  utterances  on  the  subject 
certainly  had  the  ring  of  solid  metal.  Before  quoting  from  his 
speeches  we  may  give  Senator  John  Sherman's  opinion  concerning 
McKinley's  position  on  the  question  of  coinage.  It  occurs  in  a 
letter  written  to  the  Young  Men's  Republican  Club,  of  Brooklyn, 
N.  Y.  The  veteran  financier  says  : 

JOHN    SHERMAN    ON    MCKINLEY'S    POSITION 

"  There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  opinions  of  Major  McKin 
ley  on  the  money  question.  He  is  committed  in  every  form,  by 
speech  and  otherwise,  to  the  Republican  policy  of  maintaining  the 
present  gold  coin  of  the  United  States  as  the  standard  of  value. 
He,  in  common  with  myself  and  others,  believes  that  silver  should 
be  employed  as  money,  always,  however,  to  be  maintained  at  par 
with  gold.  The  convenience  of  silver  coin  for  the  minor  transac 
tions  of  life  is  so  manifest  that  no  sound-money  man  would  desire 


128  MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS 

its  discontinuance,  but  upon  the  primary  condition  that  its  coinage 
should  be  limited  and  its  purchasing  power  maintained  by  the  fiat 
of  the  Government  at  par  with  gold." 

A  second  testimony  to  the  same  effect  from  Hon.  Charles  Emory 
Smith,  then  editor  of  the  Philadelphia  Press,  afterward  Postmaster- 
General  of  the  United  States,  may  be  fitly  given.  Referring  to 
McKinley's  position  on  the  money  question,  he  says: 

"He  has  been  the  earnest,  intelligent,  and  unvarying  advocate 
of  honest  money  measured  by  the  world's  best  standard.  Some  of 
his  antagonists  have  misrepresented  him  by  garbling  and  distorting 
his  utterances.  No  fair  and  honest  citation  of  his  expressions  can 
be  made  which  will  not  satisfy  the  most  exacting  friend  of  a  sound 
currency.  As  to  Governor  McKinley's  critics,  we  challenge  any  of 
them  to  copy  these  declarations  and  impeach  them  if  they  can. 

"  One  cardinal  and  central  thought  runs  through  all  of  these 
utterances — that  the  standard  of  value  must  be  preserved  sacred 
and  inviolate,  and  that  it  must  be  the  one  recognized,  established 
standard  of  the  commercial  world.  If  there  is  to  be  paper  or  rep 
resentative  money,  it  must  be  redeemable  in  real  money  of  that 
standard,  so  that  for  purposes  of  currency  it  will  be  as  good.  If 
there  is  to  be  silver,  it  must  be  so  limited  and  so  constantly 
exchangeable  for  gold  that  the  parity  of  the  metals  will  be  main 
tained.  In  the  later  years  there  is  a  recognition  that  the  limit  has 
been  reached.  Governor  McKinley  gives  constant  warning  against 
any  debasement  of  the  standard." 

MCKINLEY'S  OWN  EXPLANATION 

We  shall  now  let  Major  McKinley  speak  for  himself.  In  a 
speech  delivered  at  Niles,  Ohio,  in  1891,  during  the  contest  for  the 
governorship  of  that  State,  he  spoke  as  follows  : 

"  The  Democratic  platform  declares  for  the  free  and  unlimited 
coinage  of  the  silver  of  the  world,  to  be  coined,  as  freely  as  gold  is 
now,  upon  the  same  terms  and  under  the  existing  ratio.  The  plat 
form  of  the  Republican  party  stands  in  opposition  to  anything  short 


MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS  129 

of  a  full  and  complete  dollar.  The  legislation  of  the  last  Congress 
is  the  strongest  evidence  which  can  be  furnished  of  the  purpose  of 
the  Republican  party  to  maintain  silver  as  money,  and  of  its  resolu 
tion  to  keep  it  in  use  as  part  of  our  circulating  medium  equal  with 
gold.  The  law  which  the  Republican  party  put  upon  the  statute- 
books  declared  the  settled  policy  of  the  Government  to  be  '  to 
maintain  the  two  metals  upon  a  parity  with  each  other  upon  the 
present  legal  ratio  or  such  ratio  as  may  be  provided  by  law.' 

"The  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  demanded  by  the 
Democratic  Convention  recently  held  in  Cleveland  amount  to 
this  :  That  all  the  silver  of  the  world,  and  from  every  quarter  of  the 
world,  can  be  brought  to  the  mints  of  the  United  States  and  coined 
at  the  expense  of  the  Government ;  that  is,  that  the  mints  of  the 
United  States  must  receive  412^  grains  of  silver,  which  is  now 
worth  but  80  cents  the  world  over,  and  coin  therefor  a  silver  dollar, 
which  by  the  fiat  of  the  Government  is  to  be  received  by  the  people 
of  the  United  States  and  to  circulate  amono-  them  as  worth  a  full 

o 

dollar  of  100  cents. 

"The  silver  producer,  whose  412^  grains  of  silver  are  worth 
only  80  cents  or  less  in  the  markets  of  this  country  and  the  world, 
is  thus  enabled  to  demand  that  the  Government  shall  take  it  at  100 
cents.  Will  the  Government  be  as  kind  to  the  producer  of  wheat 
and  pay  him  20  cents  more  per  bushel  than  the  market  price  ? 
The  silver  dollar  now  issued  under  a  limited  coinage  has  80  cents 
of  intrinsic  value  in  it,  so  accredited  the  world  over,  and  the  other 
20  cents  is  legislative  will — the  mere  breath  of  Congress.  That  is, 
what  the  coin  lacks  of  value  to  make  it  a  perfect  dollar  Congress 
supplies  by  public  declaration,  and  holds  the  extra  20  cents 
in  the  Treasury  for  its  protection.  The  Government,  buying 
the  silver  at  its  market  value,  takes  to  itself  the  profit  between  the 
market  value  of  412^  grains  of  silver  and  the  face  value  of  the 
silver  dollar.  Now  it  is  proposed  to  remove  the  limit  and  to  make 
the  Government  coin,  not  for  account  of  the  Treasury,  but  for  the 
benefit  of  the  silver-mine  owner. 


MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS 

"  It  does  not  takf  a  wise  man  to  see  that  if  a  dollar  worth  only 
80  cents  intrinsically,  Coined  without  limit,  is  made  a  legal  tender  to 
the  amount  of  its  face  value  for  the  payment  of  all  debts,  public  and 
private,  a  legal  tender  in  all  business  transactions  among  the  people, 
it  will  become  in  time  the  exclusive  circulating  medium  of  the 
country.  Gold,  which  is  20  per  cent,  more  valuable  on  every  dollar, 
will  not  be  paid  out  in  any  transactions  in  this  country  when  an 
So-cent  silver  dollar  will  answer  the  purpose.  Nor  will  the 
greenback  be  long  in  returning  to  the  Treasury  for  redemption  in 
gold.  We  shall  do  our  business,  therefore,  with  short  dollars, 
rather  than  with  full  dollars  as  we  are  now  doing.  The  gold  dollar 
will  be  taken  from  the  circulating  medium  of  the  country  and 
hoarded,  and  the  effect  will  be  that  the  circulating;  medium  will  not 

o 

be  increased,  but  reduced  to  the  extent  of  the  gold  circulating,  and 
we  will  be  compelled  to  do  the  business  of  the  country  with  a  silver 
dollar  exclusively,  which  under  present  conditions  is  confessedly 
the  poorest,  instead  of  doing  our  business  with  gold  and  silver  and 
paper  money,  all  equal  and  all  alike  good." 

MCKINLEY    ANSWERS    OBJECTIONS 

After  quoting  from  President  Cleveland  and  the  Hon.  M.  D. 
Harter,  a  Democratic  Representative  in  Congress,  he  proceeded  : 

"  My  competitor  [Governor  Campbell]  has  said  in  his  reported 
interviews  that  in  sentiment  upon  this  subject  the  Democrats  of 
Ohio  are  very  much  divided  ;  that  the  vote  in  the  convention  was  a 
very  close  one.  This  close  vote  not  only  emphasizes  the  danger  of 
the  free-coinage  declaration  in  the  minds  of  a  large  number  of  the 
Democrats  in  the  State,  but  enjoins  the  importance  and  necessity 
of  the  friends  of  honest  money  standing  together,  and  in  all  the 
contests  of  the  past  they  have  been  forced  to  stand  together  for  an 
honest  currency.  Governor  Campbell  declared  in  one  of  his  inter 
views  that  while  he  had  his  doubts  about  it,  he  was  willing  *  to 
chance  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver.'  I  am  not  willing  to 
*  chance'  it.  Under  present  conditions  the  country  cannot  afford 


MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS  131 

to  chance  it.  We  cannot  gamble  with  anything  so  sacred  as  money, 
which  is  the  standard  and  measure  of  all  values.  I  can  imagine 
nothing  which  would  be  more  disturbing  to  our  credit  and  more 
deranging  in  our  commercial  and  financial  affairs  than  to  make  this 
the  dumping-ground  of  the  world's  silver.  The  silver  producer 
might  be  benefited,  but  the  silver  user  never.  If  there  is  to  be  any 
profit  in  the  coinage  of  silver,  it  should  go  to  the  Government.  It 
has  gone  to  the  Government  ever  since  the  Bland-Allison  law  went 
into  effect.  The  new  declaration  would  take  it  from  the  Govern 
ment  and  give  it  to  the  silver  producer," 

FURTHER    DEFENCE    OF    HIS    VIEWS 

In  a  later  speech  during  the  same  campaign,  alluding  to  his 
own  record  upon  the  money  question  in  Congress,  he  said  : 

"  In  1877  I  voted  to  reinstate  the  ancient  silver  dollar  as  a  part 
of  the  coinage  of  the  United  States.  Silver  had  been  stricken 

o 

from  our  coinage  in  1873 — stricken  by  both  political  parties,  the 
one  just  as  responsible  as  the  other — and  in  1878,  being  in  favor 
of  both  gold  and  silver  as  money,  to  be  kept  at  parity,  one  with 
the  other,  I  voted  for  the  restoration  of  the  silver  dollar.  When 
I  did  it  we  had  but  8,000,000  silver  dollars  in  circulation.  When 
I  did  it  silver  was  more  valuable  than  it  is  to-day.  We  have 
405,000,000  silver  dollars  to-day,  and  that  is  as  much  as  we  can 
maintain  at  par  with  gold  with  the  price  of  silver  that  prevails 
throughout  the  world.  I  took  every  occasion  to  re-instate  silver  to 
its  ancient  place  in  our  monetary  system,  because  I  wanted  both 
metals.  I  am  opposed  to  free  and  unlimited  coinage,  because  it 
means  that  we  will  be  put  upon  a  silver  basis  and  do  business  with 
silver  alone  instead  of  with  gold,  silver,  and  paper  money,  with 
which  we  do  the  business  of  the  country  to-day — every  one  of 
them  as  good  as  gold. 

"  I  want  to  tell  the  workingmen  here,  and  the  farmers,  that  it 
takes  just  as  many  blows  of  the  hammer,  it  takes  just  as  many 
strokes  of  the  pick,  it  takes  just  as  much  digging,  just  as  much 


132  MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS 

sowing,  and  just  as  much  reaping  to  get  a  short  dollar  as  it  does  to 
get  a  full  dollar." 

Upon  another  occasion  he  declared  himself  concerning  a 
debased  dollar  and  its  effect  upon  the  business  interests  of  the 
people  as  follows  : 

"A  one  hundred-cent  dollar  will  go  out  of  circulation  along 
side  an  eighty-cent  dollar,  which  is  a  legal  tender  by  the  fiat  of  the 
Government.  And  no  class  of  people  will  suffer  so  much  as  the 
wage-earner  and  the  agriculturist.  If  it  is  the  farmer  you  would 
benefit,  there  is  one  way  to  do  it.  Make  the  bushel  measure  with 
which  he  measures  his  wheat  for  the  buyer  three  pecks  instead  of 
four,  and  require  the  buyer  to  pay  as  much  for  three  pecks  as  he 
now  pays  for  four.  No  man  knows  what  the  future  may  be,  but 
in  our  present  condition  and  with  our  present  light  every  consid 
eration  of  safety  requires  us  to  hold  our  present  status  until  the 
other  great  nations  shall  agree  to  an  international  ratio." 

He  had  remarked  in  Congress  on  May  25,  1890 : 

"  I  do  not  propose  by  any  vote  of  mine  to  force  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  the  farmers  and  laborers,  to  the  cheapest  money 
of  the  world  or  to  any  policy  which  might  tend  in  that  direction. 
Whatever  dollars  we  have  in  this  country  must  be  good  dollars,  as 
good  in  the  hands  of  the  poor  as  the  rich  ;  equal  dollars,  equal  in 
inherent  merit,  equal  in  purchasing  power,  whether  they  be  paper 
dollars,  gold  dollars,  or  silver  dollars,  or  treasury  notes — each  con 
vertible  into  the  other  and  each  exchangeable  for  the  other,  because 
each  is  based  upon  an  equal  value  and  has  behind  it  equal  security; 
good  not  by  the  fiat  of  law  alone,  but  good  because  the  whole 
commercial  world  recognizes  its  inherent  and  inextinguishable 

o  o 

value.  There  should  be  no  speculative  features  in  our  money,  no 
opportunity  for  speculation  in  the  exchanges  of  the  people.  They 
must  be  safe  and  stable." 

In  the  course  of  his  address  at  the  Academy  of  Music  in 
Philadelphia  on  September  23,  1892,  he  used  these  words; 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

A  late  photograph 


MEMBER  OF  CONGRESS 


135 


"  My  fellow-citizens,  there  is  one  thing  which  this  country  can 
not  afford  to  trifle  with,  and  that  is  its  currency,  its  measure  of 
value,  the  money  which  passes  among  the  people  in  return  for  their 
labor  and  the  products  of  their  toil  or  of  their  land.  There  is  no 
contrivance  so  successful  in  cheating  labor  and  the  poor  people  of 
the  country  as  unstable,  worthless,  and  easily  counterfeited  cur 
rency,  o  .  .  The  money  of  this  country  should  be  as  national 
as  its  flag,  as  sacred  as  the  national  honor,  and  as  sound  as  the 
Government  itself.  That  is  the  character  of  the  money  we  have 
to-day.  That  is  the  kind  of  money  which  it  is  the  paramount 
interest  of  every  citizen  of  this  country,  no  matter  to  what  political 
party  he  may  belong,  to  want  to  maintain  and  continue." 


Copyright  by  Judge  Co.' 


Drawn  by  Hamilton 


WILLiAM  McKiNLEY,  JR. 
Just  before  making  his  Great  Tariff  Speech,  1890 


CHAPTER  IX 

McKinley  and  the  Protective  Tariff 

TO  tell  the  story  of  McKinley's  seven  terms  would  be  to  tell  the 
history  of  Congress  and  the  nation  for  fourteen  years.  From 
the  beginning  he  was  an  active  and  conspicuous  member  of 
the  House.  He  lost  his  seat,  indeed,  in  the  election  of  1 882,  in  which 
he  received  a  majority  of  eight  votes  over  Wallace,  his  Democratic 
competitor.  As  the  House  of  Representatives  was  then  strongly 
Democratic  it  was  not  difficult  to  count  out  this  small  majority, 
and  McKinley  was  unseated.  Speaking  to  Secretary  Folger  of  his 
small  majority,  the  shrewd  old  man  replied :  "  Young  man,  eight 
votes  is  a  very  large  majority  this  fall."  In  the  succeeding  election 
of  1884,  McKinley  was  returned  with  a  majority  of  over  2000. 
William  McKinley  was  an  American,  and  he  reckoned  nothing  that 
concerned  Americans  to  be  unworthy  of  his  notice.  He  recog 
nized,  however,  that  in  view  of  the  vast  development,  extension 
and  multiplication  of  human  interests,  there  was  little  hope  for  suc 
cess  as  a  universal  genius.  A  man  must  be  a  specialist  if  he  would 
attain  the  greatest  eminence  and  the  greatest  usefulness.  Already, 
indeed,  he  had  devoted  his  attention  especially  to  the  subject  of 
the  tariff  and  its  bearings  upon  American  industry. 

The  story  is  told  that  soon  after  he  opened  his  law  office  at 
Canton,  while  he  was  as  yet  an  untrained  youth,  he  was  drawn  into 
a  debate  upon  that  subject.  Pitted  against  him  was  a  trained, 
shrewd  and  experienced  lawyer,  who  had  at  his  tongue's  end  all  the 
specious  sophistries  of  free  trade.  The  older  and  more  expert  de 
bater  won  a  seeming  victory,  but  McKinley,  though  silenced  for  a 
136 


THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF  137 

time,  was  not  convinced.  "  No  one  will  ever  overcome  me  again 
in  that  way,"  he  said  to  a  companion.  "  I  know  I  am  right,  and  I 
know  I  can  prove  it."  Thenceforth  the  study  of  books  and  men 
and  conditions  of  industry  to  attain  that  end  was  the  chief  labor 
of  his  life. 

Mr.  Elaine,  in  his  "  Twenty  Years  in  Congress,"  made  fitting 
mention  of  this  feature  of  his  younger  colleague's  work.  "  The 
interests  of  his  constituency,"  he  wrote,  "  and  his  own  bent  of  mind 
led  him  to  the  study  of  industrial  questions,  and  he  was  soon  recog 
nized  in  the  House  as  one  of  the  most  thorough  statisticians  and 
one  of  the  ablest  defenders  of  the  doctrine  of  protection."  For 
"one  of  the  ablest"  it  was  soon  necessary  to  substitute  "the  fore 
most."  It  was  reserved,  indeed,  for  Major  McKinley  to  bring  the 
American  protective  system  to  its  highest  degree  of  perfection,  to 
proclaim  it  a  permanent  and  abiding  principle,  and  to  vindicate  it 
as  such  before  the  world. 

AN    INCIDENT    IN    CONGRESS 

Almost  his  first  speech  in  Congress,  as  we  have  already  said, 
was  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff,  and  it  was  one  that  made  a  marked 
impression  upon  the  House.  Thenceforth  its  author  was  looked  to 
in  every  tariff  debate  to  be  one  of  the  chief  upholders  of  protec 
tion.  An  incident  related  by  Judge  Kelley,  in  his  eulogy  upon 
Dudley  C.  Haskell,  shows  how  effectively  McKinley  answered  this 
expectation.  It  was  when  the  famous  Mills  bill  was  before  the 
House.  Kelley  was  to  open  the  debate  on  the  Republican  side  and 
McKinley  was  to  close  it.  Haskell,  who  was  a  member  of  the 
Ways  and  Means  Committee,  and  a  particularly  strong  debater, 
desired  the  honor  of  closing  the  debate,  and  asked  Judge  Kelley  to 
persuade  McKinley  to  give  way  to  him.  The  Judge  went  to  Mc 
Kinley  and  repeated  Haskell's  request.  McKinley  readily  con 
sented,  saying  that  he  did  not  care  in  what  order  he  spoke.  So  it 
happened  that  McKinley  was  the  fourth  or  fifth  speaker,  and  Has 
kell  was  to  talk  last.  At  the  conclusion  of  McKinley's  speech  a 


1 38  THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF 

number  of  the  members  crowded  around  to  congratulate  him.  Fore 
most  among  them  was  Haskell,  who  seized  McKinley's  hand  enthusi 
astically,  exclaiming :  *  Major,  I  shall  speak  last ;  but  you,  sir,  have 
closed  the  debate/  ' 

With  such  years  of  preparation  Major  McKinley  was  univer 
sally  recognized  as  the  one  man  of  all  best  qualified  to  frame  a  new 
tariff  law,  which  it  seemed  desirable  to  enact  when  the  Republicans 
resumed  full  control  of  ,  the  Government  in  1889.  He  was 
appointed  Chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  and  pres 
ently  gave  to  the  nation  the  great  measure  which  bears  his  name. 
Of  his  work  in  connection  with  it  he  spoke  modestly.  "  I  was 
Chairman  of  the  Committee,"  he  said,  "and  I  performed  my  duties 
as  best  I  could.  That  is  all.  Some  of  the  strongest  men  in  Con 
gress  were  on  the  Committee,  and  the  eight  of  us  heard  everybody, 
considered  everything,  and  made  up  the  best  tariff  law  we  knew 
how  to  frame." 

It  was,  indeed,  as  a  high  tariff  advocate  that  McKinley  made 
his  reputation,  alike  as  a  Congressional  debater  and  an  earnest  and 
indefatigable  worker  for  what  appeared  to  him  the  best  interests  of 
the  country.  It  was  his  record  in  this  field  of  public  labor  that 
carried  him  to  the  governorship  of  Ohio  and  to  the  Presidency. 
The  tariff  question,  in  brief,  was  the  main-spring  of  his  career,  and 
as  such  some  more  detailed  account  of  his  work  in  this  direction, 
with  illustrative  extracts  from  his  speeches  on  the  subject,  is  an 
essential  feature  of  any  record  of  his  life. 

PROMINENT    IN    TARIFF    DISCUSSION 

He  began  his  work  in  the  tariff,  as  we  have  said,  almost  upon 
his  first  entrance  to  the  halls  of  Congress.  In  1880,  while  speak 
ing  at  Cooper  Institute,  New  York,  he  definitely  stated  his  posi 
tion  upon  the  subject ;  saying  that,  while  the  Democratic  party 
professed  to  favor  a  tariff  for  revenue  with  incidental  protection, 
he  preferred  a  tariff  for  protection  with  incidental  revenue.  This 
happy  way  of  putting  the  subject  was  caught  up  by  Republican 


THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF  139 

speakers  and  newspapers  throughout  the  country  and  set  the 
people  to  thinking  seriously  upon  it.  No  bolder  proposition  in 
favor  of  the  doctrine  of  protection  had  been  made  for  many  years, 

McKinley  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  discussion  of  the  tariff 
bill  of  1882,  speaking  very  effectively  upon  the  subject.  As  a 
member  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  he  was  actively  con 
cerned  in  the  preparation  of  the  bill.  This  bill,  however,  was 
greatly  modified  by  the  action  of  the  Senate,  and  as  finally  offered 
proved  far  from  satisfactory  to  the  Republicans.  It  was  especially 
unsatisfactory  to  the  wool  interest.  As  a  result,  on  its  final  pas 
sage  McKinley  voted  against  it,  with  most  of  the  Ohio  delegation. 

During  the  debate  he  expressed  himself  very  decisively  on 
the  subject  of  protection,  and  claimed  that  it  was  steadily  grow 
ing  in  popular  favor  and  appreciation.  He  said  : 

"The  sentiment  is  surely  growing.  It  has  friends  to-day  that 
it  never  had  in  the  past.  Its  adherents  are  no  longer  confined  to 
the  Nort1}  and  the  East,  but  are  found  in  the  South  and  in  the 
West.  The  idea  travels  with  industry  and  is  the  associate  of  enter 
prise  and  thrift.  It  encourages  the  development  of  skill,  labor, 
and  inventive  genius  as  part  of  the  great  productive  forces.  Its 
advocacy  is  no  longer  limited  to  the  manufacturer,  but  it  has 
friends  the  most  devoted  among  the  farmers,  the  wool-growers,  the 
laborers,  and  the  producers  of  the  land.  It  is  as  strong  in  the 
country  as  in  the  manufacturing  towns  or  the  cities  ;  and  while  it 
is  not  taught  generally  in  our  colleges,  and  our  young  men  fresh 
from  universities  join  with  the  free-trade  thought  of  the  country, 
practical  business  and  every-day  experience  later  teach  them  that 
there  are  other  sources  of  knowledge  besides  books,  that  demon- 

o 

stration  is  better  than  theory,  and  that  actual  results  outweigh  an 
idle  philosophy.  But  while  it  is  not  favored  in  the  colleges,  it  is 
taught  in  the  schools  of  experience,  in  the  workshop,  where  honest 
men  perform  an  honest  day's  labor,  and  where  capital  seeks  the 
development  of  national  wealth.  It  is,  in  my  judgment,  fixed  in 
our  national  policy,  and  no  party  is  strong  enough  to  overthrow  it. 


i4o  THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF 

"  When  the  South  depended  upon  the  labor  of  the  slaves  and 
employed  little  or  no  free  labor  it  was  as  earnest  an  advocate  of 
/ree  trade  as  is  England  to-day.  Now  that  it  must  resort  to  free 
labor,  it  is  placed  upon  the  same  footing  as  Northern  producers  ; 
it  is  compelled  to  pay  a  like  rate  of  wages  for  a  day's  work,  and 
therefore  demands  protection  against  the  foreign  producer,  whose 
product  is  made  or  grown  by  a  cheaper  labor.  And  we  find,  all 
through  the  South,  a  demand  for  protection  to  American  industry 
against  a  foreign  competition,  bent  upon  their  destruction  and 
determined  to  possess  the  American  market. 

"  Free  trade  may  be  suitable  to  Great  Britain  and  its  peculiar  social 
and  political  structure,  but  it  has  no  place  in  this  Republic,  where 
classes  are  unknown  and  where  caste  has  long  since  been  banished ; 
where  equality  is  the  rule  ;  where  labor  is  dignified  and  honorable  ; 
where  education  and  improvement  are  the  individual  striving  of 
every  citizen,  no  matter  what  may  be  the  accident  of  his  birth  or 
the  poverty  of  his  early  surroundings.  Here  the  mechanic  of 
to-day  is  the  manufacturer  of  a  few  years  hence.  Under  such  con 
ditions,  free  trade  can  have  no  abiding-place  here.  We  are  doing 
very  well ;  no  other  nation  has  done  better  or  makes  a  better  show 
ing  in  the  world's  balance-sheet.  We  ought  to  be  satisfied  with 
the  outlook  for  the  future.  We  know  what  we  have  done  and 
what  we  can  do  under  the  policy  of  protection.  We  have  had 
some  experience  with  a  revenue  tariff,  which  inspires  neither  hope, 
nor  courage,  nor  confidence.  Our  own  history  condemns  the 
policy  we  oppose  and  is  the  best  vindication  of  the  policy  which 
we  advocate.  It  needs  no  other." 

MCKINLEY'S  ADDRESS  AT  PETERSBURG 

In  1885,  while  on  a  visit  to  Petersburg,  Va.,  he  made  an 
address  to  the  people  on  the  tariff,  delivered  in  a  familiar  but 
effective  way  which  must  have  set  the 'people  to  thinking.  It 
attracted  widespread  attention  alike  in  the  South  and  the  North. 
He  put  his  view  of  the  business  aspect  of  a  protective  tariff  in  a 


THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF  141 

homely  and  practical  way  calculated  to  make  it  clear  to  school-boy, 
farmer,  and  business  man  alike.  We  append  the  following  extract : 

"  Now,  my  fellow-citizens,  what  is  this  tariff  ?  It  is  very 
largely  misunderstood,  and  if  I  can  to-night  make  this  audience,  the 
humblest  and  the  youngest  in  it,  understand  what  the  tariff  means, 
I  will  feel  that  I  have  been  well  paid  for  my  trip  to  Virginia. 
What,  then,  is  the  tariff  ?  The  tariff,  my  fellow-citizens,  is  a  tax 
put  upon  goods  made  outside  of  the  United  States  and  brought 
into  the  United  States  for  sale  and  consumption.  That  is,  we  say 
to  England,  we  say  to  Germany,  we  say  to  France  :  '  If  you  want 
to  sell  your  goods  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  you  must 
pay  so  much  for  the  privilege  of  doing  it  ;  you  must  pay  so  much 
per  ton,  so  much  per  yard,  so  much  per  foot,  as  the  case  may  be, 
for  the  privilege  of  selling  to  the  American  people,  and  what  you 
pay  in  that  form  goes  into  the  public  treasury  to  help  discharge  the 
public  burdens.'  It  is  just  like  the  little  city  of  Petersburg,  for 
example.  I  do  not  know  what  your  customs  may  be,  but  in  many 
cities  of  the  North,  if  a  man  conies  to  our  cities  and  wants  to  sell 
goods  to  our  people  on  the  streets,  not  to  occupy  any  of  our  busi 
ness  houses,  not  being  a  permanent  resident  or  trader,  not  living 
there,  but  traveling  and  selling  from  town  to  town — if  he  comes  to 
one  of  our  little  cities  in  Ohio  we  say  to  him  :  4  Sir,  you  must  pay 
so  much  into  the  city  treasury  for  the  privilege  of  selling  goods  to 
our  people  here.'  Now,  why  do  we  do  that  ?  We  do  it  to  protect 
our  own  merchants. 

"Just  so  our  Government  says  to  the  countries  of  the  Old 
World — it  says  to  England  and  the  rest :  *  If  you  want  to  come  in 
and  sell  to  our  people  you  must  pay  something  for  the  privilege  of 
doing  it,  and  pay  it  at  the  Treasury  at  the  custom-houses,'  and  that 
goes  into  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  to  help  discharge  the 
public  debt  and  pay  the  current  expenses  of  the  Government. 
Now,  that  is  the  tariff,  and  if  any  man  at  this  point  wants  to  ask 
me  any  questions  about  it  I  want  him  to  do  it  now,  for  I  don't  want, 
when  I  am  gone,  to  have  some  Democrat  say :  'If  I  could  only 


14*  THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF 

have  had  an  opportunity  to  ask  him  a  question  I  would  like  to  have 
done  it,  because  I  could  have  exposed  the  fallacy  of  his  argument.' 
So  I  want  him  to  do  it  now. 

"  Do  you  think  there  would  be  an  idle  man  in  America  if  we 
manufactured  everything  that  Americans  use  ?  Do  you  think  if  we 
didn't  buy  anything  from  abroad  at  all,  but  made  everything 
we  needed,  that  every  man  would  not  be  employed  in  the  United 
States,  and  employed  at  a  profitable  remuneration?  Why,  every 
body  is  benefited  by  protection,  even  the  people  who  do  not 
believe  in  it — for  they  get  great  benefit  out  of  it,  but  will  not  con 
fess  it  ;  and  that  is  what  is  the  matter  with  Virginia.  Heretofore 
she  has  not  believed  in  it.  You  have  not  had  a  public  man  that 
I  know  of  in  Washington  for  twenty-five  years,  save  one,  except 
the  Republicans,  who  did  not  vote  against  the  great  doctrine  of 
American  protection,  American  industries,  and  American  labor ; 
and  do  you  imagine  that  anybody  is  coming  to  Virginia  with 
his  money  to  build  a  mill,  or  a  factory,  or  a  furnace,  and 
develop  your  coal  and  your  ore — bring  his  money  down  here 
when  you  vote  every  time  against  his  interests  and  don't  let 
those  who  favor  them  vote  at  all?  No!  If  you  think  so  you 
might  just  as  well  be  undeceived  now,  for  they  will  not  come. 

"Why,  old  John  Randolph,  I  don't  know  how  many  years 
ago,  said  on  the  floor  of  the  American  Congress,  in  opposing  a  pro 
tective  tariff,  he  did  not  believe  in  manufactories.  '  Why,'  said  he, 
4  if  you  have  manufactories  in  Philadelphia  you  will  have  cholera 
six  months  in  the  year/  That  was  what  the  '  Sage  of  Roanoke  ' 
said,  and  Virginia  seems  to  be  still  following  the  sentiments  he 
uttered  years  and  years  ago. 

"  I  tell  you,  manufactories  do  not  bring  cholera — they  bring 
coin,  coin  ;  coin  for  the  poor  man,  coin  for  the  rich,  coin  for  every 
body  who  will  work  ;  comfort  and  contentment  for  all  deserving 
people.  And  if  you  vote  for  increasing  manufactories,  my  fellow- 
citizens,  you  will  vote  for  the  best  interests  of  your  own  State,  and 
you  will  be  making  iron,  and  steel,  and  pottery,  and  all  the  great 


•. 

r  OF   THE 


THE  UNITED  STATES  PEACE  COMMISSIONERS  OF  THE  SPANISH  WAR 

ed  September  q,  1898      Met  Spanish  Commissioners  at  Paris.  October  ist.     Treaty  of  Peace  signed  by  the  C&m- 
s  at  Paris,  December  loth      Ratified  by  the  United  States  Senate  at  Washington^  February  6,  1899. 


THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF  145 

leading  products  just  as  Ohio  and   Pennsylvania  are  making  them 
to-day. 

"  Be  assured  that  the  Republicans  of  the  North  harbor  no 
resentments — only  ask  for  the  results  of  the  war.  They  wish  you 
the  highest  prosperity  and  greatest  development.  They  bid  you, 
in  the  language  of  Whittier : 

"  'A  school-house  plant  on  every  hill, 
Stretching  in  radiate  nerve-lines  thence 
The  quick  wires  of  intelligence  ; 
Till  North  and  South,  together  brought, 
Shall  own  the  same  electric  thought ; 
In  peace  a  common  flag  salute; 
And,  side  by  side,  in  labor's  free 
And  unresentful  rivalry, 
Harvest  the  fields  wherein  they  fought.'" 

MCKINLEY    AND    THE    MILLS    BILL 

In  the  Congress  of  1887,  which  had  a  Democratic  majority, 
Roger  Q.  Mills,  of  Texas,  was  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Ways  and  Means.  This  committee  prepared  a  tariff  bill,  popularly 
known  as  the  Mills'  Bill,  the  debate  upon  which  was  one  of  the 
longest  and  most  spirited  that  had  occurred  in  Congress  during 
many  years.  McKinley  took  a  very  active  part  in  the  opposition, 
his  private  office  in  the  hotel  being  a  meeting  place  for  manu 
facturers  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  Major  McKinley  heard 
them  all  with  great  patience.  In  addition,  he  was  surrounded  by  a 
small  library  of  printed  volumes  and  a  mass  of  reports  and  statistics 
bearing  upon  the  conditions  of  industry  alike  in  the  United  States 
and  foreign  countries. 

Great  as  was  the  labor  involved,  he  never  seemed  to  weary  of 
it,  and  was  constantly  accessible  to  visitors  on  business  pertaining 
to  the  proposed  bill.  All  who  came  in  contact  with  him  greatly 
admired  his  mastery  of  the  subject  in  its  highly  varied  details.  The 
report  which  gave  the  views  of  the  Republican  minority  was  drawn 
by  him,  and  in  it  he  cited  the  various  objections  to  the  measure, 


146  THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF 

and  made  manifest  the  fallacy  of  the  theory  upon  which  it  was 
based.  In  the  discussion  of  the  bill  which  followed  occurred  the 
incident  related  by  Judge  Kelley  which  we  have  quoted  above. 

The  debate  on  the  Mills'  Bill  was  very  spirited,  and  the  part 
taken  in  it  by  McKinley  was  active  and  effective.  An  amusing 
recontre  took  place  between  him  and  Leopold  Morse,  a  Democratic 
member  from  Massachusetts.  Much  has  been  said  about  how  free 
wool  would  cheapen  the  workingman's  clothing.  Morse  was  a 
member  of  a  firm  of  dealers  in  clothing,  and  McKinley,  with  the 
purpose  of  giving  an  effective  object  lesson  on  this  point,  had  pro 
cured  a  suit  of  cheap  clothes  from  this  firm.  We  quote  from  his 
speech  as  given  in  the  Congressional  Record : 

AN    AMUSING    ENCOUNTER 

"  The  expectation  of  cheaper  clothes  is  not  sufficient  to  justify 
the  action  of  the  majority.  This  is  too  narrow  for  a  national  issue. 
Nobody,  so  far  as  I  have  learned,  has  expressed  dissatisfaction 
with  the  present  price  of  clothing.  It  is  a  political  objection  ;  it  is 
a  party  slogan.  Certainly  nobody  is  unhappy  over  the  cost  of 
clothing  except  those  who  are  amply  able  to  pay  even  a  higher 
price  than  is  now  exacted.  And  besides,  if  this  bill  should  pass, 
and  the  effect  would  be  (as  it  inevitably  must  be)  to  destroy  our 
domestic  manufactures,  the  era  of  low  prices  would  vanish,  and  the 
foreign  manufacturer  would  compel  the  American  consumer  to  pay 
higher  prices  than  he  had  been  accustomed  to  pay  under  the 
1  robber  tariff,'  so  called. 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  I  represent  a  district  comprising  some 
200,000  people,  a  large  majority  of  the  voters  in  the  district  being 
workingmen.  I  have  represented  them  for  a  good  many  years, 
and  I  have  never  had  a  complaint  from  one  of  them  that  their 
clothes  were  too  high.  Have  you  ?  [Applause  on  the  Republican 
side.]  Has  any  gentleman  on  this  floor  met  with  such  complaint 
in  his  district  ? 

"  Mr.  Morse  :     They  did  not  buy  them  of  me. 


THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF  147 

"  Mr.  McKinley  :  No  !  Let  us  see.  If  they  had  bought  of 
the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  it  would  have  made  no  differ 
ence,  and  there  could  have  been  no  complaint.  Let  us  examine 
the  matter. 

"  [Mr.  McKinley  here  produced  a  bundle  containing  a  suit  of 
clothes,  which  he  opened  and  displayed,  amid  great  laughter  and 
applause.] 

MR.   MCKINLEY    AND    THE    TEN-DOLLAR    SUIT 

"  Come,  now,  will  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  know 
his  own  goods?  [Renewed  laughter.]  We  recall,  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  talked  about  the  laboring 
man  who  worked  ten  days  at  a  dollar  a  day,  and  then  went  with 
his  $10  wages  to  buy  a  suit  of  clothes.  It  is  the  old  story.  It  is 
found  in  the  works  of  Adam  Smith.  [Laughter  and  applause  on 
the  Republican  side.]  I  have  heard  it  in  this  House  for  ten  years 
past.  It  has  served  many  a  free  trader.  It  is  the  old  story,  I 
repeat,  of  the  man  who  gets  a  dollar  a  day  for  his  wages,  and 
having  worked  for  the  ten  days  goes  to  buy  his  suit  of  clothes. 
He  believes  he  can  buy  it  for  just  $10,  but  the  'robber  manufac 
turers'  have  been  to  Congress  and  have  got  100  per  cent,  put 
upon  the  goods  in  the  shape  of  a  tariff,  and  the  suit  of  clothes  he 
finds  cannot  be  bought  for  $10,  but  he  is  asked  $20  for  it,  and  so 
he  has  to  go  back  to  ten  days  more  of  sweat,  ten  days  more  of 
toil,  ten  days  more  of  wear  and  tear  of  muscle  and  brain  to  earn 
the  $10  to  purchase  the  suit  of  clothes.  Then  the  chairman 
gravely  asks,  is  not  ten  days  entirely  annihilated  ? 

"  Now,  a  gentleman  who  read  that  speech,  or  heard  it,  was  so 
touched  by  the  pathetic  story  that  he  looked  into  it  and  sent  me  a 
suit  of  clothes  identical  with  that  described  by  the  gentleman  from 
Texas,  and  he  sent  me  also  a  bill  for  it,  and  here  is  the  entire  suit ; 
'  robber  tariffs  and  taxes  and  all '  have  been  added,  and  the  retail 
cost  is  what?  Just  $10.  [Laughter  and  applause  on  the  Repub 
lican  side.]  So  the  poor  fellow  does  not  have  to  go  back  to  work 


148  THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF 

ten  days  more  to  get  that  suit  of  clothes.  He  takes  the  suit  with 
him  and  pays  for  it  just  $10.  [Applause.]  But  in  order  that 
there  might  be  no  mistake  about  it,  knowing  the  honor  and 
honesty  of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  [Mr.  Morse],  he 
went  to  his  store  and  bought  ihe  suit.  [Laughter  and  cheers  on 
the  Republican  side.]  I  hold  in  my  hand  the  bill. 

"  Mr.  Struble  :     Read  it. 

"  Mr.  McKinley  (reading)  : 

•BOSTON,  May  4,  1888. 

J.  D.  Williams,  bought  of  Leopold  Morse  &  Co.,  men's, 
youths'  and  boys'  clothing,  131  to  137  Washington  Street,  corner 
of  Brattle' — -I  believe  it  is. 

"  Mr.  Morse  :  Yes,  Brattle. 

"  Mr.  McKinley  (reading)  :  *  To  one  suit  of  woolen  clothes, 
$10.  Paid.'  [Renewed  laughter  and  applause.]  And  now,  Mr. 
Chairman,  I  never  knew  of  a  gentleman  engaged  in  this  business 
who  sold  his  clothes  without  profit.  [Laughter.]  And  there  is 
the  same  $10  suit  described  by  the  gentleman  from  Texas  that  can 
be  bought  in  the  city  of  Boston,  can  be  bought  in  Philadelphia,  in 
New  York,  in  Chicago,  in  Pittsburg,  anywhere  throughout  the 
country,  at  $10  retail  the  whole  suit — coat,  trousers,  and  vest — and 
40  per  cent,  less  than  it  could  have  been  bought  for  in  1860  under 
your  low  tariff  and  low  wages  of  that  period.  [Great  applause.] 
It  is  a  pity  to  destroy  the  sad  picture  of  the  gentleman  from  Texas 
which  was  to  be  used  in  the  campaign,  but  the  truth  must  be  told. 
But  do  you  know  that  if  it  were  not  for  protection  you  would  pay 
a  great  deal  more  for  these  clothes  ?  I  do  not  intend  to  go  into 
that  branch  of  the  question,  but  I  want  to  give  one  brief  illustra 
tion  of  how  the  absence  of  American  competition  immediately 
sends  up  the  foreign  prices,  and  it  is  an  illustration  that  every  man 
will  remember.  My  friend  from  Missouri  [Mr.  Clardy],  who  sits 
in  front  of  me,  will  remember  it.  The  Missouri  Glass  Company, 
was  organized  several  years  ago  for  the  manufacture  of  coarse 
fluted  glass  and  cathedral  glass.  Last  November  the  factory  was 


1 

t 

2 

o 

cr 

o 

O1 

o. 

•4 

«< 

1^ 

n 

8, 

P 
jj 

S 

? 

1 

& 

a 

« 

o 

c 

a 

n 

3 

? 

£• 

w' 

5*  ""^ 

•o 

3   I 
?H 

0 

•o 

g 

w  > 

o' 

a    5 

D 

S*   -n 

• 

^    ? 

t_ 

r  o 

5.  m 

S    m 

149 


V^ 

/^  OF  THE 

f    UNIVERSITY 


i5o  THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF 

destroyed  by  fire.  Cathedral  glass  was  their  specialty.  Within 
ten  days  from  the  time  that  splendid  property  was  reduced  to 
ashes  the  foreign  price  of  cathedral  glass  advanced  28  per  cent, 
to  the  American  consumer.  [Applause  on  the  Republican 
side.]  Showing  that  whether  you  destroy  the  American  pro 
duction  by  free  trade  or  by  fire,  it  is  the  same  thing  ;  the  p'rices  go 
up  to  the  American  consumer,  and  all  you  can  do  is  to  pay  the 
price  the  foreigner  chooses  to  ask."  [Renewed  applause.] 

When  the  bill  came  to  a  vote,  only  one  Republican  member 
of  the  House  voted  in  the  affirmative.  With  this  exception,  the 
Republicans  of  the  House  were  a  unit  against  the  Mills'  Bill, 
which,  as  is  well  known,  failed  to  become  a  law. 

MCKINLEY    AND    HIS    TARIFF    BILL,    1 890 

The  Congress  of  1889-90  was  largely  concerned  in  the  prepa 
ration  and  passage  of  the  bill  which  became  famous  as  the 
McKinley  Tariff  Bill.  As  has  been  stated,  he  was  chairman  of  the 
Ways  and  Means  Committee  of  that  Congress.  Among  the  other 
members  of  the  Congress  were  J.  C.  Burrows  and  John  H.  Gear, 
subsequently  members  of  the  United  States  Senate,  John  G.  Car 
lisle,  who  later  became  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Roswell  P. 
Flower,  who  had  been  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and 
Nelson  Dingley,  whose  name  became  associated  with  a  later  Repub 
lican  tariff  bill. 

Chairman  McKinley  at  once  set  out  to  prepare  a  bill  fitted  to 
voice  the  verdict  of  the  people,  who  had  declared  for  the  American 
doctrine  of  protection  and  the  preservation  of  our  home  markets 
for  our  own  workmen.  No  man  could  have  been  better  qualified  for 
this  labor.  The  committee  did  not  sit  in  secret  sessions,  but  the 
doors  stood  wide  open  to  the  manufacturers  and  business  men  of 
the  country.  It  mattered  riot  what  were  the  political  views  of  the 
visitor,  if  he  had  anything  of  a  practical  nature  to  propose  he  was 
sure  of  a  respectful  audience.  The  end  desired  by  the  chairman 


J51 


152  THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF 

was  the  greatest  good  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  not  the 
advancement  of  party  interests. 

No  measure  was  ever  so  perfectly  prepared  for  the  consider 
ation  of  the  House  as  the  McKinley  Bill  on  the  day  on  which  it  was 
reported.  The  committee  had  been  engaged  upon  it  from  the  meet 
ing  of  the  House  in  December,  1889,  until  April  16,  1890,  on  which 
day  the  bill  was  reported.  It  was  not  called  up  for  consideration 
until  May  yth,  the  general  debate  upon  it  lasting  until  the  loth 
after  which  it  was  passed  by  a  strict  party  vote,  164  Republicans 
voting  for  it  and  141  Democrats  and  one  Populist  voting  against 
it.  It  was  reported  to  the  Senate  on  June  i8th,  the  amended  bill 
was  sent  to  the  Conference  Committee  September  1 5th,  and  the 
measure  was  finally  passed  on  September  3Oth. 

Of  the  changes  made  in  the  tariff  by  the  Act  of  1890  more 
than  two-thirds  were  in  the  original  bill  as  proposed  by  McKinley, 
and  492  out  of  641  were  placed  in  the  bill  before  it  left  his  commit 
tee.  Great  credit  is  due  to  all  the  able  statesmen  in  both  Houses 
of  Congress  who  aided  in  passing  the  measure,  but  it  deserves  to 
be  put  upon  record  that  William  McKinley  did  the  greater  part  of 
the  work.  The  bill  was  vigorously  attacked  by  such  able  oppo 
nents  as  Carlisle,  Breckenridge,  Mills,  and  others,  the  best  debaters 
that  the  ranks  of  the  Southern  Congressmen  could  furnish.  McKin 
ley  led  his  party  safely  through  these  assaults,  and  was  master  of 
the  field  throughout  the  whole  battle. 

MCKINLEY'S  SPEECHES  IN  CONGRESS  ON  THE  TARIFF 

His  opening  address  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  coun 
try,  in  the  election  of  1888  had  declared  itself  in  favor  of  the  policy 
of  protection,  and  that  the  long  discussion  of  the  Mills'  Bill,  and 
subsequent  debates  during  the  Presidential  campaign,  had  familiar 
ized  the  people  with  the  principles  underlying  the  tariff  ;  he  there 
fore  deemed  it  unnecessary  to  expound  these  abstract  doctrines. 

With  reference  to  the  tariff  itself,  he  stated  that  the  entire  sys 
tem  was  to  be  remodeled.  Among  the  several  chanp;es5  the  United 


'54  THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF 

States  Government  was  to  be  deprived  of  the  privilege  it  had  long 
enjoyed  of  importing  foreign  articles  for  its  own  use  free  of  duty. 
Under  this  provision  of  the  old  law  great  abuses  had  grown  up,  for 
not  only  did  the  Government  pass  its  goods  free  through  the  cus 
tom  houses,  but  its  officers,  agents  and  contractors  did  the  same 
thing,  much  to  the  disadvantage  of  our  manufacturers. 

It  placed  a  limit  upon  the  merchandise  that  tourists  could 
bring  into  the  country  under  the  guise  of  personal  effects  ;  thus 
escaping  their  share  of  taxation  while,  through  their  purchases 
abroad,  the  country  was  drained  of  its  money  for  the  benefit  of 
foreign  tradesmen.  It  further  required  that  all  imported  merchan 
dise  should  be  plainly  stamped  with  the  name  of  the  country  where 
it  was  produced.  This  was  to  stop  the  fraudulent  use  of  American 
brands  and  trade-marks  by  forefgn  manufacturers. 

The  Democratic  minority  had  argued  in  its  report  that  the 
proposed  bill  would  not  diminish  the  revenues  because  it  increased 
various  duties.  Major  McKinley,  replying  to  this,  stated  that  all 
experience  taught  that  whenever  the  duty  was  raised  to  the  protec 
tive  point,  or  above  the  highest  revenue  point,  on  goods  or  articles 
produced  at  home,  the  amount  of  importations  always  decreased 
and  the  resulting  revenue  diminished.  When  the  duty  was  raised 
to  a  point  where  the  foreign  manufacturer  could  not  compete  in 
our  market  with  our  own  products  the  revenue  was  abolished  alto 
gether.  The  bill  would  therefore  not  increase  revenue  because  it 
increased  duties. 

As  regards  the  relation  of  agriculture  to  the  tariff,  Major 
McKinley  showed  that  the  depression  of  farming,  which  had 
become  during  late  years  serious  in  this  country,  was  much  greater 
in  England,  so  that  free  trade  was  no  remedy  for  this  evil.  He 
showed  that  we  imported  eggs  by  the  million,  cattle,  horses  and 
sheep,  barley,  hay,  and  other  agricultural  products  that  we  ought  to 
produce,  to  the  extent  of  nearly  $300,000,000  a  year.  Canada  agri 
culturists  alone  took  $25,000,000  a  year  out  of  the  pockets  of  our 
farmers.  The  bill  proposed  to  correct  all  this  and  give  the  American 


THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF  155 

farmer  his  full  share  of  the  advantages  of  a  protective  tariff.  It 
showed  how  this  vast  amount  of  money  spent  every  year  for  for 
eign  farm  products,  if  kept  at  home,  would  relieve  the  distress  of 
our  own  landholders  and  stimulate  all  branches  of  trade  and  manu 
factures  dependent  upon  the  farming  classes. 

Many  articles  were  taken  off  the  dutiable  list  and  put  on  the 
free  list,  far  the  most  important  of  these  being  sugar  and  kindred 
products.  Steps  were  taken  to  encourage  the  cultivation  of  the 
sugar  beet,  it  being  proposed  to  pay  a  bounty  upon  all  sugar 
made  in  this  country.  The  speaker  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
eighteen  articles  had  been  taken  from  the  free  list  and  put  upon 
the  dutiable  list,  ten  of  these  being  farm  products.  Among  these 
were  eggs,  broom  corn,  plants,  trees  and  shrubs,  straw,  apples, 
teazels,  flax  and  hemp. 

HE    REVIEWED    THE    GAIN    OF    PROTECTION 

Major  McKinley  briefly  reviewed  the  service  which  this  country 
had  gained  from  protection.  We  had  lived,  he  stated,  under  a  pro 
tective  tariff  for  twenty-nine  years,  the  longest  consecutive  period 
since  the  Government  was  founded.  As  a  result,  we  found  our 
selves  in  a  condition  of  prosperity  and  independence  which  had 
never  before  been  witnessed  in  our  country,  and  had  no  parallel 
in  the  recorded  history  of  the  world.  We  had  made  remarkable 
progress  in  all  that  goes  to  make  a  nation  great  and  strong.  In 
the  arts,  in  science,  literature,  manufactures,  and  inventions,  in  the 
application  of  science  to  manufacturing  and  agriculture,  in  wealth 
and  credit,  and  in  national  honor,  we  were  abreast  of  the  best  of 
foreign  nations  and  behind  none.  In  1860  at  the  close  of  fourteen 

o 

years  in  which  the  country  had  been  under  a  revenue  tariff, — just 
the  kind  the  Democratic  party  wished  to  put  in  force  again, — the 
business  of  the  country  was  prostrated,  agriculture  was  depressed, 
manufactures  were  in  a  decline,  and  the  nation  was  destitute  of 
credit  in  the  financial  centres  of  the  world. 


i5<5  THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF 

Under  protection  we  had  gained  a  surplus  revenue  and  a  spot 
less  credit.  The  Morrill  protective  tariff  of  1861,  had  enabled  us 
to  equip  vast  armies  and  carry  the  war  to  a  successful  termination. 
At  the  same  time  flourishing  industries  sprang  up  under  it  in  all 
parts  of  the  country.  Thus,  after  the  war  closed,  with  our  burden 
of  over  $2,000,000,000  of  debt,  this  tariff  had  enabled  us  to  pay  it 
off  at  the  rate  of  $174,000  every  twenty-four  hours  for  twenty 
years.  Under  this  tariff  we  had  led  all  nations  in  the  savings-bank 
deposits  of  our  laboring  classes.  We  led  them  all  in  mining,  in 
agriculture  and  in  manufacturing.  Such  were  the  results  of  twenty- 
nine  years  of  protection. 

Major  McKinley  next  depicted  the  disastrous  results  which 
would  follow  a  departure  from  the  safe  paths  by  which  we  had  been 
led  into  the  green  pastures  of  national  prosperity  through  the 
action  of  the  American  protective  system.  One  of  the  most  popu 
lar  features  of  the  bill  presented  by  him  was  the  clause  providing 
for  reciprocity  in  trade.  The  credit  of  securing  the  enactment  of 
this  part  of  the  law  has  generally  been  given  to  James  G.  Elaine, 
who  at  that  time  was  Secretary  of  State.  There  is  no  doubt,  it 
may  be  admitted,  that  Mr.  Elaine  did  play  an  important  part  in 
securing  the  adoption  of  this  clause,  but  it  is  not  true,  as  has  been 
reported,  that  Major  McKinley  was  opposed  to  the  idea.  In 
almost  his  final  words,  those  spoken  in  his  remarks  at  Buffalo  the 
day  before  he  received  his  fatal  wound,  the.  extension  of  the 
reciprocity  policy  was  earnestly  advocated  by  him.  In  this  same 
speech  he  eulogized  Elaine  as  the  one  to  whom  the  chief  credit 
should  be  given  for  this  important  policy. 

Mr.  William  E.  Cartes,  formerly  chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Ameri 
can  Republics,  clearly  states  the  relations  of  Mr.  Elaine  and  Mr. 
McKinley  to  this  measure.  He  says  : 

"  When  Mr.  Elaine  found  that  it  was  proposed  to  remove  the 
duty  on  sugar,  he  sent  me  to  Mr.  McKinley  with  a  proposition 
which  he  wanted  added  to  the  bill  as  an  amendment.  It  afterward 
became  known  as  the  Hale  Amendment  It  provided  that  the 


THE  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF  *57 

President  should  be  authorized  to  take  off  the  duty  on  sugar  when 
ever  the  sugar-producing  nations  removed  their  duties  on  our  farm 
products  and  certain  other  articles.  Mr.  McKinley  presented  this 
amendment  to  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means.  It  was  not 
adopted.  Mr.  McKinley  voted  for  it  the  first  time  it  was  presented. 
Then  a  second  proposition  containing  some  modifications  was  pre 
sented,  and  Mr.  McKinley  voted  for  that,  as  he  voted  for  the 
Elaine  reciprocity  amendment  every  time  it  was  submitted. 

"It  has  been  currently  reported  that  Mr.  Elaine  denounced 
the  McKinley  Bill  with  such  vigor  that  he  smashed  his  hat.  Mr. 
Elaine's  opposition  to  the  bill  was  because  of  the  free-sugar  clause. 
He  criticized  the  refusal  of  Congress  to  take  advantage  of  condi 
tions  which  he  thought  were  favorable  to  our  trade.  They  pro 
posed  to  throw  away  the  duty  on  sugar  when  he  wanted  them  to 
trade  with  it. 

"When  what  was  known  as  the  Aldrich  Amendment  was 
adopted,  Mr.  Elaine  was  perfectly  satisfied,  and  there  was  nothing  in 
the  current  tales  that  he  was  unfriendly  to  Major  McKinley.  On  the 
contrary,  he  was  one  of  his  warmest  friends.  Had  it  not  been  for 
Mr.  McKinley  and  Senator  Aldrich,  of  Rhode  Island,  the  recipro 
city  clause  in  the  tariff  act  would  never  have  been  adopted." 

In  conclusion  of  our  consideration  of  this  famous  commercial 
and  fiscal  measure,  it  must  be  said  that  no  opportunity  arose  to  test 
its  effect  upon  the  national  revenues.  The  vast  quantity  of  goods, 
of  the  classes  upon  which  the  rates  of  duty  were  increased,  that 
were  rushed  into  our  ports  before  the  law  became  operative,  and  a 
concurrent  holding  back  of  those  that  were  to  be  placed  upon  the 
free  list,  prevented  the  new  tariff  from  pursuing  its  normal  course. 
It  was  little  more  than  a  month  in  existence  before  the  Fall  elec 
tions  gave  it  its  death-blow.  The  advent  of  a  Democratic  Con 
gress  alarmed  those  whose  business  the  tariff  would  have  benefited, 
and  the  deadlock  in  trade  which  was  soon  to  show  itself  early  began 
to  manifest  itself  in  the  commerce  of  the  country.  The  McKinley 
tariff  fell  before  it  could  be  fairly  tried 


CHAPTER  X 

Governor  of  Ohio 

AT  the  election  of  1890,  as  we  have    said,  the    Democrats   so 
manipulated  the  districts  as  to  defeat  Mr.  McKinley  by  300 
votes  in  a  district  normally  Democratic  by   2,900,  and  thus 
prevent  his  return  to  Congress.     Great  was  their  rejoicing  at  this. 
They  thought  they  had  crushed  their  arch-enemy  at  last.   But  they 
reckoned  without  the  chief  factor  in  the  problem.     The  answer  to 
their  exultation  came  unhesitatingly.     Mr.  McKinley  in  the  follow 
ing  year  was   nominated  by  the  Republicans   by  acclamation  for 
Governor  of  the  State. 

The  platform  of  the  Convention  re-affirmed  the  devotion  of  the 
party  to  the  patriotic  doctrine  of  protection,  and  recognized  the 
McKinley  bill  as  the  ablest  expression  of  a  principle  enacted  in 
fulfillment  of  Republican  promises.  It  made  declarations  in  favor 
of  such  legislation  by  Congress  as  would  in  every  practical  mode 
encourage,  protect,  and  promote  agriculture.  It  demanded  protec 
tion  of  the  wool  industry.  It  declared  that  gold  and  silver  should 
form  the  basis  of  all  circulating  mediums,  and  expressed  the  desire 
to  add  the  entire  production  of  the  silver  mines  of  the  United 
States  to  the  currency  of  the  people. 

A    MEMORABLE    CAMPAIGN 

Then  followed  one  of  the  most  memorable  campaigns  ever 
waged  in  the  Buckeye  State.  Mr.  McKinley  began  his  campaign 
on  August  i,  and  for  three  months  he  traveled  night  and  day, 
making  from  two  to  a  dozen  speeches  a  day,  until  he  had  visited 
eighty-four  out  of  the  eighty-eight  counties  of  the  State,  and  made  in 
all  130  speeches.  His  campaign  was  on  national  issues,  on  the 
158 


GOVERNOR  OF  OHIO  159 

tariff,  on  protection  ;  and  so  eloquently  and  passionately  did  he 
defend  his  principles  that  great  crowds  turned  out  to  hear  him. 
The  attention  of  the  whole  country  was  drawn  to  the' State  of  Ohio 
and  the  campaign.  Newspaper  correspondents  followed  the  cham 
pion  of  protection  in  his  tour  of  the  State,  and  filled  the  press  of 
the  country  with  descriptions  of  scenes  novel  in  political  campaigns. 
The  Democrats  contested  every  inch  of  the  ground  stubbornly, 
but  the  people  turned  to  McKinley  as  the  apostle  of  the  true  dis 
pensation,  and  women  and  children  said  he  had  made  protection  and 
tariff  plain  to  them.  In  that  campaign,  the  first  general  campaign 
Mr.  McKinley  had  ever  made,  he  was  pronounced  the  best  vote- 
getter  ever  seen  on  the  stump  in  Ohio.  He  won  the  admiration  of 
Democrats,  as  he  won  the  devotion  of  Republicans,  and  his  election 
by  a  majority  of  over  21,000  votes  was  gratifying  to  one  party, 
without  being  a  source  of  bitterness  to  the  rank  and  file  of  the  other 
party. 

MCKINLEY    RENOMINATED    FOR    GOVERNOR 

The  opening  of  the  second  Cleveland  Administration  in  1893, 
was  followed  by  a  business  distrust  that  in  a  brief  time  developed 
into  a  widespread  panic.  Even  the  greatest  financial  combination 
in  the  land,  the  Associated  Banks  of  New  York,  practically  sus 
pended  payment,  issuing  clearing-house  certificates  in  place  of 
money,  Dismay  took  the  place  of  hope ;  ruin  succeeded  pros 
perity. 

In  the  height  of  the  panic  Governor  McKinley  was  renomi- 
nated  by  the  Republicans  of  Ohio  by  acclamation.  A  spirited  con 
test  followed.  His  opponent  was  the  Hon.  L.  T.  Teal.  Nothing 
was  to  be  said  of  the  personal  fitness  of  the  candidates,  and  the 
campaign  was  conducted  on  the  basis  of  party  issues.  The  revul 
sion  against  the  protective  policy  was  reaching  its  end,  the  people 
were  repenting  of  their  temporary  change  of  sentiment,  and  the 
issue  brought  before  them  was  that  of  protection  or  free  trade. 

The  discussion  extended  throughout  the  Fall;  when  at  length 
the  people  came  to  indicate  their  opinion  at  the  ballot-box,  their 


1 60  GOVERNOR  OF  OHIO 

verdict  showed  the  change  in  public  opinion.  McKinley  was 
re-elected  Governor  with  a  plurality  of  80,955  ;  up  to  that  time 
the  largest  but  one  in  the  history  of  the  State. 

Mr.  McKinley's  record  as  Governor  was  an  admirable  one, 
He  never  forgot  that  he  was  not  alone  the  representative  of  the 
party  which  had  elected  him,  but  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  whole 
State,  and  he  was  untiring  in  his  efforts  to  secure  for  the  State  a 
wise,  economical,  and  honorable  administration.  He  took  great 
interest  in  the  management  of  the  public  institutions,  making  a 
special  study  of  means  for  their  betterment,  and  securing  many 
important  and  much-needed  reforms.  He  urged  the  preserving 
and  improving  of  the  canal  system,  and  was  an  earnest  promoter 
of  the  movement  for  good  roads.  To  the  question  of  tax  reform 
he  paid  much  attention  and  repeatedly  urged  its  importance  upon 
the  Legislature.  Many  questions  relating  to  the  welfare  of  work- 
ingmen  became  acute  during  his  administration,  and  were  dealt 
with  by  him  in  a  spirit  of  intelligent  sympathy. 

MCKINLEY    A    WISE    AND    FIRM    GOVERNOR 

He  had  already  long  been  known  as  an  advocate  of  an  eight- 
hour  system,  and  of  arbitration  as  a  means  of  settling  disputes 
between  employers  and  employees.  It  was  due  to  his  initiative  that 
the  State  Board  of  Arbitration  was  established  in  Ohio,  and  to  its 
successful  operation  he  gave  for  nearly  four,  years  his  close  per 
sonal  attention.  He  made  various  wise  recommendations  for  legis 
lation  for  the  better  protection  of  life  and  limb  in  industrial  pur 
suits,  and  as  a  result  several  salutary  laws  to  such  effect  were  put 
upon  the  statute  books.  When  destitution  and  distress  prevailed 
among  the  miners  of  the  Hocking  Valley,  he  acted  with  character 
istic  promptness  and  decision.  News  that  many  families  were  in 
danger  of  starving  reached  him  at  midnight.  Before  sunrise  he 
had  a  carload  of  provisions  on  the  way  to  their  relief. 

Many  times  during  his  administration  the  peace  of  the  State 
was  disturbed  by  unseemly  outbreaks  requiring  the  application  of 


GOVERNOR  OF  OHIO  161 

the  restraining  power  of  the  Government.  This  power  McKinley 
exercised  with  great  firmness  and  discretion.  Fifteen  times  it  was 
necessary  to  call  out  the  State  troops  for  the  maintenance  or 
restoration  of  order,  but  on  no  occasion  was  the  use  of  them  in  any 
respect  oppressive.  During  the  summer  of  1894  strikes  and  other 
disturbances  prevailed,  especially  on  the  chief  railroad  lines,  and 
for  three  weeks  the  regiments  were  on  duty,  acquitting  themselves 
most  creditably  for  the  protection  of  property  and  enforcement  of 
the  law,  without  any  unnecessary  harshness  towards  either  party  to 
the  disputes.  On  two  noteworthy  occasions  desperate  efforts  were 
made  by  ill-advised  mobs  to  commit  the  crime  of  lynching.  Gov 
ernor  McKinley  promptly  used  the  military  forces  of  the  State  to 
prevent  such  violence  of  law  and  dishonor  of  the  Commonwealth, 
and  showed  himself  a  thorough  master  of  the  trying  situation. 

A  distinctive  feature  of  the  McKinley  administration  was  the 
absence  of  red  tape  and  needless  formality.  In  his  method  of 
transacting  business  the  Governor  was  concise  and  direct,  and  in 
his  intercourse  with  the  people,  though  dignified,  he  was  always 
approachable  and  genial.  Access  was  readily  had  to  him  at  all  rea 
sonable  times,  and  no  matter  of  actual  interest  ever  failed  to  receive 
his  courteous,  prompt,  and  painstaking  attention. 

HIS    FINANCIAL    MISFORTUNE 

During  the  period  of  Mr.  McKinley's  governorship  occurred  a 
most  serious  misfortune,  due  to  his  misplaced  confidence  in  an  old 
friend,  and  unhesitating-  readiness  in  coming-  to  the  rescue  of  one 

o  o 

in  financial  straits.  The  result  of  his  overconfidence  and  unques 
tioning  kindness  of  heart  was  the  sweeping  away  of  the  small  for 
tune  which  he  had  spent  his  life  in  accumulating.  Some  attempt 
was  made  to  attach  discredit  to  his  name  on  account  of  his  failure, 
there  being  a  few  who  suggested  that  there  was  some  wrong-doing 
connected  with  it.  But  when  the  facts  became  known,  they  were 
found  to  redound  to  his  generosity  and  goodness  of  heart,  and 
served  to  add  to  his  already  great  popularity* 


1 62  GOVERNOR  OF  OHIO 

The  misfortune  was  due  to  the  business  failure  of  his  friend, 
Robert  L.  Walker,  of  Youngstown,  Ohio,  which  swept  away  not 
only  all  his  own  wealth,  but  that  of  Governor  McKinley  as  well. 
The  facts  of  the  case  are  briefly  as  follows: 

The  two  men  had  known  each  other  from  boyhood,  and  had 
always  been  close  friends.  As  a  young  law  student,  a  struggling 
lawyer,  and  a  Congressman,  Major  McKinley  had  several  times 
been  aided  with  loans  of  money  by  Mr.  Walker.  These  loans 
were  chiefly  needed  to  enable  Major  McKinley  to  meet  his  cam 
paign  assessment.  As  his  reputation  grew,  the  assessments  ceased, 
he  paid  back  the  loans,  and  in.  the  last  ten  years  of  his  Congres 
sional  career,  he  succeeded  in  accumulating  about  $20,000,  which 
he  invested  in  real  estate  and  securities.  His  wife  had  inherited 
a  fortune  of  about  $75,000  from  her  father.  Early  in  1893,  Mr. 
Walker  went  to  the  Governor  and  asked  him  for  assistance.  The 
banker  said  that  he  was  hard  pressed  for  ready  money,  and  he 
wished  the  Governor  to  indorse  his  notes,  which  he  then  intended 
to  have  discounted.  Without  hesitation,  the  Governor  cheerfully 
consented  to  give  this  aid  to  the  old  friend  who  had  helped  him  in 
his  early  years,  and  indorsed  about  $15,000  worth  of  paper,  paya 
ble  in  thirty,  sixty  and  ninety  days.  This  paper,  he  was  assured, 
would  be  discounted  in  three  well-known  banks.  Later  on  he 
indorsed  a  number  of  notes  which,  he  understood,  were  made  for 
the  purpose  of  taking  up  the  notes  which  he  had  first  indorsed, 
and  which  had  become  due.  Mr.  Walker  was  at  this  time  the 
president  of  a  national  bank,  a  savings  bank,  a  stamping  mill  com 
pany  and  a  stove  and  range  company,  and  was  'interested  in  several 
coal  mines  in  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania.  He  was  credited  with  pos 
sessing  a  fortune  of  more  than  $250,000,  and  his  personal-  and 
business  standing  was  so  high  that  a  prominent  Ohio  business  man 
said  that  he  would  have  indorsed  Mr.  Walker's  paper  for  half  a 
million  dollars  the  day  before  his  failure. 

When,  in  addition  to  these  facts,  it  is  remembered  that  he  had 
been  a  boyhood  companion  and  generous  friend  of  Governor 


GOVERNOR  OF  OHIO  163 

McKinley,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  latter  trusted  him 
implicitly.  On  the  day  that  the  Walker  failure  was  announced, 
Governor  McKinley  was  about  to  start  for  New  York  to  attend  the 
annual  dinner  of  the  Ohio  Society  in  that  city.  He  at  once  can 
celled  the  engagement,  and  went  to  Youngstown.  There  he  found 
that  banks  all  over  the  State  held  Walker  paper  indorsed  by  him, 
and  that,  instead  of  being  liable  for  $15,000  worth,  he  was  liable 
for  nearly  $100,000  worth.  Five  days  afterward  he  and  his  wife 
made  an  assignment  of  all  their  property  to  three  trustees,  to  be 
used,  without  preference,  for  the  equal  benefit  of  the  Walker 
creditors.  Mrs.  McKinley  was  urged  to  keep  her  interest  in  her 
property,  but  she  declined  to  do  so.  The  news  of  the  misfortune 
and  of  the  position  taken  by  Mr.  McKinley  and  his  wife  aroused  a 
wide-spread  feeling  of  sympathy  and  a  desire  to  help  them  in  their 
trouble.  A  popular  fund  was  started,  but  the  Governor  returned 
the  contributions  that  were  forwarded  to  him,  thanking  those  who 
sent  them  for  the  goodwill  shown,  but  positively  refusing  to  accept 
the  profferred  aid.  Then  a  number  of  personal  friends  decided  to 
raise  a  private  fund.  Again  the  Governor,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  it, 
interposed,  and  declined  absolutely  to  receive  any  assistance  ;  but 
his  friends  persisted  in  the  plan,  pointing  out  to  him  that  many  of 
the  subscriptions  were  anonymous,  and,  therefore,  could  not  be 
returned.  To  his  last  day,  with  the  possible  exception  of  four  or  five 
subscribers,  he  did  not  know  who  contributed  to  the  fund.  As 
fast  as  the  Walker  notes  were  presented  the  treasurer  of  the  fund 
took  them  up,  and  when  the  last  one  had  been  paid  Mrs.  McKinley's 
property  was  restored  to  her,  and  the  Governor's  original  modest 
fortune  of  $20,000,  with  a  little  more  added,  was  returned  to  him. 
At  the  close  of  his  second  term  as  Governor  there  was  no 
question  of  his  renomination.  He  had  grown  above  the  level  of 
serving  as  the  chief  magistrate  of  a  State  and  was  about  to  be 
called  to  a  much  more  exalted  position,  that  of  the  executive  head 
of  the  nation. 


CHAPTER    XI 
The    St.    Louis   Convention    and    Nomination 

AS  a>n  essential  preliminary  to  the  story  of  McKinley's  nomina 
tion  for  the  Presidency  in  1896,  his  standing  and  honorable 
attitude  before  the  two  preceding  Conventions  must  be 
given.  In  1884  Mr.  McKinley  was  a  Delegate-at-Large  from  Ohio 
to  the  Republican  Nominating  Convention,  and  helped  to  place 
James  G.  Elaine  on  the  ticket.  At  the  National  Convention  of 
1888  he  represented  Ohio  in  the  same  capacity  and  was  an  earnest 
and  loyal  supporter  of  John  Sherman.  At  that  Convention,  after 
the  first  day's  balloting,  the  indications  were  that  Mr.  McKinley 
himself  might  be  made  the  candidate.  Then  his  strength  of  pur 
pose  and  his  high  ideas  of  loyalty  and  honor  showed  themselves, 
for  in  an  earnest  and  stirring  speech  he  demanded  that  no  vote  be 
cast  for  him.  From  the  first,  two  delegates  had  been  voting  per 
sistently  for  him,  although  he  had  not,  of  course,  been  formally 
placed  in  nomination.  Now  the  number  of  his  supporters  rose  to 
fourteen.  All  the  Republican  Congressmen  at  Washington  tele 
graphed  to  the  Convention  urging  his  nomination.  The  air 
became  electrified  with  premonitions  of  a  stampede. 

Mr.  McKinley  had  listened  to  the  announcement  of  the  two 
votes  for  him  on  each  ballot  with  mingled  annoyance  and  amuse 
ment.  But  now  the  case  was  growing  serious.  The  next  ballot 
might  give  him  a  majority  of  the  whole  Convention.  He  had  only 
to  sit  still  and  the  ripe  fruit  would  drop  into  his  hands.  He  had 
only  to  utter  an  equivocal  protest  and  the  result  would  be  the  same. 
But  there  was  nothing  equivocal  .about  William  McKinley.  On 
one  side  was  his  personal  honor ;  on  the  other  side  the  Presidency 
of  the  United  States.  In  choosing  between  the  two,  hesitation  was 
164 


THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION  165 

Impossible.  He  sprang  to  his  feet  with  an  expression  upon  his 
face  and  an  accent  in  his  voice  that  thrilled  the  vast  assembly,  but 
hushed  it  mute  and  silent  as  the  grave  while  he  spoke  :— 

"  I  am  here  as  one  of  the  chosen  representatives  of  my  State. 
I  am  here  by  resolution  of  the  Republican  State  Convention, 
passed  without  a  single  dissenting  vote,  commanding  me  to  cast 
my  vote  for  John  Sherman  for  President  and  to  use  every  worthy 
endeavor  for  his  nomination.  I  accepted  the  trust  because  my 
heart  and  my  judgment  were  in  accord  with  the  letter  and  spirit 
and  purpose  of  that  resolution.  It  has  pleased  certain  delegates  to 
cast  their  votes  lor  me  for  President.  I  am  not  insensible  to  the 
honor  they  would  do  me,  but  in  the  presence  of  the  duty  resting 
upon  me,  I  cannot  remain  silent  with  honor. 

"  I  cannot,  consistently  with  the  wish  of  the  State  whose 
credentials  I  bear  and  which  has  trusted  me  ;  I  cannot  with  honor 
able  fidelity  to  John  Sherman  ;  I  cannot,  consistently  with  my  own 
views  of  personal  integrity,  consent,  or  seem  to  consent,  to  permit 
my  name  to  be  used  as  a  candidate  before  this  Convention.  I 
would  not  respect  myself  if  I  should  find  it  in  my  heart  to  do  so, 
or  permit  to  be  done  that  which  would  ever  be  ground  for  any  one 
to  suspect  that  I  wavered  in  my  loyalty  to  Ohio  or  my  devotion  to 
the  chief  of  her  choice  and  the  chief  of  mine.  I  do  not  request, 
t  demand,  that  no  delegate  who  would  not  cast  reflection  upon  me 
shall  cast  a  ballot  for  me." 

That  ended  it,  and  the  threatened  stampede  was  averted. 
But,  although  the  nomination  was  not  forced  upon  Mr.  McKinley, 
neither  could  he  secure  it  for  Mr.  Sherman,  although  he  loyally 
strove  to  do  so  till  the  end. 

Mr.  McKinley  again  occupied  a  seat  as  a  Delegate-at-Large 
from  Ohio  in  the  National  Convention  of  1892,  and  was  made 
the  Permanent  Chairman  of  the  Convention.  On  this  occasion  an  in 
cident  similar  to  that  of  1888  occurred.  Mr.  McKinley  was  pledged 
in  honor  to  the  support  of  President  Harrison  for  renomination,  and 
he,  as  earnestly  and  as  loyally  as  he  had  supported  Mr.  Sherman 
10 


1 66  THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION 

four  years  before,  labored  for  Mr.  Harrison's  success.  The  Repub 
lican  leaders  who  were  opposed  to  Harrison's  renomination  sought 
to  accomplish  their  purpose  by  stampeding  the  Convention  for 
McKinley  himself. 

When  the  roll  was  being  called  and  Ohio  was  reached,  Gov 
ernor  Foraker,  one  of  the  delegates  from  that  State,  rose  and  said 
that  Ohio  wanted  time  to  consult.  After  a  pause  Mr.  Nash,  a  dis 
trict  delegate,  announced  the  vote  as  2  for  Harrison  and  44  for 
McKinley.  Chairman  McKinley  sprang  from  his  seat  and  shouted 
back  that  he  challenged  the  vote.  Mr.  Foraker  responded  that  the 
chairman  was  not  a  member  of  the  delegation. 

"  I  am  a  member  of  the  delegation,"  retorted  Chairman 
McKinley. 

"  The  gentleman's  alternate  has  taken  his  place  in  the  delega 
tion,  and  the  gentleman  is  not  recognized  as  a  member  of  the  dele 
gation  now,  and  we  make  that  point  of  order,"  came  back  from 
Foraker. 

"  The  Chair  overrules  the  point  of  order  and  asks  the  secretary 
to  call  the  roll  of  Ohio,"  said  Mr.  McKinley. 

The  reading  clerk  called  the  roll,  and  the  result  was  McKinley 
44,  Harrison  2.  A  delegate  changed  his  vote,  and  then  it  stood 
McKinley  45,  Harrison  i. 

The  contest  between  the  chairman  and  the  Ohio  delegation 
and  the  calling  of  the  roll  had  consumed  some  time,  and  the  stam 
pede  was  checked. 

The  roll-call  proceeded,  Harrison  receiving  535  votes,  McKin 
ley  182,  Thomas  B.  Reed  4,  Robert  T.  Lincoln  i. 

So  General  Harrison  was  renominated,  and  he  owed  the  honor 
largely  to  McKinley.  The  latter  was  chairman  of  the  committee 
that  went  to  Washington  to  notify  President  Harrison  officially 
of  his  renomination.  In  the  address  made  by  him  on  that  occasion 
there  was  no  tone  of  disappointment,  but  the  speech  rang  with, 
words  of  hope  and  cheer  for  the  party. 


ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION  167 

At  the  opening  of  the  national  election  campaign  of  1894  it 
was  evident  to  all  that  McKinley  was  the  leader  whom  people 
in  all  parts  of  the  country  most  desired  to  see  and  hear.  From 
every  State  in  the  Union  calls  poured  in  for  him,  and  he  finally 
consented  to  enter  the  campaign  outside  of  Ohio,  agreeing  to  make 
forty-six  speeches.  The  result  was  a  tour  which  has  never  been 
equaled  in  the  political  history  of  the  country.  The  people  refused 
to  be  so  easily  satisfied  as  the  orator  hoped.  State  after  State 
called  for  him  with  a  persistence  that  would  not  be  denied,  and, 
instead  of  forty-six  speeches,  he  actually  made  371.  His  route 
extended  through  the  States  of  Indiana,  Illinois,  Missouri, 
Nebraska,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  Michigan,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Ala 
bama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  West  Virginia,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio,  through  which  he  journeyed  in  all 
over  10,000  miles. 

MCKINLEY  A  POPULAR  FAVORITE 

During  eight  weeks'  time  he  averaged  seven  speeches  a  day, 
extending  from  ten  minutes  to  an  hour  in  length.  In  all  he 
addressed  over  two  million  people.  Wherever  he  went  he  was 
received  with  an  ovation,  people  gathering  in  thousands  and  clam 
oring  to  hear  him  at  all  the  railroad  stations  on  his  line  of  travel. 
Everywhere  his  fame  spread  in  advance,  and  the  people  flocked  in 
numbers,  coming  hundreds  of  miles  to  see  him  at  the  larger  cities 
where  he  was  engaged  to  speak. 

On  September  26th,  he  faced  at  Indianapolis  the  largest  audi 
ence  ever  gathered  in  the  Hoosier  State.  At  Chicago  over  9,000 
gathered  to  hear  him,  and  over  7,000  in  St.  Louis.  In  the  State 
of  Kansas  he  addressed  at  Hutchison  a  meeting  of  over  40,000 
people,  the  largest  ever  held  in  that  State,  many  of  them  coming 
from  adjoining  States  and  Territories.  At  Topeka  it  was  esti 
mated  that  24,000  people  were  present.  Altogether  he  spoke  to 
over  150,000  people  at  various  points  in  Kansas.  At  Omaha, 
Nebraska,  an  audience  of  12,000  listened  to  his  explanation  of  the 


1 68  THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION 

protection  policy.  In  Iowa  the  multitudes  in  all  aggregated 
50,000.  The  same  popular  enthusiasm  was  manifested  in  Minne 
sota,  he  speaking  to  10,000  in  St.  Paul  and  15,000  in  Duluth.  At 
Springfield,  Illinois,  more  than  20,000  people  came  to  hear  him. 

MCKINLEY    SPEAKS    TO    THE    SOUTH 

Subsequently,  turning  south  towards  New  Orleans,  he  met 
with  the  same  gratifying  experience  ;  3,000  people  gathered  to 
hear  him  as  he  passed  through  Lexington,  Kentucky.  There  was 
a  tremendous  gathering  at  Chattanooga,  and  at  New  Orleans  he 
was  received  with  an  ovation,  addressing  over  8,000  people.  He 
subsequently  journeyed  north  through  Alabama  and  other  States, 
reaching  the  North  at  Pittsburg,  where  he  addressed  a  large  audi 
ence.  At  Philadelphia  he  spoke  three  times  in  one  evening  to 
enormous  gatherings  of  people.  In  New  York  his  campaign  began 
at  Buffalo,  where  it  was  necessary  to  call  three  meetings  to  accom 
modate  the  number  who  wished  to  see  him.  Passing  eastward 

o 

through  the  State,  he  was  greeted  by  10,000  people  at  Albany, 
whence  he  made  his  way  down  the  Hudson  valley,  speaking  at 
various  points,  and  finally  addressing  a  great  multitude  at  Wee- 
hawken,  New  Jersey.  On  his  way  home  to  Ohio  he  stopped  at 
Erie,  Pennsylvania,  speaking  there  to  a  gathering  of  10,000  people. 

Daily  hundreds  of  columns  of  the  newspapers  were  devoted 
to  his  remarks  during  this  extended  tour.  His  first  formal  nomina 
tion  for  President  of  the  United  States  was  made  at  the  Ohio 
State  Convention  at  Zanesville,  May  29,  1895.  This  convention 
had  met  to  nominate  his  successor  as  Governor.  During  the  gub 
ernatorial  campaign  McKinley  entered  the  field  as  a  speaker  in 
favor  of  his  successor,  who  was  elected  by  a  very  large  majority. 

With  the  opening  of  the  year  1896  the  question  of  the  Presi 
dential  election  became  prominent  in  all  men's  minds,  and  the 
Republican  conventions  in  the  several  States  began  to  select  their 
delegates  and  declare  their  choice.  The  first  State  convention  to 
endorse  the  Ohio  candidate  was  Oregon,  and  other  States  followed 


Copyright  by  Judge  Co.       PRESIDENT  McKINLEY'S  LOVE  FOR  CHILDREN 

Giving  his  buttonhole  (  irnation  to  a  little  girl  at  one  of  his  reception 


Of  THE 


THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION 


171 


in  rapid  succession.  Important  opposition  was  made  in  only  a  few 
States,  those  in  New  England  being  Massachusetts  and  Rhode 
Island,  whose  favorite  was  Thomas  B.  Reed.  New  Hampshire, 
while  declaring  for  Reed,  named  McKinley  as  second  choice. 
Vermont  selected  him  as  first  choice,  and  Connecticut  evaded  the 
issue.  Maine,  as  was  to  be  expected,  spoke  for  its  favorite  son. 

NUMEROUS    PRESIDENTIAL    CANDIDATES 

The  candidate  of  New  York  was  Governor  Levi  P.  Morton, 
whose  political  record  had  won  for  him  the  affection  of  the  people. 
The  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania  named  Matthew  Stanley 
Quay,  then  the  most  prominent  name  in  the  ranks  of  the  Repub 
lican  party  of  that  State.  Iowa  chose  for  its  candidate  the  veteran 
Senator  Allison.  The  remaining  States  of  the  Union  unanimously 
declared  for  McKinley.  Such  were  the  encouraging  preliminaries 
to  the  opening  of  the  St.  Louis  Convention. 

The  result  of  the  coming  nomination  seemed  so  evident  in 
advance  that  the  opposition  press  made  a  vigorous  assault  upon 
McKinley.  attacking  his  financial  record,  and  endeavoring  to  divert 

-    '  O  O 

attention  from  the  industrial  issue  to  that  of  the  currency.  Such 
was  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  country  at  large  when  the  time  for 
the  assembling  of  the  convention  arrived. 

o 

The  remarkable  popularity  of  William  McKinley,  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  he  was  but  one  of  numerous  prominent  Congressmen, 
deserving  for  their  services  and  available  as  candidates,  seems  to 

O 

demand  some  explanation.  He  was  not  in  the  position  of  several  of 
his  predecessors,  whose  fame  as  military  leaders  had  carried  them  to 
a  position  for  which  they  were  poorly  fitted  by  nature  or  experi 
ence.  He  was  not  a  ''  new  man,"  borne  suddenly  upward  on  a 
billow  of  public  favor  like  his  coming  competitor.  He  was  in  no 
sense  a  "  dark  horse,"  to  be  sprung  suddenly  upon  a  convention 
weary  of  a  long  and  hopeless  contest.  He  had  made  his  way 
slowly  and  surely  into  public  favor  by  the  force  of  his  character 
and  the  merit  of  his  services,  by  his  long  and  able  record  as  a 
Congressman,  and  especially  by  his  persistent  labors  in  advocacy 


172  THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION 

of  the  doctrine  of  protection.  Of  this,  the  sheet-anchor  of  the 
Republican  party,  McKinleyhad  grown  to  be  the  leading  exponent, 
and  his  recent  service  as  the  chief  author  of  the  1890  tariff  had 
lifted  him  into  the  highest  rank  among  the  leaders  of  his  party. 

OPPORTUNITIES    FOR    MCKINLEY 

As  we  have  already  seen,  the  nomination  of  1892  might  have 
been  his  for  the  asking.  It  was  fortunate  for  him  that  he  positively 
declined  it.  The  year  1892  was  an  off-year  for  the  Republicans. 
Various  causes  of  public  dissatisfaction  existed,  and  in  the  Autumn 
elections  of  that  year  Democracy  swept  the  field.  A  different  story 
had  1894  to  tell.  A  Democratic  administration  had  been  two  years 
in  power,  the  McKinley  "tariff  for  protection"  had  been  replaced 
by  a  Democratic  "tariff  for  revenue,"  business  had  utterly  gone  to 
pieces,  and  ruin  loomed  over  the  whole  land. 

The  workmen  of  the  country  became  convinced  that  their  dis 
tress  was  due  to  the  radical  change  in  policy,  and  to  this  must 
largely  be  ascribed  the  extraordinary  ovation  which  he  received  in 
his  speech-making  tour  of  that  year.  It  was  as  if  the  people  with 
one  voice  had  exclaimed  :  "  Give  us  back  the  McKinley  tariff  !" 

Election  day  came,  and  with  it  a  political  revolution  greater 
than  that  of  1892.  In  the  latter  the  Democrats  had  been  widely 
victorious.  In  the  former  an  equal  victory  rested  upon  the  Repub 
lican  banners,  the  Democrats  in  much  the  larger  number  of  States 
meeting  with  an  overwhelming  defeat.  The  House  elected  in 
1892  contained  219  Democrats  and  127  Republicans;  that  elected 
in  1894  contained  245  Republicans  and  100  Democrats. 

When  1896  rolled  around  the  same  state  of  affairs  prevailed. 
The  depression  in  business  had  not  ended  and  was  still  widely 
attributed  to  the  substitution  of  the  Wilson  for  the  McKinley 
tariff.  The  election  of  a  Republican  President  seemed  assured, 
and  the  people  had  given  their  verdict  with  no  uncertain  voice  for 
William  McKinley  as  the  standard-bearer  of  his  party. 


THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION  173 

It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  the  tariff  problem  was 
the  only  one  to  be  considered.  That  was  the  question  on  which 
the  party  had  always  rested,  and  on  which  there  was  likely  to  be 
only  one  opinion.  A  second  great  question  had  grown  strongly 
prominent,  that  of  gold  and  silver  coinage,  and  on  this,  if  on  any 
thing,  dissension  would  arise.  The  Democrats,  largely  setting 
aside  the  tariff  issue,  were  prepared  to  make  the  fight  with  "  free 
silver"  engraved  on  their  banners.  Gold  as  the  single  standard  of 
money  was  the  Republican  slogan,  but  on  this  question  the  party 
was  far  from  unanimous,  its  members  in  the  silver-mining  States 
of  the  West  being  strongly  in  favor  of  unlimited  silver  coinage. 
This  was  the  rock  on  which  the  counsels  of  the  party  threatened 
to  split.  McKinley's  views  on  the  question  were  well  known.  He 
had  stated  them  often  on  the  floors  of  Congress  and  the  public 
rostrum.  Now  he  kept  silent.  He  was  in  the  hands  of  his  friends 
and  his  record  lay  open  before  the  country.  His  had  become  a 
case  in  which  "silence  is  golden." 

FIRST    DAY    OF    THE    ST.    LOUIS    CONVENTION 

It  was  about  half  an  hour  past  noon,  on  Tuesday,  June  16, 
1896,  that  the  eleventh  national  convention  of  the  Republican 
party  was  called  to  order  by  the  Hon.  Thomas  Henry  Carter, 
chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Committee.  The  large 
structure,  known  as  the  Auditorium  or  Convention  Hall,  was 
capable  of  accommodating  an  immense  assemblage,  and  it  is  esti 
mated  that  more  than  40,000  visitors  had  flocked  to  St.  Louis. 
Forty  years  had  passed  since  the  origin  of  the  Republican  party, 
and  once  more  its  representatives  had  come  together  to  chose  a 
national  leader. 

For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  national  conventions,  the 
opening  prayer  was  made  by  an  Israelite,  in  the  person  of  Rabbi 
Samuel  Sale,  pastor  of  the  Shaare  Emeth  congregation.  His 
invocation  was  devout,  and  at  its  close  the  secretary  read  the  call 
issued  by  the  National  Committee  for  the  convention.  He  was 


i?4  THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION 

not  heard  fifty  feet  away,  not  so  much  because  of  his  weakness  of 
voice,  as  on  account  of  the  wretched  acoustic  qualities  of  the  build 
ing.  Chairman  Carter  then  presented  the  name  of  Hon.  Charles 
W.  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana,  as  temporary  chairman.  No  voice  was 
raised  in  opposition,  and  the  tall,  slender  man,  with  close-cropped 
beard  and  mustache,  came  forward  and  delivered  an  address  that 
was  frequently  interrupted  by  applause.  At  its  conclusion,  the 
necessary  officials  of  the  convention  were  appointed,  the  members 
of  the  various  committees  announced,  and,  after  a  session  of  less 
than  two  hours,  an  adjournment  was  had  until  ten  o'clock 
Wednesday. 

WEDNESDAY'S  PROCEEDINGS — ADOPTION  OF  THE  GOLD  PLANK 

Between  the  adjournment  and  the  coming  together  on  the 
morrow,  much  effective  work  was  done.  While  the  sentiment  of 
the  delegates  was  overwhelmingly  in  favor  of  "  sound  currency," 
or  the  single  gold  standard,  there  was  a  diversity  of  opinion  in 
many  quarters  as  to  whether  the  word  "gold"  should  be  used  in 
the  platform.  A  considerable  number  thought  the  latter  was  suf 
ficiently  explicit  without  the  word,  but  the  insistence  of  others 
compelled  a  yielding  of  the  point  ;  it  was  decided  that  the  all- 
potent  word  should  appear. 

The  convention  reassembled  at  a  quarter  to  eleven  on  Wednes 
day,  and  was  opened  with  prayer  by  Rev.  Dr.  W.  G.  Williams,  after 
which  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization 
presented  the  name  of  Senator  J.  N.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska,  as 
chairman,  made  the  secretaries,  sergeant-at-arms  and  other  tem 
porary  officers  permanent  officers  of  the  convention,  and  gave  a  list 
of  vice-presidents,  consisting  of  one  from  each  State.  It  was 
accepted,  and  Senator  Thurston  was  loudly  applauded  as  he  took 
his  seat. 

The  address  of  Mr.  Thurston  pleased  all  by  its  terseness  and 
brevity.  Great  as  is  his  ability,  the  sultry  atmosphere  and  the 
general  impatience  to  get  to  work  led  the  majority  to  look  with 


THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION 


'75 


some  dread  upon  a  long  and  labored  speech.  Great,  therefore,  was 
the  gratification  of  the  delegates  when  the  honorable  gentleman 
said  : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  convention  :  The  happy  memory  of  your 
kindness  and  confidence  will  abide  in  my  grateful  heart  forever. 
My  sole  ambition  is  to  meet  your  expectations,  and  I  pledge  my 
self  to  exercise  the  important  powers  of  this  high  office  with  abso 
lute  justice  and  impartiality.  I  bespeak  your  cordial  co-operation 
and  support,  to  the  end  that  our  proceedings  may  be  orderly  and 
dignified,  as  befits  the  deliberations  of  the  supreme  council  of  the 
Republican  party. 

"  Eight  years  ago  I  had  the  distinguished  honor  to  preside 
over  the  convention  which  nominated  the  last  Republican  President 
of  the  United  States.  To-day  I  have  the  further  distinguished 
honor  to  preside  over  the  convention  which  is  to  nominate  the  next 
President  of  the  United  States.  This  generation  has  had  its  object- 
lesson,  and  the  doom  of  the  Democratic  party  is  already  pro 
nounced.  The  American  people  will  return  the  Republican  party 
to  power  because  they  know  that  its  administration  will  mean  : 

"The  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

"  The  maintenance  of  law  and  order. 

"  The  protection  of  every  American  citizen  in  his  right  to  live, 
to  labor  and  to  vote. 

"  A  vigorous  foreign  policy. 

"The  enforcement  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

"  The  restoration  of  our  merchant  marine. 

"Safety  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes  on  every  sea,  in  every 
port. 

"  A  revenue  adequate  for  all  governmental  expenditures  and 
the  gradual  extinguishment  of  the  national  debt. 

"  A  currency  'as  sound  as  the  government  and  as  untarnished 
as  its  honor,'  whose  dollars,  whether  of  gold,  silver  or  paper,  shall 
have  equal  purchasing  and  debt  paying  power  with  the  best  dollars 
of  the  civilized  world. 


1 76  THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION 

"  A  protective  tariff  which  protects,  coupled  with  a  reciprocity 
which    reciprocates,    securing    American    markets    for    American 
products  and  opening  American  factories  to  the  free  coinage  of 
American  muscle. 

"  A  pension  policy  just  and  generous  to  our  living  heroes  and 
to  the  widows  and  orphans  of  their  dead  comrades. 

"The  governmental  supervision  and  control  of  transportation 
lines  and  rates. 

"  The  protection  of  the  people  from  all  unlawful  combinations 
and  unjust  exactions  of  aggregated  capital  and  corporate  power. 

"  An  American  welcome  to  every  God-fearing,  liberty-loving, 
Constitution-respecting,  law-abiding,  labor-seeking,  decent  man. 

"  The  exclusion  of  all  whose  birth,  whose  blood,  whose  condi 
tions,  whose  teachings,  whose  practices,  would  menace  the  perma 
nency  of  free  institutions,  endanger  the  safety  of  American  society, 
or  lessen  the  opportunities  of  American  labor. 

"  The  abolition  of  sectionalism — 'every  star  in  the  flag  shining 
for  the  honor  and  welfare  and  happiness  of  every  Commonwealth 
and  of  all  the  people. 

"  A  deathless  loyalty  to  all  that  is  truly  American  and  a  patri 
otism  eternal  as  the  stars." 

It  was  quietly  growing  evident,  however,  that  the  convention 
was  far  from  a  unit,  the  financial  plank  of  the  platform  being  that 
in  which  it  was  destined  to  split. 

THURSDAY'S  PROCEEDINGS 

The  first  order  of  business  on  the  assembling  of  the  convention 
on  Thursday,  was  the  reading,  by  Senator  Foraker,  of  Ohio,  of  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,the  proposed  platform  of  the 
party.  The  reading  of  this  was  greeted  with  great  applause,  in  par 
ticular  the  currency  plank,  which  stated  :  "We  are  opposed  to  the 
free  coinage  of  silver,  except  by  international  agreement." 

He  was  followed  by  Senator  Teller,  of  Colorado,  who  read  a 
minority  report  which  demanded  a  declaration  in  favor  of  the  free 


THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION  177 

and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i,  and  made  a 
strong  and  telling  appeal  in  its  favor.  His  motion  was  not  without 
considerable  support,  there  being  105  votes  cast  for  it.  It  was  over 
thrown,  however,  by  the  decisive  vote  of  818  for  the  majority 
report.  We  may  briefly  conclude  this  part  of  our  subject  by  stat 
ing  that,  in  consequence  of  this  divergence  of  opinion,  Teller  and 
twenty  other  delegates  withdrew  from  the  convention.  The  remain 
ing  free-silver  men  did  not  feel  called  upon  to  take  this  extreme 
step. 

The  platform  being  adopted,  the  business  next  before  the 
convention  was  the  call  of  the  States  for  nominations  of  candidates 
for  the  Presidency.  The  first  response  ca/ne  from  Iowa,  R.  M. 
Baldwin,  of  Council  Bluffs,  nominating  Senator  W.  B.  Allison,  and 
offering  a  glowing  tribute  in  his  favor. 

The  voice  of  Massachusetts  was  next  heard,  Senator  Lodge,  of 
that  State,  eloquently  presenting  the  claims  of  the  Hon.  Thomas 
B.  Reed.  The  great  popularity  of  the  "man  from  Maine"  was 
indicated  by  the  uproar  of  enthusiasm  with  which  his  name  was 
received.  New  York  came  next  in  order,  Chauncey  M.  Depew 
placing  in  nomination  the  name  of  Governor  Levi  P.  Morton,  of 
whose  services  to  the  country  he  spoke  in  his  usual  felicitous 
style. 

When  Ohio  was  called,  Joseph  B.  Foraker,  of  that  State, 
arose,  and,  after  giving  his  opinion  of  the  record  of  the  recent 
Democratic  Administration  and  its  results,  and  depicting  the  kind 
of  man  that  he  thought  the  country  needed,  said  :  "  I  stand  here 
to  present  to  this  convention  such  a  man.  His  name  is  William 
McKinley." 

At  this  point  pandemonium  was  let  loose,  and  the  convention 
gave  up  to  unrestrained  yelling,  cheering,  horn-blowing,  whistling, 
cat-calling  and  all  the  other  devices  common  to  such  occasions.  A 
number  of  red,  white  and  blue  plumes,  which  (carefully  wrapped 
up)  had  been  brought  into  the  convention  earlier  in  the  proceed 
ings,  were  uncovered  and  waved,  while  almost  every  delegate 


J78  THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION 

seemed  to  be  wildly  gesticulating  with  either  a  fan  or  a  flag  in  the 
air.  The  band  tried  in  vain  to  compete  with  the  ear-splitting 
clamor,  but  at  last  the  strains  of  "  Marching  Through  Georgia  " 
caught  the  ears  of  the  crowd,  and  they  joined  in  the  chorus  and 
gradually  quieted  down. 

Then  a  portrait  of  McKinley  was  hoisted  on  a  line  with  the 
United  States  flag  on  the  gallery  facing  the  platform,  and  the 
cheering  began  over  again,  to  which  the  band  responded  by  play 
ing  "  Rally  Round  the  Flag,"  the  convention  joining  in  the 
chorus.  Nearly  a  half  hour  passed  before  order  was  fully  restored, 
and  Senator  Foraker  able  to  proceed  with  his  speech.  After 
eulogizing  the  great  leaders  of  the  party,  with  special  reference  to 
Mr.  Elaine,  he  continued  : 

GOVERNOR  FORAKER'S  EULOGY  OF  MCKINLEY 

"  But,  greatest  of  all,  measured  by  present  requirements,  is  the 
leader  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  author  of  the  McKin 
ley  Bill,  which  gave  to  labor  its  richest  awards.  No  other  name  so 
completely  meets  the  requirements  of  the  occasion,  and  no  other 
name  so  absolutely  commands  all  hearts.  The  shafts  of  envy  and 
malice  and  slander  and  libel  and  detraction  that  have  been  aimed 
at  him  lie  broken  and  harmless  at  his  feet.  The  quiver  is  empty, 
and  he  is  untouched.  That  is  because  the  people  know  him,  trust 
him,  believe  in  him,  love  him,  and  will  not  permit  any  human 
power  to  disparage  him  unjustly  in  their  estimation. 

"  They  know  that  he  is  an  American  of  Americans.  They 
know  that  he  is  just  and  able  and  brave,  and  they  want  him  for 
President  of  the  United  States.  [Applause.]  They  have  already 
shown  it — not  in  this  or  that  State,  nor  in  this  or  that  section,  but 
in  the  States  and  in  all  the  sections  from  ocean  to  ocean,  and  from 
the  Gulf  to  the  Lakes.  They  expect  of  you  to  give  them  a  chance 
to  vote  for  him.  It  is  our  duty  to  do  it.  If  we  discharge  that  duty 
we  will  give  joy  to  their  hearts,  enthusiasm  to  their  souls  and 
triumphant  victory  to  our  cause.  [Applause.]  And  he,  in  turn, 


o 


si 

Si 

w  ^ 


f  OF  THE         N\ 

l/Ml\/r-i-»U,-       ,     A 


THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION  181 

will  give  us  an  administration  under  which  the  country  will  enter 
on  a  new  era  of  prosperity  at  home  and  of  glory  and  honor  abroad, 
by  all  these  tokens  of  the  present  and  all  these  promises  of  the 
future.  In  the  name  of  the  forty-six  delegates  of  Ohio,  I  submit 
his  claim  to  your  consideration."  [More  applause.] 

Senator  Thurston  seconded  the  nomination,  in  an  address  of 
considerable  length  and  great  eloquence,  in  which  he  stated  suc- 
cintly  what  McKinley  stood  for,  eulogizing  his  position  on  finance 
and  protection,  and  concluding : 

"  On  behalf  of  those  stalwart  workmen,  and  all  the  vast  army 
of  American  toilers  ;  that  their  employment  may  be  certain,  their 
wages  just,  their  dollars  the  best  in  the  civilized  world  ;  on  behalf  of 
that  dismantled  chimney,  and  the  deserted  factory  at  its  base  ;  that 
the  furnaces  may  once  more  flame,  the  mighty  wheels  revolve,  the 
whistles  scream,  the  anvils  ring,  the  spindles  hum  ;  on  behalf  of 
the  thousand  cottages  round  about,  and  all  the  humble  homes  of 
this  broad  land  ;  that  comfort  and  contentment  may  again  abide, 
the  firesides  glow,  the  women  sing,  the  children  laugh ;  yes,  and  on 
behalf  of  that  American  flag,  and  all  it  stands  for  and  represents  ; 
for  the  honor  of  every  stripe,  for  the  glory  of  every  star ;  that  its 
power  may  fill  the  earth  and  its  splendor  span  the  sky,  I  ask  the 
nomination  of  that  loyal  American,  that  Christian  gentleman, 
soldier,  statesman,  patriot,  William  McKinley." 

THE    BALLOTING 

In  the  midst  of  cries  of  "vote,"  Governor  Hastings,  of  Penn 
sylvania,  placed  in  nomination  Matthew  Stanley  Quay,  at  the 
conclusion  of  which,  amid  a  profound  hush,  the  convention  began 
balloting  for  a  nominee  for  President  of  the  United  States. 

Alabama  led  off  with  i  for  Morton  and  19  for  McKinley, 
Arkansas  and  California  following  with  a  solid  vote  for  McKinley. 
Connecticut  gave  5  for  Reed  and  7  for  McKinley  ;  Delaware,  its 
full  vote  for  McKinley ;  Florida,  8  for  McKinley  ;  Georgia,  2  for 
Quay,  and  22  for  McKinley. 


182  THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION 

At  this  point  one  of  the  colored  delegates  from  Florida  chal 
lenged  the  vote  of  his  State,  and,  on  a  recount,  2  of  the  votes 
went  to  Morton  and  6  to  McKinley.  The  vote  of  Georgia  was 
also  challenged,  but  the  vote  as  announced  was  confirmed.  Then 
a  colored  delegate  from  Alabama  demanded  a  recount  of  his 
State,  with  the  result  that  Morton  received  i  vote,  Reed  2,  and 
McKinley  19. 

Illinois  gave  46  for  McKinley,  and  2  to  Reed  ;  Indiana  all  of 
its  30  votes  for  McKinley,  while  Iowa  cast  her  26  for  Allison  ; 
Kansas,  20  for  McKinley  ;  Kentucky,  26  for  McKinley.  The  vote 
of  Louisiana  was  curious — 1 1  for  McKinley,  4  for  Reed,  half  a  vote 
for  Allison  and  half  a  vote  for  Quay. 

So  the  vote  progressed,  with  the  McKinley  column  steadily 
growing,  Massachusetts  casting  i  of  her  votes  for  him.  New  York 
cast  54  for  Morton  and  17  for  McKinley.  It  was  a  curious  fact 
that  when  Ohio  was  reached,  her  vote  gave  her  candidate  the  requi 
site  number  to  secure  his  nomination,  recognizing  which,  the  con 
vention  broke  into  cheers. 

MCKINLEY    NOMINATED 

When  all  of  the  States  had  been  called,  the  chairman  stated, 
before  the  announcement  of  the  result,  that  application  had  been 
made  to  him  for  recognition  by  delegates  of  the  defeated  candidates 
to  make  a  certain  motion.  He  thought  it  the  fairest  way  to  recog 
nize  them  in  the  order  in  which  the  nominations  had  been  made. 
He  then  announced  that  William  McKinley  had  received  66 1^ 
votes. 

Before  the  chairman  could  get  any  further,  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  convention  broke  all  bounds.  Every  man  was  on  his  feet, 
shouting,  hurrahing,  cheering,  swinging  hats  and  canes  in  the  air, 
waving  flags  and  banners  and  the  pampas  plumes  of  California, 
while  through  the  Niagara-like  rush  and  roar  were  caught  the  notes 
of  "  My  Country,  'tis  of  Thee,"  as  the  band  played  with  might  and 
main  in  its  attempt  to  gain  the  mastery  of  the  cyclone.  The  women 


THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION  183 

were,  if  possible,  more  frantic  than  the  men.  Parasols,  fans,  opera- 
glasses,  gloves — anything,  everything — were  compelled  to  help  in 
the  magnificent  burst  of  enthusiasm  which  swept  over  and  sub 
merged  all  alike,  until  it  looked  as  if  order  could  never  again  be 
evolved  from  the  swirling  pandemonium. 

One  fancy  caught  on  with  wonderful  effect.  A  young  man  on 
the  platform  waved  on  the  point  of  the  national  banner  a  laced 
cocked  hat,  such  as  appears  in  most  of  popular  representations  of 
the  mighty  Napoleon.  This  symbol  cf  enthusiasm  was  greeted 
with  rapturous  applause,  to  which  the  booming  of  artillery  on  the 
outside  contributed. 

Finally,  after  a  long,  long  time,  the  Chairman  gained  a  chance 
to  complete  the  announcement  of  the  vote.  It  was  :  Thomas  B. 
Reed,  84^;  Senator  Quay,  6iJ^;  Levi  P.  Morton,  58;  Senator 
Allison,  35^,  and  Don  Cameron  i. 

Senator  Lodge,  rising  in  his  delegation,  in  a  forceful  speech 
moved  to  make  the  nomination  of  Mr.  McKinley  unanimous.  .  Mr. 
Hastings  of  Pennsylvania  who  had  nominated  Quay,  seconded  the 
motion,  as  did  Thomas  C.  Platt  on  behalf  of  New  York,  Mr.  Hen 
derson,  of  Iowa,  and  J.  Modison  Vance,  of  Louisiana.  In  answer 
to  loud  calls  Mr.  Depew  mounted  his  chair  in  the  back  of  the  room, 
where  the  rays  of  the  sun  beamed  on  his  countenance,  which  itself 
was  beaming  with  good  humor  and  said  : 

MR.     DEPEW    SPEAKS    OF    MCKINLEY 

"  I  am  in  the  happy  position  now  of  making  a  speech  for  the 
man  who  is  going  to  be  elected.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  It  is 
a  great  thing  for  an  amateur,  when  his  "first  nomination  has  failed, 
to  come  in  and  second  the  man  who  succeeded.  New  York  is  here, 
without  bitter  feeling  and  no  disappointment.  We  recognize  that 
the  waves  have  submerged  us,  but  we  have  bobbed  up  serenely. 
[Loud  laughter.]  It  was  a  cannon  from  New  York  that  sounded 
first  the  news  of  McKinley's  nomination.  They  said  of  Governor 
Morton's  father  that  he  was  a  New  England  clergyman  who  brought 


1 84  THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION 

up  a  family  of  ten  children  on  $300  a  year,  and  was,  notwithstand 
ing,  gifted  in  prayer.  [Laughter.]  It  does  not  make  any  differ 
ence  how  poor  he  may  be,  how  out  of  work,  how  ragged,  how  next 
door  to  a  tramp  anybody  niay  be  in  the  United  States  to-night,  he 
will  be  '  gifted  in  prayer'  at  the  result  of  this  convention.  [Cheers 
and  laughter.]  There  is  a  principle  dear  to  the  American  heart. 
It  is  the  principle  which  moves  American  spindles,  starts  its  indus 
tries,  and  makes  the  wage-earners  sought  for  instead  of  seeking 
employment.  That  principle  is  embodied  in  McKinley.  His  per 
sonality  explains  the  nomination  to-day.  And  his  personality  will 
carry  into  the  Presidential  Chair  the  aspirations  of  the  voters 
of  America,  of  the  families  of  America,  of  the  homes  of  America, 
protection  to  American  industry,  and  America  for  Americans." 
[Cheers.] 

The  Chair  then  put  the  question:  ''Shall  the  nomination  be 
made  unanimous?"  and  by  a  rising  vote  it  was  so  ordered,  and  the 
Chair  announced  that  Mr.  William  McKinley,  of  Ohio,  was  the 
candidate  of  the  Republican  party  for  President  of  the  United 
States. 

The  convention  ended  its  work  with  the  nomination  of  a  can 
didate  for  Vice-President.  A  considerable  number  of  names  having 
been  voted  for,  Garret  A.  Hobart,  of  New  Jersey,  received  the 
nomination  by  a  large  majority  of  the  whole. 

During  the  sessions  of  the  convention  McKinley  remained 
quietly  at  home  in  the  pleasant  little  city  of  Canton,  600  miles  away. 
Yet  such  had  been  the  advance  of  science  within  the  closing  years  of 
the  century,  that  he  was  enabled  to  hear  what  was  going  on  in  the  con 
vention  almost  as  well  as  if  he  had  occupied  one  of  its  seats. 
The  telephone  faithfully  reported  to  him  all  the  essential  facts  that 
took  place,  and  the  whirlwind  of  shouts  and  cheers  with  which  his 
name  was  greeted  came  to  his  ears  over  that  interval  of  more  than 
half-a-thousand  miles. 

On  that  eventful  Thursday,  in  which  the  work  was  completed, 
Mrs.  McKinley  was  in  the  parlor,  surrounded  by  relatives  and  near 


THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION  185 

friends,  including  the  Major's  mother,  when  the  husband  in  his 
office  caught  the  words  as  they  were  uttered  in  the  Auditorium  at 
St.  Louis,  "  Ohio,  McKinley."  Without  speaking  he  arose  from 
his  chair,  hurried  across  the  hall  to  his  wife  and  bending  over,  kissed 
her  with  the  words:  "  Ida,  Ohio's  vote  has  just  nominated  me." 

THE    DEMOCRATIC    CONVENTION 

The  Democratic  Party  held  its  Seventeenth  Convention  in 
Chicago,  commencing  July  i7th.  The  delegates  were  from  the 
start,  like  the  Republicans,  divided  into  two  factions ;  but  with 
them  the  free  coinage  element  predominated.  The  Committee  on 
Platform  reported  in  favor  of  independent  bi-metallism.  Senator 
Hill,  of  New  York,  backed  by  sixteen  other  members  of  the  com 
mittee,  presented  a  minority  report  practically  recommending  the 
Republican  position  on  the  coinage  question,  and  suggesting  the 
endorsement  of  President  Cleveland's  administration.  The  most 
stormy  and  exciting  debate,  perhaps,  ever  witnessed  in  a  national 
party  convention  ensued.  Governor  Russell,  of  Massachusetts, 
Senator  Vilas  and  others  supported  Mr.  Hill.  Senator  Tillman 
introduced  a  denunciatory  resolution  condemning  the  administra 
tion,  and  made  a  fiery  speech,  causing  intense  commotion.  Senator 
Jones,  of  Arkansas,  attempted  to  palliate  Mr.  Tillman Js  radical 
utterances,  but  the  temper  of  the  convention  was  at  the  boiling 
point,  and  excited  men  moved  about  among  the  delegations. 

At  this  juncture  the  man  for  the  hour  appeared.  William 
Jennings  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  a  young  man  of  thirty-six  years,  who 
had  won  distinction  as  an  orator,  ascended  the  platform.  The  con 
ditions  which  Webster  declared  necessary  for  a  great  oration— 
"  the  man,  the  audience,  the  occasion  "  —were  present.  The  speech 
he  delivered  has  been  regarded  as  a  masterpiece.  The  burning 
eloquence,  earnestness,  zeal  and  magnetic  presence  of  the  man 
were  irresistible.  When  he  closed  he  was  borne  from  the  stage 
amid  the  wildest  enthusiasm.  The  report  of  the  minority  was  laid 
on  the  table.  Senator  Tillman's  resolution  was  also  defeated. 


IT 


i86  THE  ST.  LOUIS  CONVENTION 

The  platform  as  reported  by  the  majority  was  adopted.  The 
financial  clause  read  :  "  We  demand  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage 
of  both  silver  and  gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to  i,  with 
out  waiting  for  the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other  nation."  They 
also  declared  against  injunction  proceedings  on  the  part  of  the 
Government  in  settling  labor  troubles,  as  interfering  with  State 
sovereignty.  This  clause  was  no  doubt  instigated  by  a  disapproval 
of  President  Cleveland's  course  in  quelling  the  Chicago  riot  in 
1894.  Other  radical  departures  from  previous  Democratic  plat 
forms  were  also  introduced. 

Prior  to  this  speech  Mr.  Bryan  had  not  been  considered  as  a 
presidential  possibility;  but  from  that  moment  he  became  the  most 
popular  candidate.  Five  ballots  were  cast  duly  complimenting  such 
"silver"  leaders  as  Hon.  Richard  P.  Bland,  of  Missouri,  Horace 
Boies,  of  Iowa,  and  others,  but  resulting  in  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
Bryan  by  a  vote  of  528  out  of  930.  Arthur  Sewall,  of  Maine,  was 
nominated  for  Vice-President. 

Such  were  the  results  of  the  national  conventions  of  the  two 
leading  parties.  But  the  1896  campaign  was  remarkable  in  the 
fact  of  the  large  number  of  parties  in  the  field,  seven  in  all. 

In  the  lively  contest  that  followed  Mr.  Bryan  threw  all 
his  energy  into  the  canvass  and  displayed  wonderful  industry  and 
vigor.  He  made  whirlwind  tours  through  the  country,  speaking 
several  times  a  day  and  in  the  evening,  and  won  many  converts. 
Mr.  McKinley  made  no  speech-making  tours,  being  quite  willing  to 
let  his  record  speak  for  him.  But  he  was  obliged  to  speak  many 
times  to  the  crowds  who  called  upon  him  at  his  home  in  Canton, 
Ohio.  The  official  vote  in  November  was  as  follows  : 

McKinley  and  Hobart,  Republican,  7,101,401  popular  votes; 
271  electoral  votes. 

Bryan  and  Sewall,  Democrat  and  Populist,  6,470,656  popu 
lar  votes  ;  1 76  electoral  votes. 

Thus  William  McKinley  was  elected  President  of  the  United 
States  by  the  decisive  majority  of  ninety-five  electoral  votes. 


CHAPTER  XII 
Estimate    of    McKinley's    First    Term 

ON  the  4th  of  March,  1897,  William  McKinley  assumed  the 
duties  of  the  exalted  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States.  It  was  a  time  of  marked  industrial  depression. 
Business  and  commerce  were  lagging,  and  large  numbers  of  people 
throughout  the  country  were  seeking  employment.  The  platform 
upon  which  he  had  been  elected  declared  for  a  change  in  our  tariff 
laws  which  would  recognize  more  fully  the  protective  principle,  and 
for  the  enactment  of  a  law  which  would  firmly  establish  gold  as  the 
monetary  standard  of  the  nation.  The  new  president,  without 
heskation,  assembled  Congress  in  extraordinary  session,  and 
addressed  to  it  a  message  urging  a  revision  of  the  existing  tariff 
laws,  under  which  business  was  suffering,  while  a  deficiency  in 
revenue  was  endangering  the  nation's  credit  and  the  stability  of  its 
currency.  This  prompt  action  in  convening  Congress,  and  the 
resultant  passage  of  the  Dingley  law,  unquestionably  hastened  the 
return  of  national  prosperity. 

Under  that  law  revenues  revived,  and  with  stable  tariff  condi 
tions  assured,  the  industries  of  the  country  slowly  recovered  from 
their  depression.  The  intimate  relations  existing  under  the  old 
financial  laws  between  adequate  revenues  and  the  credit  of  govern 
mental  currency  soon  led  to  a  restoration  of  public  confidence  ;  and 
even  before  the  passage  of  the  gold-standard  law,  gold  was  freely 
offered  at  the  Treasury  in  exchange  for  greenbacks. 

CURRENCY    REFORM 

The  deficiency  in  revenues  under  the  Wilson  law,  and  the 
commercial  panic  of  1893,  with  the  ensuing  business  depression, 

187 


i88  ESTIMATE  OF.  McKINLETS  FIRST  TERM 

had  exposed  the  inherent  weakness  of  our  currency  system.  This 
weakness  resulted  from  a  disproportion  between  the  demand  cur 
rency  liabilities  of  the  Government  and  the  gold  in  the  Treasury 
to  redeem  them  ;  while  the  awkward  fact  existed  that  after  these 
currency  liabilities  had  been  redeemed  in  gold  they  could  again  be 
paid  out  for  expenses,  thus  enabling  the  public  to  present  them 
again  for  redemption,  causing  what  was  commonly  known  as  the 
u  endless  chain." 

After  the  success  of  the  Republican  party  upon  its  platform 
of  sound  money,  in  a  campaign  in  which  this  weakness  formed  one 
of  the  chief  subjects  of  discussion,  several  plans  of  currency  and 
banking  reform  were  presented  to  the  public  and  discussed  gener 
ally  in  the  press.  It  is  highly  creditable  to  the  President's  discern 
ment  and  breadth  of  view  that  he  avoided  complicated  recommenda 
tions,  confining  himself  to  urging  the  enactment  of  a  provision 
which  would  remedy  the  weakness  of  our  financial  system  without 
involving  the  business  of  the  country  in  the  dangers  incident  to 
radical  legislative  experiments  with  currency  laws. 

His  recommendation,  made  in  his  first  annual  message  and 
repeated  in  his  second,  went  to  the  very  gist  of  the  trouble  ;  and  it 
is  the  corner-stone  of  the  financial  law  which  Congress  passed  at 
its  session  in  March,  1900. 

In  his  first  annual  message  to  Congress,  the  President  said  : 

o  o 

"  I  earnestly  recommend,  as  soon  as  the  receipts  of  the  Gov 
ernment  are  quite  sufficient  to  pay  all  the  expenses  of  the  Govern 
ment,  that  when  any  of  the  United  States  notes  are  presented  for 
redemption  in  gold  and  are  redeemed  in  gold,  such  notes  shall  be 
kept  and  set  apart  and  only  paid  out  in  exchange  for  gold." 

In  his  second  annual  message  to  Congress,  after  renewing  his 
recommendation  of  the  year  before,  he  said  : 

"  In  my  judgment  the  condition  of  the  Treasury  amply  justi 
fies  the  immediate  enactment  of  the  legislation  recommended  one 
year  ago,  under  which  a  portion  of  the  gold  holdings  shall  be 
placed  in  a  trust  fund  from  which  greenbacks  should  be  redeemed 


HOME  OF  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY  AT  CANTON 


REPORTER'S  AT  THE  LINE  WAITING  NEWS 


T 


OF  McKINLETS  FIRST  TERM  191 

upon  presentation,  but  when  once  redeemed  should  not  thereafter 
be  paid  out  except  for  gold." 

To  the  President's  plain  and  simple  presentation  of  a  funda 
mental  remedy,  and  his  avoidance  of  the  recommendation  of  exten 
sive  and  experimental  plans,  the  people  of  the  country  largely  owe 
the  present  stable  and  safe  condition  of  our  entire  financial  system. 

THE    ANNEXATION    OF     HAWAII 

Almost  as  if  foreseeing  by  intuition  the  necessity  for  the 
annexation  of  Hawaii,  as  later  revealed  by  the  tremendous  events 
of  the  following  years,  the  President  early  in  his  administration 
recommended  to  Congress  the  annexation  of  those  islands,  the 
movement  towards  which  had  been  decisively  checked  by  the  pre 
ceding  President.  The  importance  of  this  step,  both  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  best  interests  of  the  islanders  and  of  our  own 
people,  now  seen  so  clearly  by  all,  was  not  then  so  apparent ;  and, 
but  for  the  earnest  and  aggressive  attitude  of  the  President, 
annexation  would  have  failed.  During  the  pendency  of  the 
Hawaiian  question,  speaking  of  the  islands,  he  said  to  a  visitor  : 
"  We  need  Hawaii  just  as  much  as,  and  a  good  deal  more  than,  we 
did  California."  The  annexation  of  these  beautiful  islands  was 
the  first  step  in  the  new  and  broader  life  upon  which  this  republic 
has  entered,  and  from  which  neither  duty  nor  self-interest  will  allow 
it  to  turn  back. 

THE    MERIT    SYSTEM 

The  delicate  problem  of  such  a  revision  of  the  merit  system 
of  civil  service  as  would  remove  therefrom  the  dangers  to  its  per 
manence,  arising  from  too  rigid  application  of  theory,  was  for  many 
months  a  subject  of  the  most  serious  consideration  by  the  Presi 
dent  and  the  members  of  his  cabinet,  and  the  operation  of  the 
amendments  finally  adopted  is  daily  proving  their  wisdom. 

The  country  sees  the  rise  and  disposition  of  questions  of  great 
moment  to  its  welfare,  but,  from  want  of  knowledge  of  details, 


192  ESTIMATE  OF  McKINLETS  FIRST  TERM 

gives  little  heed  to  the  daily  round  of  a  President's  labors,  includ 
ing  the  constant  direction  of  affairs  of  state,  the  consideration  of 
appointments,  the  handling  of  such  matters  as  the  Pacific  Rail 
road's  indebtedness,  domestic  difficulties  requiring  federal  interven 
tion,  the  approval  of  the  countless  minor  acts  of  Congress,  and  a 
multitude  of  other  duties.  As  evidence  of  President  McKinley's 
tact  may  be  cited  his  policy  in  regard  to  the  vetoing  of  bills  which 
came  before  him  for  action.  The  statement  has  frequently  been 
made  that  he  never  vetoed  bills,  implying  either  that  he  gave  them 
but  slight  examination  or  left  it  for  others  to  do  for  him.  Probably 
no  incumbent  of  the  executive  office  gave  more  thorough  examina 
tion  and  careful  thought  to  every  document  to  which  he  appended 
his  signature.  But  the  object  of  the  veto  was  compassed  in  many 
instances  by  sending  for  the  authors  of  the  objectionable  bills  and 
pointing  out  to  them  their  evident  inaccuracies  or  inconsistencies. 
The  result  was  usually  a  request  from  Congress  for  the  return  of 
the  bill.  Where  the  case  was  meritorious,  a  new  bill,  without  the 
objections  of  the  old  one,  was  passed  and  approved  by  the  Presi 
dent.  This  in  no  way  abridged  the  prerogative  of  the  executive  ; 
but  it  expedited  legislation,  and  tended  to  maintain  cordial  relations. 

THE    DISAPPEARANCE     OF    SECTIONALISM 

For  the  complete  obliteration  of  sectional  lines,  of  the  spirit 
of  exultation  and  intolerance  on  the  one  side,  defiance  and  intoler 
ance  on  the  other,  the  United  States  is  deeply  indebted  to 
President  McKinley.  The  influence  of  his  example,  the  power 
of  his  position,  and  all  the  force  of  his  ability  were  constantly  given 
to  this  end  ;  and  his  gratification  at  the  fulfillment  of  so  noble  an 
inspiration  found  voice  at  Atlauta  in  words  deserving  of  perpetua 
tion — "Reunited — one  country  again  and  one  country  forever! 
Proclaim  it  from  the  press  and  pulpit ;  teach  it  in  the  schools  ;  write 
it  across  the  skies  !  The  world  sees  and  feels  it  ;  it  cheers  every 
heart  North  and  South,  and  brightens  the  life  of  every  American 
home  !  Let  nothing  ever  strain  it  again  !  At  peace  with  all  the 


ESTIMATE  OF  McKINLETS  FIRST  TERM  193 

world  and  with   each   other,  what  can  stand  in  the  pathway  of  our 
progress  and  prosperity  ?  " 

Upon  the  field  of  Antietam  the  President  later  spoke  upon 
this  subject,  and  said  :  "  Standing  here  to-day,  one  reflection  only 
has  crowded  my  mind — the  difference  between  this  scene  and  that 
of  thirty-eight  years  ago.  Then  the  men  who  wore  the  blue  and 
the  men  who  wore  the  gray  greeted  each  other  with  shot  and  shell, 
and  visited  death  upon  their  respective  ranks.  We  meet,  after  all 
these  intervening  years,  with  but  one  sentiment — that  of  loyalty  to 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  love  of  our  flag  and  our  free 
institutions,  and  determined,  men  of  the  North  and  men  of  the 
South,  to  make  any  sacrifice  for  the  honor  and  perpetuity  of  the 
American  nation." 

THE    SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR 

Mr.  Cleveland  had  realized,  during  his  second  administration, 
the  gravity  of  the  Cuban  problem,  but  had  been  obliged  to  hand  it 
over  unsolved  to  his  successor;  and  on  March  4,  1897,  William 
McKinley  assumed  it,  with  results  now  known  to  the  world. 

The  successive  steps  in  the  war  that  followed  have  been  told 
in  many  forms,  and  from  various  points  of  view.  But  there  is  one 
story  of  this  war  that  has  not  yet  been  written,  and  can  even  now 
be  but  imperfectly  outlined — that  of  the  sagacious,  far-seeing  man 
who,  though  kindly  and  sympathetic  in  all  the  relations  of  life,  was 
ever  inflexible  of  purpose  for  the  recognition  of  the  righteous  prin 
ciples  which  should  control  our  conduct  throughout  the  struggle, 
and  masterful  in  the  vigor  and  celerity  with  which  he  organized 
and  directed  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States.  And 
when  the  defeated  and  humiliated  kingdom,  recognizing  the  hope 
lessness  of  the  strife,  sought  peace,  he  was  magnanimous  and 
merciful. 

In  the  dark  days  preceding  the  opening  of  hostilities,  amid 
increasing  excitement,  the  importunities  of  well-wishing  friends 
and  advisers,  and  the  abuse  of  the  sensational  press,  the  President 


i94  ESTIMATE  OF  McKINLETS  FIRST  TERM 

of  the  United  States  never  swerved  from  the  line  of  duty  he  had 
marked  out  for  himself  and  the  Republic  he  had  sworn  faithfully  to 
serve.  His  long  legislative  experience,  his  knowledge  of  men  and 
events,  had  taught  him  that  often  many  of  the  people  form  hasty 
opinions,  at  variance  with  the  greater  knowledge  and  wider  sources 
of  information  available  to  those  in  high  executive  authority.  But 
the  provocation  was  great.  The  feelings  of  our  people  were  out 
raged  by  scenes  enacted  in  the  island  near  our  shores,  and  by  the 
continuance  of  the  unhappy  conditions  which  from  time  to  time 
appeared  there,  culminating  in  merciless  proclamations  and  degrad 
ing  requirements  that  shocked  the  moral  sense  of  this  nation.  From 
all  sections  came  the  imperious  demand  that  a  stop  must  be  put  to 
these  things,  and  that  no  longer  should  there  be  tolerated  upon  the 
American  Continent  a  condition  so  menacing  to  our  tranquility  and 
security. 

THE   PRESIDENT    AS    HARMONIZER 

The  President  knew  that  to  interfere  meant  war.  He  had 
faith  in  the  people,  and  believed  that  with  a  fuller  knowledge 
of  the  facts  on  their  part,  and  with  still  greater  endeavor  upon 
the  part  of  the  United  States,  the  authorities  in  Madrid  would 
yet  find  a  way  to  meet  the  requirements  of  civilization  and  evade  the 
horrible  alternative  of  hositilities. 

The  war  with  Spain  he  sought  by  every  honorable  means  to 
avert,  steadfastly  adhering  to  his  conception  of  the  American  ideal- 
peace  with  honor,  war  rather  than  dishonor;  justice  to  other  nations, 
loyalty  to  his  own.  Foreseeing  the  conflict,  he  foresaw  its  certain 
and  many  of  its  possible  evils.  The  one  class  could  not  be 
escaped ;  to  the  avoidance  of  the  other  he  gave  his  full 
energy  and  intelligence.  That  we  entered  upon  the  war  so  well 
prepared,  so  little  hampered  by  mortgages  on  the  future,  and  so 
generally  united  in  purpose,  was  the  result  of  long  weeks  of  self- 
sacrificing,  patriotic,  devoted  labor  on  the  part  of  the  dominant  men 
among  those  entrusted  at  the  time  with  our  national  fortunes — a  labor 
in  which  the  President  led,  and  gave  the  best  that  was  in  him- 


ESTIMATE  OF  McK IN  LEY'S  FIRST  TERM  195 

During  those  trying  days,  when  the  war  fever  was  constantly 
and  rapidly  increasing,  there  were  frequent  illustrations  of  the  truth 
of  a  statement  made  by  one  of  his  associates  in  public  life  that 
"  McKinley  was  one  of  the  greatest  harmonizers  America  had 
ever  known."  Daily  and  nightly  consultations  were  had  at  the 
White  House  between  the  President  and  little  groups  of  Senators 
and  Representatives  whom  he  invited  to  be  present  ;  these  meet 
ings  were  utterly  non-partisan  in  character,  composed  of  Republican 
rivals  and  Republican  followers,  and  of  ''Silver"  as  well  as  "Gold" 
Democrats.  The  requests  to  attend  the  conferences  were  invari 
ably  acceded  to  with  respect  and  cordiality  ;  and  the  results  which 
followed  so  broad-minded  a  course  were  of  incalculable  value  in  the 
preparation  for  and  conduct  of  the  war. 

Does  anyone  believe  that  with  a  less  conciliatory  policy,  with 
less  of  the  courteous  considerateness  that  characterized  the 
intercourse  of  the  President  with  the  Congress  and  prominent 
officials  throughout  the  country,  the  marvelous  results  would  have 
been  achieved  as  quickly  and  as  completely  as  they  were  ? 

RESPONSIBILITY    OF    THE    EXECUTIVE 

In  this  time  of  great  national  excitement,  a  responsibility  was 
suddenly  imposed  upon  the  President  of  an  intensity  unknown 
since  the  days  of  Lincoln.  That  he  then  realized  that  war  was 
inevitable  cannot  be  doubted,  and  under  his  direction  the  War  and 
Navy  Departments  were  straining  every  resource  in  preparation 
for  the  coming  conflict. 

The  general  feeling  of  indignation  ran  high,  and  the  halls  of 
Congress  rang  with  the  demands  and  denunciations  of  the 
impatient  ones  who  ascribed  to  the  man  upon  whose  shoulders  the 
terrible  burden  of  decision  rested  unworthy  and  unpatriotic  motives 
for  his  refusal  to  take  thoughtless,  hasty,  and  half-considered  steps. 
It  was  at  this  time  that  the  President,  from  a  sense  of  duty,  took  his 
position  against  the  recognition  on  the  part  of  this  Government  of 
the  so-called  Cuban  republic.  He  had  superior  sources  of  knowledge 


1 96  ESTIMATE  OF  McK IN  LEY'S  FIRST  TERM 

of  the  actual  conditions  existing  in  the  island,  and  fully  com 
prehending  the  fact  that  this  recognition  would  have  placed  the 
officers  of  our  army  who  might  enter  Cuba  under  the  command  of 
Cuban  generals,  and  that  there  existed  no  form  of  government 
among  the  insurgents  such  as  could  be  properly  recognized  under 
international  law,  knew  that  such  recognition  would  be  fraught  with 
the  gravest  consequences.  Under  the  conditions  which  existed  in 
the  island,  a  recognition  of  the  so-called  republic  meant  helpless 
confusion  and  conflict,  and  humiliation  in  event  of  war.  A  false 
step  then  would  have  been  irremediable. 

During  the  time  the  President  was  preparing  his  message  to 
Congress  he  was  called  upon  personally  by  the  great  majority  of 
members  of  both  houses,  and  the  executive  mansion  was  thronged 
each  day  with  excited  men  protesting  against  anything  short  of 
complete  recognition  of  the  Cuban  republic.  He  stated  his  reasons 
calmly  and  firmly  to  the  people  who  called  by  hundreds  to  demand 
that  his  position  be  altered,  decisively  declining  to  recognize 
the  so-called  republic,  and  by  so  doing  involve  the  United  States  in 
all  the  political  and  diplomatic  difficulties  to  which  such  a  recogni 
tion  would  have  led. 

A    PATRIOT    IN    THE    WHITE    HOUSE 

His  political  leadership  hung  in  the  balance,  and  every  argu 
ment  of  expediency  which  political  ingenuity  could  devise  was 
urged  upon  him.  But  he  was  adamant ;  and  to  the  aid  of  that 
position  which  he  knew  to  be  right  he  called  every  legitimate 
resource  of  his  great  power  as  chief  executive,  and  every  proper 
resource  of  his  power  as  an  individual. 

Our  present  calm  retrospect  makes  the  course  of  William 
McKinley  at  this  juncture  seem  one  of  courageous  patriotism. 
We  recall  the  violent  denunciation,  the  scathing  contumely,  heaped 
upon  him  for  his  refusal  to  take  the  precipitate  action  which  was? 
widely  demanded ;  the  deliberate  manner  in  which  he  directed  an 
investigation  of  the  Maine  explosion,  awaited  the  report  and 


ESTIMATE  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  TERM  197 

communicated  its  substance  to  the  Spanish  Government.  With 
wisdom  gained  by  the  lapse  of  time,  we  review  the  turbulent 
scenes  in  Congress,  and  remember  the  outcry  then  so  much  in 
accord  with  our  own  feelings.  We  see  the  President  stubbornly 
battling  against  the  hasty  indignation  of  the  moment,  because  he 
felt  that  the  time  was  not  ripe  for  war,  yet  quietly  and  skillfully 
preparing  to  meet  the  crisis  when  it  should  come  ;  and  we  see  him 
not  long  after  the  recipient  of  a  verdict  of  popular  approval  nearly 
as  enthusiastic  and  quite  as  general  as  the  denunciation  of  a  few 
months  before. 

When  in  his  message  to  Congress  of  April  n,  1898,  he 
uttered  the  words,  "In  the  name  of  humanity,  in  the  name  of 
civilization,  in  behalf  of  endangered  American  interest,  wrhich  gives 
us  the  right  and  the  duty  to  speak  and  to  act,  the  war  in  Cuba  must 
stop,"  he  realized  the  expectations  of  those  who  had  followed  his 
career  through  all  its  activities,  and  those  who  had  prophesied  for 
him  a  weak  and  un-American  administration  saw  how  erroneous  had 
been  their  estimate  of  the  man. 

Every  effort  put  forth  by  the  President  and  his  Cabinet  having 
failed,  and  the  gage  of  battle  having  been  accepted  in  obedience  to 
the  dictates  of  humanity  and  civilization,  and  in  accordance  with  the 
authority  given  the  Executive  by  Congress,  the  people  learned  that 
they  had  placed  in  the  White  House  one  who  was  Commander-in- 
Chief  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name — a  man  of  iron  will  in  the  prosecu 
tion  of  his  country's  battles  and  in  the  exaction  of  honor  and 
respect  for  its  flag. 

THE    TRYING    POSITION    OF    THE    PRESIDENT 

The  burdens  of  the  executive  office  during  those  weeks,  and 
at  the  time  when  by  message  the  Congress  was  made  to  share  them, 
were  more  severe  than  have  been  placed  upon  any  President  since 
the  Civil  War.  Out  of  the  rancor  and  excitement  the  nation 
emerged  prepared  for  conflict ;  partisan  feeling  was  hushed  in  the 
presence  of  a  great  emergency,  a  vast  sum  was  appropriated  for 


I98  ESTIMATE  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  TERM 

national  defense,  and,  with  a  unanimity  not  paralleled  in  our  his 
tory,  its  expenditure  was  entrusted  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  The  discordant  notes  of  sensationalism  died  away  ;  the 
tread  of  volunteers  responding  to  the  call  to  arms  drowned  the  ill- 
natured  comments  of  fault-finders,  and  carried  messages  of  cheer 

o 

and  encouragement  to  the  White  House. 

President  McKinley  rarely  left  his  office  until  i  or  2  o'clock  at 
night ;  frequently  he  was  there  until  a  much  later  hour.  He  per 
sonally  supervised  the  details  of  preparation.  He  gathered  from 
his  Cabinet  advisers  the  latest  information  upon  vital  points  of 
equipment.  His  orders  for  instant  and  thorough  preparation  and 
ceaseless  vigilance  reached  the  utmost  limits  of  our  national 
authority.  The  suggestions  and  criticisms  that  came  to  him  from 
all  parts  of  the  country  would  fill  volumes.  The  incessant  stream 
of  callers,  always  great,  became  larger,  and  every  hour  was  filled 
with  vast  responsibilities. 

IN    THE    WAR    ROOM 

The  war  came  on  ;  the  President  led  in  its  prosecution.  He 
was  constantly  in  direct  telegraphic  communication  with  the  front, 
and  the  uwar  room  "  adjoining  his  office  in  the  executive  mansion, 
was  his  first  resort  in  the  morning  and  his  last  at  night.  Maps, 
elaborate  in  detail,  covered  the  walls  of  the  room  ;  and  by  means 
of  tiny  flags,  with  pins  for  sticks,  the  positions  and  changes  of 
position  of  the  ships  and  land  forces  of  both  sides  were  always 
before  his  eyes. 

Frequent  Cabinet  meetings  and  less  formal  conferences  with 
his  immediate  advisers,  the  formulation  and  consideration  of  plans, 
the  organization  and  movement  of  the  army,  the  extension  of  the 
navy  and  its  manipulation — these  and  many  kindred  duties  engaged 
his  time. 

And  when  the  struggle  was  over,  how  prompt  was  his  recog 
nition  of  the  loyalty,  bravery,  and  self-sacrifice  of  our  soldiers,  our 
sailors,  and  our  marines  !  And  how  ready  he  was  to  accord  all 


ESTIMATE  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  TERM  201 

praise  to  the  defenders  of  the  national  honor  in  the  Philippines, 
whose  duty  was  nobly  done,  and  who  came  to  feel  that  their  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  at  Washington  was  never  so  busy  as  to  overlook 
merit  or  so  exacting  as  to  ignore  their  personality. 

With  the  cessation  of  hostilities  came  the  problems  of  peace. 
The  Peace  Conference  at  Paris  felt  the  guiding  hand  and  far-seeing 
Americanism  of  the  President  at  every  stage  of  its  proceedings. 
With  no  uncharitableness,  he  yet  insisted  upon  those  things  which 
were  the  nation's  right,  and  which  the  verdict  of  the  future  will 
establish  as  incalculable  blessings,  not  only  to  our  own  people, 
but  to  the  distant  peoples  who  have  come  under  our  authority  and 
within  the  beneficent  influence  of  our  free  institutions. 

MCKINLEY    AND    THE    PHILIPPINES 

Among  the  opponents  of  the  President's  course  in  the  Philip 
pines,  none  has  yet  expressed  a  wish  that  the  battle  of  Manila  Bay 
had  not  been  fought.  In  the  President's  view,  the  acquisition  of 
the  Philippines  was  the  only  result  of  that  battle  consistent  with  the 
American  ideal  of  duty,  and  with  characteristic  strength  he  did  his 
share  in  its  accomplishment.  Some  of  those  who  thought  the  battle 
could  be  fought  without  consequences,  while  applauding  the  victory, 
decried  the  outcome  ;  but  he  steadfastly  pursued  the  purpose  he 
believed  to  be  right. 

No  Administration  of  recent  years  has  dealt  with  such  grave 
questions  as  confronted  that  of  McKinley.  The  problems  which 
were  crowded  into  any  one  of  its  years  would  have  made  or  unmade 
the  fortunes  of  any  Administration.  But  during  these  busy  years 
the  country  took  note  of  things  done,  of  promises  fulfilled,  of  good 
faith  and  fair-dealing.  In  the  excitement  of  debate,  in  the  fancied 
necessities  of  political  strategy,  it  is  easy  to  state  fallacies  and 
natural  to  exaggerate  evils.  To  the  opponents  of  the  President  and 
his  Administration,  the  conduct  of  the  War  with  Spain  appeared 
open  to  severe  criticism ;  to  the  impartial  student  of  history,  it  was 
a  record  of  marvelous  preparation  and  execution.  To  those  opposed 


202  ESTIMATE  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  TERM 

to  the  results  secured  by  the  Administration  in  the  fields  of  finance, 
they  presaged  an  unstable  currency  and  disaster  to  both  capital 
and  labor.  To  the  practical,  hard-headed,  far-sighted  business 
man,  who  knows  confidence  to  be  the  bulwark  of  the  financial 
world,  the  strengthening  of  the  gold  standard,  and  the  enactment 
into  law  of  the  platform  promises  of  the  Republican  party  meant 
the  permanence  of  public  credit,  the  assurance  of  increased  employ 
ment  for  labor,  and  the  advancement  of  the  country  in  its  material 
interests.  To  many  of  the  opponents  of  the  Administration,  new 
possessions  meant  a  weakening  of  tradition  and  a  departure  from 
right  principle.  To  its  adherents,  who  believed  they  read  aright 
the  nation's  destiny  in  the  light  of  what  had  come  from  former 
expansion,  they  meant  the  quickening  of  national  spirit,  the  exten 
sion  of  free  institutions  among  peoples  who  have  hitherto  striven 
in  darkness  and  doubt,  the  steady  advancement  of  the  Republic  in 
its  mission  of  liberty  and  enlightenment. 

MCKINLEY    A    TYPICAL    AMERICAN 

A  great  political  leader  is  almost  necessarily  a  type  of  the 
nation  he  leads — the  embodiment  of  the  characteristics  of  his 
time — the  manifest  product  of  the  circumstances  and  conditions  of 
the  people  he  governs  and  directs.  This  is  more  especially  true  in 
the  critical  period  of  a  nation's  history.  When  a  people  are  pro 
foundly  absorbed  in  events — when  it  is  necessary  for  them  to  come 
to  conclusions  upon  vital  matters — the  man  who  most  nearly  repre 
sents  them  in  character,  rearing,  and  environment,  as  well  as  in 
thought,  is  most  likely  to  reach  a  position  of  commanding  power. 

Washington  embodied,  as  did  n )  other  of  the  Revolutionary 
heroes,  the  virtues  and  the  limitations  of  the  colonial  community  to 
whom  fell  the  task  of  maintaining  for  Americans  their  rights  and 
of  constructing  a  new  nation.  Lincoln  was  the  type  of  the  fron 
tiersman — the  American  engaged  in  conquering  the  wilderness— 
of  the  democracy  which  spread  over  the  continent  from  east  to 
west,  carrying  the  idea  of  God  and  an  eternal  Justice,  and  which 


ESTIMATE  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  TERM  203 

struggled  too  hard  for  its  own  life  and  happiness  to  be  willing  that 
any  others  should  be  denied  them. 

William  McKinley  was  just  as  much  the  inevitable  product  of 
his  time  as  these  two  great  predecessors  in  the  Presidency.  His 
origin,  his  profession,  his  career,  his  manners,  his  methods,  his  own 
personality,  and  all  his  achievements,  evidenced  this. 

The  end  of  the  Civil  War  marked  a  sharp  change  in  American 
life.  New  national  activities,  new  currents  of  public  thought,  new 
conditions,  tended  to  create  a  new  type  of  political  leader.  Presi 
dent  McKinley's  unquestioned  leadership  in  economic  and  financial 
policies  was  followed  by  as  complete  and  successful  leadership  in 
international  and  diplomatic  questions.  Many  of  those  who  differed 
from  him  most  widely  did  not  question  that  he  dealt  with  the 
gravest  international  matters — those  involving  the  very  future  of 
the  nation — masterfully,  courageously,  and  consistently.  Through 
the  confused  conflicts  of  our  political  life,  the  jealousies  of  eager 
competition  in  Congress,  the  hurly-burly  of  conventions,  along  a 
rough  path  full  of  pitfalls,  over  the  obstacles  of  temporary  failure, 
of  inevitable  misunderstandings  of  his  purposes  and  underratings 
of  his  abilities,  in  spite  of  the  alternations  of  party  success,  a  fit 
man  survived,  and  was  the  President  of  this  nation  at  a  time 
fraught  with  grave  consequences  for  the  future. 

MCKINLEY'S  PERSONAL  CHARACTERISTICS 

The  impression  of  William  McKinley  which  a  casual  caller  at 
the  White  House  received  was  that  of  a  sincere,  patient,  and  kindly 
man  of  great  natural  dignity  and  tact.  In  his  personal  contact 
with  others,  he  was  generous  of  his  time  in  the  extreme,  and  listened 
to  the  stories  of  the  unfortunate  and  complaining  with  a  patience 
which  surprised  his  associates,  when  he  himself  was  bearing  well- 
nigh  crushing  burdens  of  administrative  responsibility.  He  was 
naturally  sympathetic,  obliging,  and  self-sacrificing.  Yet  all  this 
reflects  but  one  side  of  his  character,  although  it  was  the  side 
which  most  impressed  those  who  met  him  but  casually. 


204  ESTIMATE  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  TERM 

His  most  predominant  characteristics,  which  bound  great  bodies 
of  men  to  him  with  rivets  of  steel,  which  lifted  him  from  the  posi 
tion  of  a  private  soldier  to  that  of  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  nation, 
which  sustained  him  and  carried  him  through  the  many  great  crises 
confronting  him,  and  gave  him  the  trust  and  confidence  of  the 
American  people — were  his  moral  strength  and  his  unflinching 
courage  to  do  the  right  as  he  saw  it,  irrespective  of  temporary  con 
sequences.  His  natural  gentleness  and  his  tendency  to  ignore 
small  and  non-essential  differences,  his  willingness  to  oblige  even 
his  enemies,  and  his  utter  lack  of  vindictiveness, — all  these,  when 
the  times  of  crisis  came  and  the  eyes  of  the  people  were  turned  to 
him  alone,  gave  him  added  strength  to  achieve  great  results  in 
public  affairs.  At  such  times  he  found  that  behind  him  was  a 
multitude  of  men  who  believed  in  the  sincerity  of  his  purpose  and 
his  unselfishness,  and  were  willing  to  tru^t  his  judgment.  These 
characteristics  of  moral  strength  and  courage  were  constantly 
apparent  to  those  whose  connection  with  the  administration  of 
national  affairs  gives  them  intimate  knowledge  of  the  true  relation 
of  the  President  to  public  questions.  They  were  manifest  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States  whenever  great  issues  placed  respon 
sibility  upon  him. 

THE    FAME    OF    PRESIDENTS 

In  a  country  whose  social  and  political  systems  offer  a  wide 
range  of  opportunity'to  the  individual,  some  of  the  greatest  possi 
bilities  for  development  and  for  fame  are  open  to  him  who  has 
seemingly  reached  the  end  of  American  ambition  by  attaining  to 
the  Chief  Magistracy  of  the  nation.  The  fame  of  Presidents  has 
been  perpetuated  or  lost  according  as  they  have  grasped  or  failed 
to  grasp  the  American  ideal  of  nationality.  It  seems  hardly  neces 
sary  now  after  the  many  evidences  of  this  embodied  in  our  history, 
to  assert  that  this  ideal  is  not  always  contained  in  the  popular 
agitation  of  the  day — so  often  a  delusion  that  by  the  morrow  has 
vanished  from  the  public  mind. 


ESTIMATE  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  TERM 


205 


The  clear  vision  to  see  through  an  effervescence  of  feeling  to 
the  enduring  principle  beneath  it,  and  the  strength  and  integrity  to 
act  in  concordance  with  such  a  perception  of  the  real  aspirations  of 
the  people,  make  public  men  great.  The  absence  of  these 
traits  accounts  for  the  oblivion  into  which  our  prominent  statesmen 
so  often  pass.  Whether  the  fame  of  William  McKinley  shall 
remain  a  part  of  our  national  glory  depends  not  altogether  on  the 
present  popular  estimate  of  his  deeds,  which  even  his  contemporaries 
accord  high  rank.  Another  epoch,  another  generation,  will  pro 
nounce  the  final  verdict.  A  few  years  ago  he  was  one  of  a  number 
of  popular  leaders — an  untried  President.  To-day  his  place  is 
fixed  by  that  severest  of  all  tests,  the  faithful  performance  of  high 
public  duties  in  a  series  of  great  crises. 

TWO    EXTREME    TYPES 

In  personal  traits  and  disposition,  Mr.  McKinley  and  his 
predecessor  represented  absolute  extremes.  Mr.  Cleveland  grew 
more  and  more  conservative,  unapproachable,  sensitive  and  self- 
conscious  as  time  went  on.  In  his  every  message,  document  and 
public  utterance,  there  was  always  revealed  that  somewhat  painful 
sense  of  his  own  personal  responsibility.  The  Executive  became 
constantly  more  hedged  in  and  mysterious.  The  old  public  path 
across  the  White  House  grounds  was  barred  up.  Extra  policemen, 
unwonted  sentries,  and  undreamed-of  contingents  of  secret  service 
men  and  detectives  were  requisitioned  to  keep  the  person  of  the 
President  the  better  guarded  against  the  intrusion  of  his  fellow- 
citizens.  Mr.  Thurber,  as  private  secretary,  seemed  for  four  years 
to  be  chiefly  occupied  in  mystifying  reporters  and  correspondents 
as  to  Mr.  Cleveland's  comings,  and  goings,  and  in  excluding  callers 
from  his  presence — Senators  and  Representatives  being  excluded 
along  with  the  unofficial  herd.  The  process  was  successful  ;  for  at 
length  the  public  ceased  to  intrude,  and  the  callers — including  the 
Senators  and  Congressmen — kept  scrupulously  away  from  the  White 
House. 


12 


206  ESTIMATE  OF  McKINLEY'S  FIRST  TERM 

Every  President  must  work  out  his  own  method  for  himself ; 
and  all  reasonable  people  are  ready  to  believe  that  Mr.  Cleveland's 
method,  was,  in  his  judgment,  the  one  which  enabled  him  best  to 
do  his  duty  and  serve  the  country.  But  Mr.  McKinley's  method 
was  radically  different,  though  fully  as  natural  to  the  man.  An 
assumed  affability  for  the  sake  of  popularity  will  not  in  the  end 
strengthen  the  hand  or  hold  of  any  President.  But  Mr.  McKinley's 
affability  seemed  a  part  of  his  nature  ;  and  its  indulgence  did  not 
apparently  exhaust  his  vitality.  Instead  of  interposing  all  sorts  of 
obstacles  between  the  public  and  himself  as  Mr.  Cleveland  did,  he 
adopted  precisely  the  opposite  plan.  Perhaps  he  reasoned  that 
the  great  human  tide  flowing  toward  the  White  House  must  have 
some  eventual  metes  and  bounds,  and  that  the  most  logical  plan 
would  be  to  remove  every  barrier  in  order  that  the  flow  might  the 
sooner  spend  itself.  Furthermore,  the  President  gave  himself  the 
pleasure  and  benefit  of  a  long  walk  through  the  public  streets  every 
afternoon.  His  face  thus  became  familiar,  and  the  public  the 
sooner  learned  to  understand  that  in  those  hours  when  he  was  not 
visible  he  had  a  right  to  deal  uninterruptedly  with  the  affairs  of 
state.  He  had  shown  that  he  could  systematize  his  work,  keep 
certain  hours  for  certain  duties,  assign  tasks  to  his  advisers,  and 
make  good  use  of  the  services  of  other  men. 

The  general  statements  given  in  this  chapter  regarding  Presi 
dent  McKinley's  personal  relations  to  the  Spanish-American  War 
are  preliminary  to  a  description  of  that  war  itself.  This,  as  the 
great  event  of  his  administration,  cannot  be  omitted  from  a  story 
of  his  career,  and  we  shall  devote  a  subsequent  chapter  to  a  concise 
account  of  this  momentous  conflict,  so  far  reaching  in  its  results. 


CHAPTER    XIII 

First  Year  as  President 

THE   inauguration   of   William   McKinley  as   President  of  the 
United  States,  on  March  3,  1897,  was  the  opening  of  a  new 
and  vital  era  in  the  political  and  military  history  of  this 
country.      Important  events  loomed  up  which  no  man  even  then 
could  foresee,  and  the  seeming  calm  which  lay  upon  the  surface  of 
social  and  political  affairs  concealed  the  germs  of  a  series  of  storms 
which  were  destined,  before  the  close  of  the  term,  to  change  the 
whole  policy  and  international  position  of  the  great  republic  of  the 
West. 

While  these  great  events  were  .hidden  in  the  mists  of  the 
future,  there  were  questions  of  high  importance  that  called  for 
immediate  solution.  There  had  been  not  alone  a  change  of 
administration,  but  also  a  change  of  party  control.  A  Republican 
had  succeeded  a  Democratic  President,  a  fact  which  in  itself  called 
for  radical  changes  in  the  management  of  affairs.  But,  added  to 
this,  the  outgoing  administration  had  left  to  the  incoming  one  an 
industrial  and  financial  problem  strongly  calling  for  solution.  The 
effects  of  the  panic  of  1892  had  not  yet  fully  passed  away.  For 
more  than  four  years  the  shadow  of  ruin  had  lain  upon  the  land, 
poverty  and  misery  had  visited  a  myriad  households,  and  when 
McKinley  was  elected  to  the  Presidency  a  widespread  commercial 
and  industrial  depression  still  prevailed.  For  years  the  wheels  of 
a  thousand  factories  practically  ceased  to  revolve,  artisans  in  great 
numbers  found  employment  impossible  to  obtain,  commerce  was  in 
a  state  of  collapse,  the  public  and  national  finances  were  seriously 
depressed,  and  in  many  hearts  hope  had  given  place  to  despair. 

207 


208  FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT 

This  gloomy  state  of  affairs,  which  had  existed  in  its  intensity 
during  the  opening-  years  of  President  Cleveland's  second  adminis 
tration,  had  not  fully  passed  away  when  the  election  of  McKinley 
took  place,  and  an  unsatisfactory  condition  of  business  depression 
continued  when  the  new  President  took  his  seat.  The  lack  of 
business  activity  was  reflected  in  the  state  of  the  national  finances, 
the  receipts  of  the  Treasury  having  fallen  off  so  greatly  that  there 
was  not  money  enough  to  meet  the  current  expenses  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  the  expenditures  were  growing  alarmingly  in  excess 
of  the  receipts. 

Naturally  various  explanations  were  given  of  this  unfortunate 
state  of  affairs.  The  party  in  power,  in  accordance  with  its  basic 
fiscal  policy,  attributed  the  depression  to  the  change  in  the  tariff 
made  by  the  late  administration,  and  President  McKinley  was  in 
full  sympathy  with  this  view.  His  name  had  been  long  associated 
with  the  policy  of  high  tariff,  and  his  natural  view  of  the  remedy 
for  the  public  evil  was  the  restoration,  in  some  degree,  of  the 
tariff  measures  which  the  Democratic  Congress  had  changed. 

CALLS    CONGRESS    IN    SPECIAL    SESSION 

The  necessity  of  some  immediate  action  to  relieve  the  prevail 
ing  distress  seemed  to  the  President  so  great,  that  he  felt  it  incum 
bent  upon  him  to  call  Congress  together  in  extra  session  at  once, 
that  it  might  deliberate  upon  this  pressing  problem  and  take  such 
action  as  seemed  in  its  wisdom  most  advisable  and  best  adapted  to 
relieve  the  financial  stringency.  He  accordingly  called  the  Houses 
of  Congress  into  extra  session  on  March  15,  1897,  and,  on  their 
convening,  had  read  before  them  the  following  message  : 

*'  To  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  : 

"  Regretting  the  necessity  which  has  required  me  to  call  you 
together,  I  feel  that  your  assembling  in  extraordinary  session  is 
indispensable  because  of  the  condition  in  which  we  find  the 
revenues  of  the  Government. 


FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT  209 

"  It  is  conceded  that  its  current  expenditures  are  greater  than 
its  receipts  and  that  such  a  condition  has  existed  for  now  more  than 
three  years.  With  unlimited  means  at  our  command,  we  are  pre 
senting  the  remarkable  spectacle  of  increasing  our  public  debt  by 
borrowing  money  to  meet  the  ordinary  outlays  incident  upon  even 
an  economical  and  prudent  administration  of  the  Government.  An 
examination  of  the  subject  discloses  this  fact  in  every  detail,  and 
leads  inevitably  to  the  conclusion  that  the  condition  of  the  revenue 
which  allows  it  is  unjustifiable  and  should  be  corrected. 

"  We  find  by  the  reports  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  that 
the  revenues  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1892,  from  all 
sources  were  $425,868,260.22,  and  the  expenditures  for  all  purposes 
were  $415,953,806.56,  leaving  an  excess  of  receipts  over  expendi 
tures  of  $9,914,453.66.  During  that  fiscal  year  $40,570,467.98  were 
paid  upon  the  public  debt,  which  had  been  reduced  since  March  i, 
1889,  $259>°76,89O,'  and  the  annual  interest  charge  decreased 
$11,684,576.60.  The  receipts  of  the  Government  from  all  sources 
during  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1893,  amounted  to 
$461,716,661.94,  and  its  expenditures  to  $459,374,887.65,  showing 
an  excess  of  receipts  over  expenditures  of  $2,341,674.29. 

"  Since  that  time  the  receipts  of  no  fiscal  year,  and  with  but 
few  exceptions,  of  no  month  of  any  fiscal  year  have  exceeded  the 
expenditures.  The  receipts  of  the  Government  from  all  sources 
during  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1894,  were  $372,802,498.89, 
and  its  expendituses  $442,605,758.87,  leaving  a  deficit,  the  first 
since  the  resumption  of  specie  payments,  of  $69,803,260.58.  Not 
withstanding  there  was  a  decrease  of  $16,769,128.78  in  the  ordinary 
expenses  of  the  Government,  as  compared  with  the  previous  year, 
its  income  was  still  not  sufficient  to  provide  for  its  daily  necessities, 
and  the  gold  reserve  in  the  Treasury  for  the  redemption  of  green 
backs  was  drawn  upon  to  meet  them.  But  this  did  not  suffice,  and 
the  Government  then  resorted  to  loans  to  replenish  the  reserve. 

"In  February,  1894,  $50,000,000  in  bonds  were  issued,  and  in 
November  following  a  second  issue  of  $50,000,000  was  deemed 


210  FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT 

necessary.  The  sum  of  $117,171,795  was  realized  by  the  sale  of 
these  bonds,  but  the  reserve  was  steadily  decreased  until,  on  Feb 
ruary  8,  1895,  a  third  sale  of  $62,315,400  in  bonds  for  $65,116,244 
was  announced  to  Congress. 

"The  receipts  of  the  Government  for  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  30,  1895,  were  $390,373,203.30,  and  the  expenditures 
$433,178,426.45,  showing  a  deficit  of  $42,805,223.19.  A  further 
loan  of  100,000,000  was  negotiated  by  the  Government  in  Febru 
ary,  1896,  the  sale  netting  $111,166,246,  and  swelling  the  aggre 
gate  of  bonds  issued  within  three  years  to  $262,315,400.  For  the 
fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1896,  the  revenues  of  the  Government 
from  all  sources  amounted  to  $409,475,408.78,  while  its  expendi 
tures  were  $434,678,654.48,  or  an  excess  of  expenditures  over 
receipts  of  $25,203,245.70.  In  other  words,  the  total  receipts  for 
the  three  fiscal  years  ending  June  30,  1896,  *were  insufficient  by 
$137,811,729.46  to  meet  the  total  expenditures. 

"  Nor  has  this  condition  since  improved.  For  the  first  half  of 
the  present  fiscal  year  the  receipts  of  the  Government,  exclusive 
of  postal  revenue,  were  $157,507,603.76,  and  its  expenditures,  exclu 
sive  of  postal  service,  $195,410,000.22,  or  an  excess  of  expenditures 
over  receipts  of  $37,902,396.46.  In  January  of  this  year  the 
receipts,  exclusive  of  postal  revenues,  were  $24,316,994.05,  and 
the  expenditures,  exclusive  of  postal  service,  $30,269,389.29,  a 
deficit  of  $5,952,395.24  for  the  month.  In  February  of  this  year 
the  receipts,  exclusive  of  postal  revenues,  were  $24,400,997.38,  and 
expenditures,  exclusive  of  postal  service,  $28,796,056.68,  a  deficit 
of  $4,395,059.28,  or  a  total  deficiency  of  $186,061,580.44  for  the 
three  years  and  eight  months  ending  March  i,  1897.  Not  only  are 
we  without  a  surplus  in  the  Treasury,  but  with  an  increase  in 
public  debt  there  has  been  a  corresponding  increase  in  the 
annual  interest  charge  from  $22,893,883.20  in  1892,  the  lowest  of 
any  year  since  1862,  to  $34,387,297.60  in  1896,  or  an  increase  of 
$11,493,414.40. 


FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT 


211 


"  It  may  be  urged  that,  even  if  the  revenues  of  the  Govern 
ment  had  been  sufficient  to  meet  all  its  ordinary  expenses  during 
the  past  three  years,  the  gold  reserve  would  still  have  been  insuffi 
cient  to  meet  the  demands  upon  it,  and  that  bonds  would  neces 
sarily  have  been  issued  for  its  repletion.  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is 
clearly  manifest,  without  denying  or  affirming  the  correctness  of 
such  a  conclusion,  that  the  debt  would  have  been  decreased  in  at 
least  the  amount  of  the  deficiency,  and  business  confidence 
immeasurably  strengthened  throughout  the  country. 

"  Congress  should  promptly  correct  the  existing  condition. 
Ample  revenues  must  be  supplied,  not  only  for  the  ordinary 
expenses  of  the  Government,  but  for  the  prompt  payment  of 
liberal  pensions  and  the  liquidation  of  the  principal  and  interest 
of  the  public  debt.  In  raising  revenue,  duties  should  be  so  levied 
upon  foreign  products  as  to  preserve  the  home  market,  so  far  as 
possible,  to  our  own  producers  ;  to  revive  and  increase  manufac 
tures  ;  to  relieve  and  encourage  agriculture  ;  to  increase  our  domes 
tic  and  foreign  commerce ;  to  aid  and  develop  mining  and  building, 
and  to  render  to  labor  in  every  field  of  useful  occupation  the  liberal 
wages  and  adequate  rewards  to  which  skill  and  industry  are  justly 
entitled.  The  necessity  of  the  passage  of  a  tariff  law  which  shall 
provide  ample  revenue  need  not  be  further  urged.  The  imperative 
demand  of  the  hour  is  the  prompt  enactment  of  such  a  measure, 
and  to  this  object  I  earnestly  recommend  that  Congress  shall  make 
every  endeavor.  Before  other  business  is  transacted  let  us  first 
provide  sufficient  revenue  to  faithfully  administer  the  Government 
without  the  contracting  of  further  debt  or  the  continued  disturbance 
of  our  finances. 

"  WILLIAM  McKiNLEY. 

"EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  March  15,  1897." 

In  anticipation  of  the  extra  session  of  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress, 
thus  called  for,  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  or  at  least 
Nelson  Dingley,  its  chairman,  and  his  Republican  colleagues  in  that 
committee,  had  been  steadily  working  upon  a  new  tariff  measure. 


212  FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT 

They  had  allowed  various  interests  to  appear  before  the  committee 
at  public  hearings,  and  had  worked  industriously  in  private  sessions. 
The  new  bill  was  ready  for  presentation  to  the  House  as  soon  as  it 
was  convened. 

This  method,  evidently,  had  saved  a  great  deal  of  time.  Four 
months  had  elapsed  since  Mr.  McKinley's  election,  and  there  had 
been  abundant  opportunity  for  consultation  with  him  upon  the  main 
features  of  the  new  tariff  bill.  It  was  obviously  desirable  that  the 
new  measure  should  provide  fifty  or  sixty  million  dollars  a  year 
more  than  the  Wilson-Gorman  tariff  then  in  force.  It  was  also 
deemed  desirable  that  the  reciprocity  features  of  the  McKinley 
tariff  of  1890 — which  had  begun  to  operate  so  advantageously,  and 
which  were  so  ruthlessly  abandoned  by  the  Wilson  Bill, — should,  so 
far  as  possible,  be  revived. 

DISPLAY    OF    PARTY    ANTAGONISM 

The  abrogation  of  those  features  was  not  merely  a  matter  of 
domestic  policy.  It  seemed,  indeed,  a  rather  ill-mannered  and 
wholly  unnecessary  breach  of  essential  good  faith  toward  the  coun 
tries  which  had  entered  into  treaty  relations  with  us  in  pursuance 
of  the  reciprocity  plan.  Those  nations  had  to  a  greater  or  less 
extent  re-adjusted  their  domestic  revenue  laws  and  arrangements  to 
meet  the  results  of  the  reciprocity  treaties  ;  and  the  manner  in 
which  the  policy  was  abandoned  by  this  country  seemed  a  cheap 
display  of  mere  party  antagonism. 

The  revenue  measure  here  adverted  to,  which  subbequently 
became  known  as  the  Dingley  Tariff,  in  many  respects  reversed  the 
so-called  "  reform  tariff "  of  the  Cleveland  Administration,  and 
restored  the  McKinley  Tariff,  in  spirit,  if  not  in  fact.  Of  course, 
the  lapse  of  years,  and  the  growing  expansion  of  American  commer 
cial  interests,  rendered  necessary  provisions  adapted  to  the  new 
conditions,  among  them  being  a  considerable  extension  of  the  free 
list.  But  the  features  of  this  tariff  bill,  which  became  law  on  July 
24,  1897,  were  in  close  accordance  with  Mr.  McKinley's  views  on 


FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT  213 

the  subject,  as  calculated  to  advance  the  purpose  he  had  in  view  in 
calling  Congress  in  extra  session,  "to  provide  revenue  for  the  Gov 
ernment  and  encourage  the  industries  of  the  United  States.  The 
Reciprocity  measure,  a  feature  of  the  tariff  of  1890,  which  had  been 
abrogated  in  the  Wilson  Tariff,  was  restored.  In  view  of  the  fact 
that  President  McKinley,  in  his  last  speech,  advocated  the  "encour 
agement  and  extension  of  this  feature  of  our  commercial  policy," 
we  append  the  legislation  concerning  it  in  the  Dingley  tariff : 

RECIPROCITY    SECTION    OF    THE    TARIFF    ACT    OF     1897 

"That  whenever  the  President  of  the  United  States,  by  and 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  with  a  view  to  secure 
reciprocal  trade  with  foreign  countries,  shall,  within  the  period  of 
two  years  from  and  after  the  passage  of  this  act,  enter  into  commer 
cial  treaty  or  treaties  with  any  other  country  or  countries  concern 
ing  the  admission  into  any  such  country  or  countries  of  the  goods, 
wares  and  merchandise  of  the  United  States  and  their  use  and 
disposition  therein,  deemed  to  be  for  the  interests  of  the  United 
States,  and  in  such  treaty  or  treaties,  in  consideration  of  the  advan 
tages  accruing  to  the  United  States  therefrom,  shall  provide  for 
the  reduction  during  a  specified  period,  not  exceeding  five  years,  of 
the  duties  imposed  by  this  act,  to  the  extent  of  not  more  than 
twenty  per  centum  thereof,  upon  such  goods,  wares,  or  merchandise 
as  may  be  designated  therein  of  the  country  or  countries  with 
which  such  treaty  or  treaties  shall  be  made,  as  in  this  section 
provided  for  ;  or  shall  provide  for  the  transfer  during  such  period 
from  the  dutiable  list  of  this  act  to  the  free  list  thereof  of  such 
goods,  wares,  and  merchandise,  being  the  natural  products  of  such 
foreign  country  or  countries,  and  not  of  the  United  States  ;  or  shall 
provide  for  the  retention  upon  the  free  list  of  this  act  during  a 
specified  period,  not  exceeding  five  years,  of  such  goods,  wares, 
and  merchandise  now  included  in  said  free  list,  as  maybe  designated 
therein  ;  and  when  any  such  treaty  shall  have  been  ratified  by  the 
Senate  and  approved  by  Congress,  and  public  proclamation  made 


214  FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT 

accordingly,  then  and  thereafter  the  duties  which  shall  be  collected 
by  the  United  States  upon  any  of  the  designated  goods,  wares,  and 
merchandise  from  the  foreign  country  with  which  such  treaty  has 
been  made,  shall,  during  the  period  provided  for,  be  the  duties 
specified  and  provided  for  in  such  treaty,  and  none  other. 

"  That  wrhenever  any  country,  dependency,  or  colony  shall  pay  or 
bestow,  directly  or  indirectly,  any  bounty  or  grant  upon  the  expor 
tation  of  any  article  or  merchandise  from  such  country,  dependency, 
or  colony,  and  such  article  or  merchandise  is  dutiable  under  the 
provisions  of  this  act,  then  upon  the  importation  of  any  such  article 
or  merchandise  into  the  United  States,  whether  the  same  shall  be 
imported  directly  from  the  country  of  production  or  otherwise,  and 
whether  such  article  or  merchandise  is  imported  in  the  same  condi 
tion  as  when  exported  from  the  country  of  production  or  has  been 
changed  in  condition  by  manufacture  or  otherwise,  there  shall  be 
levied  and  paid,  in  all  such  cases,  in  addition  to  the  duties  otherwise 
imposed  by  this  act,  an  additional  duty  equal  to  the  net  amount  of 
such  bounty  or  grant,  however  the  same  be  paid  or  bestowed.  The 
net  amount  of  all  such  bounties  or  grants  shall  be  from  time  to 

o 

time,  ascertained,  determined,  and  declared  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  who  shall  make  all  needful  regulations  for  the  identifica 
tion  of  such  articles  and  merchandise  and  for  the  assessment  and 
collection  of  such  additional  duties. 

"  That  there  shall  be  levied,  collected,  and  paid  on  the  importa 
tion  of  all  raw  or  unmanufactured  articles,  not  enumerated  or 
provided  for  in  this  act,  a  duty  of  ten  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  and  on 
all  articles  manufactured,  in  whole  or  in  part,  not  provided  for  in 
this  act,  a  duty  of  twenty  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

It  is  here  in  place  to  take  a  brief  glance  into  the  future  of  the 
fiscal  measure  whose  legislative  history  we  have  just  briefly  given. 
President  McKinley  had  two  objects  in  view  in  suggesting  it  and 
convening  Congress  in  extra  session  for  its  consideration.  One  of 

o  c> 

these  was  the  endeavor  to  place  the  national  finances  in  a  more 
healthy  condition  than  they  had  been  in  during  the  past  four  years. 


FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT  215 

and  especially  to  bring  the  receipts  info  excess  of  the  expendi 
tures.  The  other  was  to  overcome  the  business  depression  which 
had  so  long  prevailed,  to  restore  commercial  and  industrial  confi 
dence,  to  furnish  orders  for  the  manufacturers  of  the  land  and 
work  at  living  wages  for  the  widely  idle  mechanics. 

BUSINESS    DEPRESSION    OVERCOME 

It  need  scarcely  be  said  that  both  these  ends  were  fully,  indeed, 
magnificently  gained.  This  is  a  matter  of  history  with  which  all 
our  people  are  familiar  and  which  very  many  of  them  have  provi 
dently  felt,  The  wearisome,  truly  hopeless  depression  which  had 
so  long  prevailed,  showed  evident  signs  of  quick  amelioration  as 
soon  as  the  tidings  of  McKinley's  triumphant  election  were  received. 
By  the  day  he  took  his  seat  the  hopeful  signs  in  the  air  had  grown 
stronger  and  brighter.  The  new  tariff  proved  the  Rubicon  of  the 
advancing  good  times.  That  passed,  the  indications  of  a  coming 
industrial  "boom  "  were  everywhere  to  be  seen.  They  grew  and 
expanded,  they  rose  and  swelled,  until  such  a  wave  of  prosperity 
swept  over  the  land  as  this  western  world  had  rarely  seen.  Never 
in  the  history  of  the  world  had  there  been  a  more  marked  contrast 
of  bad  and  good  times  than  between  the  second  Cleveland  and  the 
first  McKinley  administrations.  And  let  what  may  be  said,  the 
fact  stands  largely  self-evident  that  this  wondrous  change  in  condi 
tions  was  due  to  the  opposed  fiscal  measures  of  the  two  adminis 
trations,  the  Wilson  tariff  for  revenue  and  the  Dingley  tariff  for 
protection. 

The  improvement  in  conditions  was  as  remarkably  manifested 
in  still  another  way,  that  of  the  extraordinary  increase  in  the  com 
merce  of  the  United  States,  a  ratio  of  growth  in  commercial  pros 
perity  never  equalled  or  approached,  in  so  brief  a  time,  in  the  com 
mercial  history  of  any  other  country  in  the  world. 

As  our  export  trade  augmented  with  extraordinary  rapidity, 
our  import  trade  correspondingly  fell  off,  the  balance  of  trade  in 
our  favor  becoming  much  greater,  by  the  opening  year  of  the  new 


216  FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT 

century,  than  any  other  nation  had  ever  known  during  the  thou 
sands  of  years  of  the  world's  history.  And  this  striking  phenom 
enon  belonged  almost  solely  to  the  McKinley  administration  and 
was  mainly,  perhaps  wholly,  due  to  its  commercial  and  fiscal  policy. 
The  exports  of  merchandise  of  the  United  States  for  the  year 
'ending  June  30,  1897,  amounted  in  value  to  $1,032,007,603.  The 
imports  for  the  same  fiscal  year  to  $764,730,412.  This  left  a  bal 
ance  of  trade  in  our  favor  of  $257,877,189.  This  was  a  far  better 
showing  than  in  preceding  years,  and  not  many  years  before  the 
balance  tended  to  the  other  side.  If  now  we  consider  the 
returns  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1901,  we  find  the  figures 
to  sum  up  as  follows:  Exports,  $1,487,656,544;  imports, 
$822,756,533  ;  making  the  balance  of  trade  in  our  favor, 
$664,900,011;  being  more  than  $400,000,000  over  that  of 
1896-97,  and  immensely  greater  than  in  the  history  of  earlier 
administrations.  Here  is  an  object  lesson  for  the  people  that  needs 
no  words  of  arguments.  It  speaks  for  itself  for  the  results  of  the 
policy  of  the  McKinley  administration. 

HOW    PRESIDENT    MCKINLEY    SELECTED    HIS    CABINET 

An  essential  duty  in  the  beginning  of  every  new  administra 
tion  is  the  selection  of  a  Cabinet,  the  official  family  of  Presidential 
advisers.  President  McKinley's  long  Congressional  service  and 
familiar  acquaintance  with  the  leading  Statesmen  and  business  men 
of  the  day  fitted  him  admirably  for  the  duty  of  selection,  and  he 
was  ready  to  announce,  in  the  first  days  of  his  administration,  an 
exceptionally  strong  list  of  Departmental  Secretaries.  Names 
were  offered  by  hundreds,  by  politicians  and  party  newspapers,  for 
his  consideration.  Not  fewer  than  two  hundred  of  these  were 
presented  to  him  by  men  of  influence,  and  probably  as  many  as 
fifty  were  carefully  weighed  in  his  mind  before  his  final  selection 
was  made. 

Among  the  prominent  leaders  who  preferred  to  retain  their 
seats  in  Congress  to  accepting  Cabinet  positions,  were  Senator 


FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT  217 

Allison,  Speaker  Reed,  and  Representative  Dingley.  The  last 
named,  then  Chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  was 
offered  the  position  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  but  declined  it 
on  the  plea  that  his  feeble  health  would  not  enable  him  to  stand 
the  strain.  Marcus  A.  Hanna,  the  President's  close  friend  and 
political  adviser,  was  also  seriously  considered.  But  he  did  not 
desire  a  Cabinet  position,  preferring  a  seat  in  the  Senate  to  the 
labor  of  Departmental  duties. 

HIS    SECRETARY    OF    STATE 

For  the  responsible  position  of  Secretary  of  State,  one  name 
presented  itself  above  all  others,  that  of  the  veteran  and  able 
statesman,  Hon.  John  Sherman,  then  one  of  the  leading  figures  in 
Congress  and  the  country.  Mr.  Sherman  seemed,  above  all  others, 
to  possess  the  requisite  prestige,  and  he  was  at  length  persuaded  to 
accept  the  Secretaryship  of  State,  it  being  tacitly  understood  that 
Governor  Bushnell  of  Ohio,  would  appoint  Mr.  Hanna  to  Mr. 
Sherman's  vacant  place  in  the  Senate. 

While  more  familiar  with  public  finance  than  with  diplomacy 
and  international  law,  John  Sherman  had  for  more  than  forty  years 
been  in  the  centre  of  our  political  life,  and  in  constant  touch  with 
our  national  policy  in  its  every  aspect,  domestic  and  foreign  alike. 
The  principal  doubt  raised  in  the  public  mind  as  regarded  the 
wisdom  of  his  appointment  to  the  post,  had  reference  to  his  great 
age.  It  was  objected  that  the  duties  of  the  "  foreign  office " 
impose  an  exceptionally  heavy  burden  upon  the  Secretary  person 
ally,  and  require,  therefore,  exceptional  vigor  and  physical  strength. 

But,  despite  this,  it  was  felt  that  Mr.  Sherman  would  know 
how  to  husband  his  strength,  while  the  respect  with  which  he  was 
regarded  abroad,  and  his  known  conservative  views  and  lack  of 
aggressive  sentiments  in  international  affairs,  were  sure  to  make 
him  a  safe  and  suitable  incumbent  of  the  office.  His  selection  met 
with  the  cordial  approbation  of  the  country,  and  was  very  favorably 
commented  on  in  Europe. 


2i8  FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT 

Not  less  important  in  the  administrative  duties  of  the  Govern 
ment  stands  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  the  man  to  whom  the 
vast  and  complicated  financial  interests  of  our  country  are  intrusted, 
the  official  who,  by  an  unwise  move,  may  succeed  in  sending  a  wave 
of  dismay  and  distress  through  the  delicately  poised  financial  insti 
tutions  of  our  States,  and  on  the  other  hand,  by  a  judicious  and 
well-considered  act,  may  save  the  land  from  panic  ;  coming  to  the 
aid  of  the  community  in  those  critical  moments  when  disaster 
impends  and  ruin  seems  inevitable. 

HIS    SECRETARY    OF    THE    TREASURY 

Before  selecting  this  highly  important  official,  Mr.  McKinley 
long  and  anxiously  surveyed  the  field,  studying  the  records  of  the 
foremost  financiers  of  the  country.  He  finally  called  from  private 
life  a  man  whose  appointment  was  hailed  not  merely  with  approval 
but  with  enthusiasm.  There  was  no  longer  any  doubt  about  the 
wise  control  of  the  finances.  The  President-elect  had  not  been 
looking  for  a  popular  man,  but  for  one  who  had  the  requisite  quali 
fications.  And  it  is  not  likely  that  Mr.  McKinley  suspected  how 
much  he  was  enhancing  his  own  popularity  when  he  offered  the 
Treasury  portfolio  to  Mr.  Lyman  J.  Gage,  the  Chicago  banker. 

Mr.  Gage  had  won  a  national  reputation  as  a  banker  of  excep 
tionally  quick  conception  and  original  genius  in  finance.  It  was 
feared,  indeed,  that  his  appointment  might  prove  unsatisfactory  to 
the  wage-earners  and  farmers  of  the  country,  who  distrusted  and 
were  prejudiced  against  bankers  and  capitalists.  But,  as  it  quickly 
proved,  these  classes  were  the  ones  best  pleased. 

They  knew  Mr.  Gage  as  a  man  of  high  character,  of  broad  views, 
of  a  sincere  desire  for  the  welfare  of  all  his  fellow-citizens,  absolutely 
devoid  of  the  arts  and  wiles  of  the  professional  politician,  and  fitted 
by  virtue  of  great  financial  knowledge  and  experience  for  the  work 
of  conducting  the  national  finances. 

For  Secretary  of  War  was  chosen  General  Russell  A.  Alger, 
in  every  respect  a  self-made  man.  He  had  been,  somewhat  like 


FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT  219 

McKinley  himself,  successively  a  farmer's  son  in  Ohio,  a  farm 
laborer,  a  school-teacher,  a  lawyer,  and  a  soldier,  in  the  latter  capa 
city  rising  from  captain  to  major-general,  and  having  a  record  of 
wounds,  capture,  imprisonment  and  escape.  Subsequently  he 
became  an  active  business  man  in  Michigan,  and  rose  to  the  posses 
sion  of  great  wealth,  and  to  the  position  of  Governor  of  that  State. 
His  record  as  an  active  and  successful  man  of  affairs,  and  his  long 
and  varied  experience  as  a  soldier,  seemed  to  fit  him  well  as  a  con 
troller  of  the  military  affairs  of  the  United  States. 

HIS    OTHER    SECRETARIES 

The  remaining  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  John  D.  Long, 
of  Massachusetts,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  ;  Cornelius  N.  Bliss,  of 
New  York,  Secretary  of  the  Interior  ;  James  Wilson,  of  Iowa,  Sec 
retary  of  Agriculture  ;  James  A.  Gary,  of  Maryland;  Postmaster- 
General,  and  Joseph  McKenna,  of  California,  Attorney-General. 
Of  these  it  must  serve  to  speak  in  general.  Mr.  Wilson,  Mr.  Long 
and  Mr.  McKenna  had  been  long  in  State  Legislature  service  and 
in  Congress,  while  Mr.  Long  had  been  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
Governors  of  his  State.  Mr.  Bliss  might  more  than  once  have  been 
Governor  of  New  York,  had  he  so  desired,  and  Mr.  Gary  would 
have  held  the  same  office  in  Maryland  but  for  its  large  Democratic 
majority.  We  may  say  further  that  the  Cabinet  was  one  of  self- 
made  men,  nearly  every  member  of  it  having  been  the  architect  of 
his  own  fortune. 

As  time  went  on,  various  changes  were  made  in  the  personnel 
of  the  Cabinet,  there  being  one  resignation  before  the  end  of  the 
year,  that  of  Attorney-General  McKenna,  who  gave  up  his  post  on 
December  i7th,  to  become  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States.  He  was  succeeded  by  John  W.  Griggs,  of 
New  Jersey,  appointed  January  21,  1898. 

Secretary  of  State  Sherman  resigned  April  27,  1898,  when  war 
with  Spain  had  become  certain,  being  unable  to  bear  the  additional 
burdens  of  labor  which  warlike  conditions  would  bring.  He  was 


220  FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT 

succeeded  by  W.  R.  Day,  then  Assistant  Secretary.  Secretary  Day 
resigned  on  September  i6th,  on  account  of  the  responsible  duties  be 
fore  him  as  a  member  of  the  commission  to  arrange  terms  of  peace 
with  Spain,  and  was  succeeded  by  John  Hay,  who  had  been  Ambassa 
dor  to  England  during  the  earlier  period  of  the  administration.  Sec 
retary  Day's  resignation  was  made  with  the  understanding  that  he 
would  be  subsequently  appointed  to  a  seat  on  the  bench  of  the 
United  States  Court.  This  has  been  done,  he  being  appointed 
Justice  of  the  Northern  District  of  Ohio. 

OTHER    CHANGES    IN    THE    CABINET 

On  April  21,  1898,  Postmaster-General  Gary  resigned,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Charles  Emory  Smith,  proprietor  and  editor  of  the 
Press,  the  leading  Republican  newspaper  of  Philadelphia.  On 
December  22-,  1898,  Secretary  Bliss  retired,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Ethan  A.  Hitchcock,  until  then  Ambassador  to  Russia.  On  August 
i,  1899,  Russell  A.  Alger  retired  from  the  War  Department,  as  a  con 
sequence  of  the  severe  assault  made  upon  him  for  alleged  incom 
petence  and  mismanagement  in  connection  with  the  commissary 
supplies  of  the  army  in  Cuba.  He  was  succeeded  by  Elihu  Root, 
of  New  York.  It  is  of  interest  to  remark,  in  this  connection,  that 
Theodore  Roosevelt,  now  President  of  the  United  States,  served 
for  a  short  time  as  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  resigning  when 
war  became  inevitable  to  take  part  with  the  u  Rough  Riders  "  in 
the  field.  We  may  say  further  that  Vice-President  Hobart  did  not 
survive  his  term  of  office,  dying  in  1899. 

The  Administration  was  represented  at  foreign  courts  as  fol 
lows  :  Ambassador  to  Great  Britain,  John  Hay,  of  Ohio — succeeded 
in  1899  by  Joseph  H.  Choate,  of  New  York;  to  France,  Horace 
Porter  of  New  York ;  to  Austria  and  Austria-Hungary,  Charle 
magne  Tower,  of  Pennsylvania — succeeded  in  1899  by  Addison  C. 
Harris,  of  Indiana;  United  States  Minister  to  Russia,  Ethan  A. 
Hitchcock,  of  Missouri,  raised  to  Ambassador  in  1898,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  1899  by  Charlemagne  Tower;  Ambassador  to  Germany, 


FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT  221 

Andrew  D.  White,  of  New  York ;  Ambassador  to  Italy,  William 
F.  Draper,  of  Massachussets — succeeded  in  1901  by  George  von  L. 
Meyer,  of  Massachusetts;  Ambassador  to  Spain,  Stewart  L. Wood- 
ford,  of  New  York,  who  served  until  official  relations  were  broken 
off  in  April,  1898,  and  in  April,  1899,  was  succeeded  by  Bellamy 
Storer,  of  Ohio. 

Among  the  events  of  importance  during  McKinley's  first  year 
in  office,  not  adverted  to  above,  may  be  named  the  discovery  of 
gold  in  Alaska  and  the  intense  excitement  to  which  it  gave  rise. 
A  rush  of  miners  to  that  Territory  began  in  the  latter  half  of  1897 
and  continued  during  the  following  years,  the  result  being  a  great 
increase  in  the  white  population  of  Alaska  and  a  considerable  addi 
tion  to  the  gold  supply  of  the  world. 

In  the  same  year  a  highly  important  municipal  event  was  con 
summated,  namely,  the  consolidation  of  the  cities  of  New  York 
and  Brooklyn  and  the  adjoining  populous  districts  into  one 
enormous  city,  which  was  popularly  named  Greater  New  York. 
As  thus  constituted,  the  city  of  New  York  covered  an  area  of 
317.77  square  miles,  and  had  a  population  of  over  3,000,000, 
becoming  the  second  city  in  the  world.  McKinley's  administration 
was  signalized  by  no  more  momentous  event  than  this  remarkable 
example  of  our  civic  growth  in  a  little  over  a  century  of  national 
existence. 

The  most  exciting  events  of,  the  year  were  those  in  connection 
with  the  savage  acts  of  the  Spanish  generals  and  forces  in  their 
endeavor  to  suppress  the  rebellion  in  Cuba.  The  indignation  to 
which  these  gave  rise  in  the  United  States,  and  the  slow  but 
steady  drift  of  this  country  into  warlike  relations  with  Spain,  must  be 
left  for  treatment  in  the  next  chapter. 

We  may  here  fitly  close  with  reference  to  an  impressive  event, 
in  which  President  McKinley  took  part,  the  removal  of  the 
remains  of  General  Grant  to  their  final  resting  place  in  the  magni 
ficent  tomb  erected  on  Morningside  Heights,  overlooking  the 
Hudson,  in  the  city  of  New  York. 
13 


222  FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT 

The  ceremonies  attending  the  removal  of  the  remains  on 
April  27,  1897,  included  three  impressive  displays,  the  ceremony 
at  the  tomb,  the  parade  of  the  troops,  National  Guard  and  civic 
bodies,  and  the  review  of  the  navy  and  merchant  marine  on  the 
Hudson.  Those  who  gathered  to  take  part  in  the  final  tribute  to 
the  great  soldier  included  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  the  Cabinet,  many  State  governors,  prominent 
American  citizens,  and  representatives  of  foreign  nations.  From 
1 29th  Street  to  the  Battery,  and  from  Whitehall  up  East  River  to 
the  Bridge,  thousands  of  American  and  foreign  flags  were  dis 
played,  while  the  parade  of  men  on  foot  included  60,000  persons. 

MCKINLEY    AT    DEDICATION    OF   GRANT'S    TOMB 

Bishop  Newman  opened  the  exercises  with  prayer,  and  Presi 
dent  McKinley  made  one  of  the  finest  speeches  of  his  life,  the 
opening  words  of  which  were  : 

"  A  great  life,  dedicated  to  the  welfare  of  the  nation,  here 
finds  its  earthly  coronation.  Even  if  this  day  lacked  the  impres- 
siveness  of  ceremony  and  was  devoid  of  pageantry,  it  would  still 
be  memorable,  because  it  is  the  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  the 
most  famous  and  best  beloved  of  American  soldiers." 

The  President  concluded  with  the  words  : 

"  With  Washington  and  Lincoln,  Grant  had  an  exalted  place 
in  the  history  and  the  affections  of. the  people.  To-day  his  memory 
is  held  in  equal  esteem  by  those  whom  he  led  to  victory,  and  by 
those  who  accepted  his  generous  terms  of  peace.  The  veteran 
leaders  of  the  Blue  and  Gray  here  meet  not  only  to  honor  the 
name  of  Grant,  but  to  testify  to  the  living  reality  of  a  fraternal 
national  spirit  which  has  triumphed  over  the  differences  of  the  past 
and  transcends  the  limitations  of  sectional  lines.  Its  completion— 
which  we  pray  God  to  speed — will  be  the  nation's  greatest  glory. 

"  It  is  ricjht  that  General  Grant  should  have  a  memorial  com- 
& 

mensurate  with  his  greatness,  and  that  his  last  resting-place  should 
be  in  the  city  of  his  choice,  to  which   he  was  so  attached,  and  of 


FIRST  YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT  223 

whose  ties  he  was  not  forgetful  even  in  death.  Fitting",  too,  is  it 
that  the  great  soldier  should  sleep  beside  the  noble  river  on  whose 
banks  he  first  learned  the  art  of  war,  of  which  he  became  master 
and  leader  without  a  rival. 

"  But  let  us  not  forget  the  o'lorious  distinction  with  which  the 

c>  o 

metropolis  among  the  fair  sisterhood  of  American  cities  has 
honored  his  life  and  memory.  With  all  that  riches  and  sculpture 
can  do  to  render  the  edifice  worthy  of  the  man,  upon  a  site  unsur 
passed  for  magnificence,  has  this  monument  been  reared  by  New 
York  as  a  perpetual  record  of  his  illustrious  deeds,  in  the  certainty 
that,  as  time  passes,  around  it  will  assemble,  with  gratitude  and 
veneration,  men  of  all  climes,  races,  and  nationalities. 

"  New  York  holds  in  its  keeping  the  precious  dust  of  the  silent 
soldier,  but  his  achievements — what  he  and  his  brave  comrades 
wrought  for  mankind — are  in  the  keeping  of  seventy  millions  of 
American  citizens,  who  will  guard  the  sacred  heritage  forever  and 
forevermore." 

While  the  events  of  which  we  have  spoken  were  taking 
place  various  important  questions  and  new  political  issues  had 
arisen  for  the  government  to  deal  with.  Throughout  President 
McKinley's  administration  the  prosperity  of  the  country  had 
immensely  increased.  We  have  elsewhere  given  the  figures  for 
the  extraordinarily  great  commercial  development,  while  home 
industries  had  shown  a  corresponding  progress.  Among  the  much 
debated  questions  that  came  to  the  front  may  be  mentioned  that  of 
popular  control  of  municipal  affairs,  such  as  street  railways,  water, 
gas,  and  other  civic  requisites,  and  also  the  parallel  demand  for 
public  control  of  the  railroads  and  telegraphs  of  the  country,  and 
other  so-called  public  utilities.  These  questions,  while  still  excit 
ing  much  discussion,  remain  for  future  settlement. 

Among  the  leading  measures  considered  in  Congress,  that  of 
governmental  support  of  the  mercantile  navy,  by  national  subsidies, 
excited  an  animated  discussion,  but  led  to  no  final  decision.  In 
March,  1900,  a  new  financial  law  was  enacted,  its  purpose  being 


224  FIRST   YEAR  AS  PRESIDENT 

the  fixing  of  the  monetary  standard  of  value.  It  re-established 
the  gold  standard  and  made  important  provisions  for  the  facile 
control  of  the  finances,  containing  a  provision  for  breaking  the 
"endless  chain,"  by  prohibiting  the  re-issue  of  notes  that  had  been 
redeemed  to  meet  deficiencies  in  the  current  revenues.  This,  it 
will  be  remembered,  had  more  than  once  been  earnestly  advocated 
by  the  President.  One  clause  of  the  bill  provided  for  the  coining 
of  the  silver  bullion  on  hand  into  subsidiary  silver  coins  up  to  the 
limit  of  $100,000,000.  Various  changes  were  made  in  the  National 
Banking  Act,  mainly  for  the  purpose  of  permitting  banks  to  be 
organized  with  small  capital  in  places  of  3,000  inhabitants  or  less. 


* 


S|B 


THE  CHILDREN   OF   PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT 


CHAPTER  XIV 

Revolution  in  Cuba  and  War  with  Spain 

THE  most  momentous  and  striking  event  of  McKinley's  first 
administration  was  the  war  of  1898,  between  the  United 
States  and  Spain.  This  highly  important  conflict  was  due  to 
a  concurrence  of  circumstances,  by  which  this  country  was  irresist 
ibly  forced  into  drawing  the  sword  in  defence  of  its  national  honor 
and  in  retribution  for  the  horrors  of  Spanish  rule  in  Cuba,  an 
island  in  the  closest  contiguity  to  our  own  territory,  and  whose  long 
record  of  wrongs  had  for  years  appealed  to  the  sympathy  and 
aroused  the  indignation  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  That 
the  origin  of  this  conflict  may  be  the  better  understood,  it  becomes 
necessary  to  review  in  brief  the  relations  between  Spain  and  her 
island  colony. 

The  history  of  Spain  may  best  illustrate  the  decline  of  the 
Latin  race,  and  the  rise  of  the  Anglo-Saxon.  When  America  was 
discovered,  that  country  was  the  leading  maritime  power  of  the 
world,  but  it  was  corrupt,  rapacious,  ferocious,  and  totally  devoid 
of  what  is  best  expressed  by  the  term  "  common  sense."  So  lacking 
indeed  was  it  in  this  prime  requisite  that  it  alienated,  when  it  was 
just  as  easy  to  attract,  the  weaker  nations  and  colonies  which  came 
under  its  influence  and  control.  This  was  especially  the  case  with 
Cuba,  the  only  important  colony  which  remained  to  Spain  after  her 
colonial  territories  on  the  American  continent  had  been  driven  into 
revolt  and  won  their  independence. 

The  steadiness  with  which  Cuba  clung  to  the  mother  country 
won  for  her  the  title  of  the  "  Ever  Faithful  Isle."  Had  she 
received  any  consideration  at  all,  she  would  still  have  held  fast. 
She  poured  princely  revenues  into  the  lap  of  Spain,  and  when 

227 


22%     •  THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN 

other  colonies  revolted,  she  refused  to  be  moved.  It  required  long 
years  of  outrage,  robbery  and  injustice  to  turn  her  affection  into 
hate,  but  Spain  persisted  until  the  time  came  when  human  nature 
could  stand  no  more. 

The  truth  gradually  worked  its  way  into  the  Cuban  mind  that 
the  only  thing  a  Spaniard  could  be  depended  upon  to  do  is  to 
violate  his  most  solemn  promise.  Secret  societies  began  forming 
in  the  island,  whose  plottings  and  aims  were  to  wrest  their  country 
from  the  cruel  domination  of  Spain.  We  shall  not  dwell  on  the 
several  unsuccessful  attempts  at  revolt  made  by  these  organizations 
during  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

The  first  important  revolutionary  movement  took  place  in 
1868,  the  Cuban  patriots  availing  themselves  of  an  uprising  in  Spain 
against  the  hated  Queen  Isabella.  The  war  that  followed  lasted 
ten  years,  with  varying  fortunes,  but  all  that  Cuba  won  were 
promises  of  reform,  definitely  stated  in  the  treaty  of  El  Zanjon, 
February  10,  1878,  but  deliberately  broken  before  many  years  had 
passed.  The  Cubans  had  again  trusted  to  Spanish  honor,  and  had 
again  been  deceived.  They  quietly  prepared  for  another  rising, 
and  in  February,  1895,  the  fires  of  revolt  were  again  kindled. 

We  are  not  concerned  with  this  war,  our  interest  as  Americans 
being  solely  in  the  way  in  which  it  was  conducted  and  the  conse 
quences  to  which  it  led.  The  methods  adopted  by  General  Wey- 
ler  made  it  a  tale  of  horror.  He  spread  ruin  and  desolation  over 
the  land,  and,  collecting  the  non-combatants  into  camps,  under  the 
guns  of  his  troops,  left  them  to  slowly  starve.  More  than  a  hun 
dred  thousand  are  said  to  have  died  from  sheer  starvation. 

This  inhumanity  called  forth  the  strongest  sympathy  in  the 
United  States  for  the  sufferers,  and  aroused  an  indignation  which 
threatened  to  carry  the  country  into  war.  Congressmen  visited  the 
island,  and  their  hearts  wept  at  sight  of  the  cruelties  they  beheld. 
So  indignant  was  the  protest  of  this  country  that  Weyler  was 
recalled  and  General  Blanco  took  his  place.  But  the  change  in 
captains-general  caused  little  alleviation  of  the  situation. 


THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN 


229 


Matters  were  in  this  state  of  extreme  tension  when  the  blowing 
up  of  the  Maine  occurred.  While  riding  quietly  at  anchor  in  the 
harbor  of  Havana,  on  the  night  of  February  15,  1898,  this  American 
battleship  was  utterly  destroyed  by  a  terrific  explosion,  which  killed 
266  officers  and  men.  The  news  thrilled  the  land  with  horror  and 
rage,  for  it  was  taken  at  once  for  granted  that  the  appalling  crime  had 
been  committed  by  Spaniards,  and  this  feeling  was  deepened  by  the 
report  of  the  investigating  committee,  to  the  effect  that,  beyond 
question,  the  Maine  was  destroyed  by  an t outside  explosion,  or  sub 
marine  mine.  It  was  everywhere  felt  that  this  could  only  have  been 
purposely  planted,  by  Spanish  hands. 

The  war  between  the  United  States  and  Spain  was,  in  brief, 
a  war  for  humanity,  for  America  could  no  longer  close  her  ears 
to  the  wails  of  the  starving  people  who  lay  perishing,  as  may 
be  said,  on  her  very  doorsteps.  It  was  not  a  war  for  conquest 
or  gain,  nor  was  it  in  revenge  for  the  awful  destruction  of  the 
Maine,  though  few  nations  would  have  restrained  their  wrath  with 
such  sublime  patience  as  did  our  countrymen  while  the  investiga 
tion  was  in  progress.  Yet  it  cannot  be  denied  that  this  unparalleled 
outrage  intensified  the  war  fever  in  the  United  States,  and  thou 
sands  were  eager  for  the  opportunity  to  punish  Spanish  cruelty 
and  treachery.  Congress  reflected  this  spirit  when  by  a  unanimous 
vote  it  appropriated  $50,000,000  "  for  the  national  defense."  The 
War  and  Navy  Departments  hummed  with  the  activity  of  recruit 
ing,  the  preparations  of  vessels  and  coast  defenses,  the  purchase 
of  war  material  and  vessels  at  home,  while  agents  were  sent  to 
Europe  to  procure  all  the  war-ships  in  the  market.  Unlimited 
capital  was  at  their  command,  and  the  question  of  price  was 
never  an  obstacle.  When  hostilities  impended  the  United  States 
was  unprepared  for  war,  but  by  amazing  activity,  energy,  and  skill 
the  preparations  were  pushed  and  completed  with  a  rapidity  that 
approached  the  marvelous. 

War  being  inevitable,  President  McKinley  sought  to  gain  time 
for  our  consular  representatives  to  leave  Cuba,  where  the  situation 


230  THE  WAR   WITH  SPAIN 

daily  and  hourly  grew  more  dangerous.      On   April  i8th   the  two 
houses  of  Congress    adopted  the  following 

RESOLUTIONS 

WHEREAS,  The  abhorrent  conditions  which  have  existed  for  more  than  three 
years  in  the  island  of  Cuba,  so  near  to  our  own  borders,  have  shocked  the  moral 
sense  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  have  been  a  disgrace  to  Christian  civiliza 
tion,  culminating  as  they  have,  in  the  destruction  of  a  United  States  battle-ship 
with  266  of  its  officers  and  crew,  while  on  a  friendly  visit  in  the  harbor  of  Havana, 
and  cannot  longer  be  endured,  as  has  been  set  forth  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States  in  his  message  to  Congress  of  April  n,  1898,  upon  which  the  action  of  Con 
gress  was  invited ;  therefore, 

Resolved,  By  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  in  Congress  assembled — 

First — That  the  people  of  the  islandofCuba  are,  and  of  right,  ought  to  be, 
free  and  independent  (tAS+4  e^y^A^^O^f^  -^  ^  l7C/fy 

Second — That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States  #o  demand,  and  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  does  hereby  demand,  that  the  government  of  Spain  at 
once  relinquish  its  authority  and  government  in  the  island  of  Cuba,  and  withdraw 
its  land  and  naval  forces  from  Cuba  and  Cuban  waters. 

Third — That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he  hereby  is,  directed 
and  empowered  to  use  the  entire  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States,  and  to 
call  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States  the  militia  of  the  several  states,  to 
such  an  extent  as  may  be  necessary  to  carry  these  resolutions  into  effect. 

Fourth — That  the  United  States  hereby  disclaims  any  disposition  or  intention 
to  exercise  sovereignty,  jurisdiction,  or  control  over  said  island,  except  for  the  paci 
fication  thereof,  and  asserts  its  determination  when  that  is  completed  to  leave  the 
government  and  control  of  the  island  to  its  people. 

This  resolution  was  signed  by  the  President  April  2Oth,  and  a 
copy  served  on  the  Spanish  minister,  who  demanded  his  passports, 
and  immediately  left  Washington.  The  contents  were  telegraphed 
to  United  States  Minister  Woodford  at  Madrid,  with  instructions  to 
officially  communicate  them  to  the  Spanish  government,  giving  it 
until  the  23d  to  answer.  The  Spanish  authorities,  however,  antici 
pated  this  action  by  sending  the  American  minister  his  passports 
on  the  morning  of  the  2ist.  This  act  was  of  itself  equivalent  to 
a  declaration  of  war. 

15 


THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN  231 

The  making  of  history  now  went  forward  with  impressive 
swiftness. 

WAR  PREPARATIONS 

On  April  220!  the  United  States  fleet  was  ordered  to  blockade 
Havana.  On  the  24th  Spain  declared  war,  and  the  United  States 
Congress  followed  with  a  similar  declaration  on  the  25th.  The 
call  for  75,000  volunteer  troops  was  increased  to  125,000  and  subse 
quently  to  200,000.  The  massing  of  men  and  stores  was  rapidly 
begun  throughout  the  country.  Within  a  month  expeditions  were 
organized  for  various  points  of  attack,  war-vessels  were  bought,  and 
ocean  passenger  steamers  were  converted  into  auxiliary  cruisers 
and  transports.  By  the  first  of  July  40,000  soldiers  had  been  sent  to 
Cuba  and  the  Philippine  Islands.  The  rapidity  with  which  prepara 
tions  were  made  and  the  victories  gained  and  the  progress  shown 
by  the  Americans  at  once  astonished  and  challenged  the  admiration 
of  foreign  nations  who  had  regarded  America  as  a  country  unpre 
pared  for  war  by  land  or  sea.  /On  April  27th,  following  the  declaration 
of  war  on  the  25th,  Admiral  Sampson,  having  previously  blockaded 
the  harbor  of  Havana,  was  reconnoitering  with  three  vessels  in  the 

o 

vicinity  of  Matanzas,  Cuba,  when  he  discovered  the  Spanish  forces 
building  earthworks,  and  ventured  so  close  in  his  efforts  to  investi 
gate  the  same  that  a  challenge  shot  was  fired  from  the  fortification, 
Rubal  Cava.  Admiral  Sampson  quickly  formed  the  New  York,  Cin 
cinnati  and  Puritan  into  a  triangle  and  opened  fire  with  their  eight- 
inch  guns.  The  action  was  very  spirited  on  both  sides  for  the  space 
of  eighteen  minutes,  at  the  expiration  of  which  time  the  Spanish 
batteries  were  silenced  and  the  earthworks  destroyed,  without 
casualty  on  the  American  side,  though  two  shells  burst  dangerously 
near  the  New  York.  The  last  shot  fired  by  the  Americans  was 
from  one  of  the  Puritan  s  thirteen-inch  guns,  which  landed  with 
deadly  accuracy  in  the  very  centre  of  Rubal  Cava,  and,  exploding, 
completely  destroyed  the  earthworks.  This  was  the  first  action  of 
the  war,  thoug  it  could  hardly  be  dignified  by  the  name  of  a  battle. 


232  THE  WAR   WITH  SPAIN 

It  was  expected  that  the  next  engagement  would  be  the  bom 
bardment  of  Morro  Castle,  at  Havana.  But  it  is  the  unexpected 
that  often  happens  in  war.  In  the  Philippine  Islands,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  world,  the  first  real  battle — one  of  the  most  remarkable 
in  history — was  next  to  occur. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  MANILA 

On  April  25th  the  following  dispatch  of  eight  potent  words  was 
cabled  to  Commodore  Dewey  on  the  Coast  of  China  :  "  Capture  or 
destroy  the  Spanish  squadron  at  Manila."  "  Never,"  says  James 
Gordon  Bennett,  "  were  instructions  more  effectively  carried  out. 
Within  seven  hours  after  arriving  on  the  scene  of  action  nothing 
remained  to  be  done."  It  was  on  the  2/th  that  Dewey  sailed  from 
Mirs  Bay,  China,  and  on  the  night  of  the  3Oth  he  lay  before  the 
entrance  of  the  harbor  of  Manila,  700  miles  away.  Under  the 
cover  of  darkness,  with  all  lights  extinguished  on  his  ships,  he  dar 
ingly  steamed  into  this  unknown  harbor,  which  he  believed  to  be 
strewn  with  mines,  and  at  daybreak  engaged  the  Spanish  fleet. 
Commodore  Dewey  knew  it  meant  everything  for  him  and  his  fleet 
to  win  or  lose  this  battle.  He  was  in  the  enemy's  country,  7,000 
miles  from  home.  The  issue  of  this  battle  must  mean  victory, 
Spanish  dungeons,  or  the  bottom  of  the  ocean.  "  Keep  cool  and 
obey  orders  "  was  the  signal  he  gave  to  his  fleet,  and  then  came  the 
order  to  fire.  The  Americans  had  seven  ships,  the  Olympia,  Balti 
more,  Raleigh,  Petrel,  Concord,  Boston,  and  the  dispatch  boat  Mc- 
Cullough.  The  Spaniards  had  eleven,  the  Reina  Christina,  Cas- 
tilla,  Don  Antonio  de  Ulloa,  Isla  de  Luzon,  Isla  de  Cuba,  General 
Lezo,  Marquis  de  Duero,  Cano,  Velasco,  Isla  de  Mindanao,  and  a 
transport. 

From  the  beginning  Commodore  Dewey  fought  on  the  offen 
sive,  and,  after  the  manner  of  Nelson  and  Farragtit,  concentrated 
his  fire  upon  the  strongest  ships  one  after  another  with  terrible 
execution.  The  Spanish  ships  were  inferior  to  his,  but  there  were 
more  of  them,  and  they  were  under  the  protection  of  the  land  bat 
teries.  The  fire  of  the  Americans  was  especially  noted  for  its 


THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN  233 

terrific  rapidity  and  the  wonderful  accuracy  of  its  aim.  The  battle 
lasted  for  about  five  hours,  and  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  all  the 
Spanish  ships  and  the  silencing  of  the  land  batteries.  The  Spanish 
loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  estimated  to  be  fully  1,000  men, 
while  on  the  American  side  not  a  ship  was  even  seriously  damaged, 
and  not  a  single  man  was  killed  outright,  and  only  six  were  wounded. 

THANKED  AND   PROMOTED  BY  HIS  COUNTRY 

More  than  a  month  after  the  battle,  Captain  Charles  B.  Gridley, 
commander  of  the  Olympia,  died,  though  his  death  was  the  result 
of  an  accident  received  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty  during  the 
battle,  and  not  from  a  wound.  On  May  26.  Commodore  Dewey  cut 
the  cable  connecting  Manila  with  Hong  Kong,  and  destroyed  the 
fortifications  at  the  entrance  of  Manila  Bay,  and  took  possession  of 
the  naval  station  at  Cavite.  This  was  to  prevent  communication 
between  the  Philippine  Islands  and  the  government  at  Madrid,  and 
necessitated  the  sending  of  Commodore  Dewey's  official  account  of 
the  battle  by  the  dispatch  boat  McCullough  to  Hong  Kong,  whence 
it  was  cabled  to  the  United  States.  After  its  receipt,  May  Qth, 
both  Houses  abopted  resolutions  of  congratulation  to  Commodore 
Dewey  and  his  officers  and  men  for  their  gallantry  at  Manila,  voted 
an  appropriation  for  medals  for  the  erew  and  a  fine  sword  for  the 
gallant  Commander,  and  also  passed  a  bill  authorizing  the  President 
to  appoint  another  rear-admiral,  which  honor  was  promptly  con 
ferred  upon  Commodore  Dewey,  accompanied  by  the  thanks  of  the 
President  and  of  the  nation  for  the  admirable  and  heroic  services 
rendered  his  country. 

The  Battle  of  Manila  must  ever  remain  a  monument  to  the 
daring  and  courage  of  Admiral  Dewey.  However  unevenly 
matched  the  two  fleets  may  have  been,  the  world  agrees  with  the 
eminent  naval  critic  who  declared  :  "  This  complete  victory  was  the 
product  of  forethought,  cool,  well-balanced  judgment,  discipline, 
and  bravery.  It  was  a  magnificent  achievement,  and  Dewey  will 
go  down  in  history  ranking  with  John  Paul  Jones  and  Lord  Nelson 
as  a  naval  hero." 


234  THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN 

Admiral  Dewey  might  have  taken  possession  of  the  city  of 
Manila  immediately.  He  cabled  the  United  States  that  he  could 
do  so,  but  the  fact  remained  that  he  had  not  sufficient  men  to  care 
for  his  ships  and  at  the  same  time  effect  a  successful  landing  in  the 
town  of  Manila.  Therefore  he  chose  to  remain  on  his  ships,  and 
though  the  city  was  at  his  mercy,  he  refrained  from  a  bombardment 
because  he  believed  it  would  lead  to  a  massacre  of  the  Spaniards  on 
the  part  of  the  insurgents  surrounding  the  city,  which  it  would  be 
beyond  his  power  to  stop.  This  humane  manifestation  toward  the 
conquered  foe  adds  to  the  lustre  of  the  hero's  crown,  and  at  the 
same  time  places  the  seal  of  greatness  upon  the  brow  of  the  victor. 
He  not  only  refrained  from  bombarding  the  city,  but  received  and 
cared  for  the  wounded  Spaniards  upon  his  own  vessels.  Thus, 
while  he  did  all  that  was  required  of  him  without  costing  his  coun 
try  the  life  of  a  single  citizen,  he  manifested  a  spirit  of  humanity 
and  generosity  toward  the  vanquished  foe  fully  in  keeping  with  the 
sympathetic  spirit  which  involved  this  nation  in  the  war  for 
humanity's  sake. 

DIFFICULTIES  FOR  THE  GOVERNMENT 

The  Battle  of  Manila  further  demonstrated  that  a  fleet  with 
heavier  guns  is  virtually  invulnerable  in  a  campaign  with  a  squad 
ron  bearing  lighter  metal,  however  gallantly  the  crew  of  the  latter 
may  fight. 

Before  the  Battle  of  Manila  it  was  recognized  that  the  govern 
ment  had  serious  trouble  on  its  hands.  On  May  4th  President 
McKinley  nominated  ten  new  Major-Generals,  including  James 
H.  Wilson,  Fitzhugh  Lee,  William  J.  Sewell  (who  was  not  commis 
sioned),  and  Joseph  Wheeler,  from  private  life,  and  promoted 
Brigadier-Generals  Breckinridge,  Otis,  Coppinger,  Shafter,  Graham, 
Wade,  and  Merriam,  from  the  regular  army.  The  organization 
and  mobilization  of  troops  was  promptly  begun  and  rapidly  pushed. 
Meantime  our  naval  vessels  were  actively  cruising  around  the  -Island 
of  Cuba,  expecting  the  appearance  of  the  Spanish  fleet. 

On  May  iith  the  gunboat  Wilmington,  revenue-cutter  Hud 
son,  and  the  torpedo-boat  Winslow  entered  Cardenas  Bay,  Cuba,  to 


CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 


MARCUS  A.  HANNA. 

SENATOR  FROM  OHIO. 


OF  THE 


THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN  237 

attack  the  defences  and  three  small  Spanish  gunboats  that  had 
taken  refuge  in  the  harbor.  The  Winslow^  being  of  light  draft, 
took  the  lead,  and  when  within  eight  hundred  yards  of  the  fort  was 
fired  upon  with  disastrous  effect,  being  struck  eighteen  times  and 
rendered  helpless.  Ensign  Worth  Bagley,  of  the  Winslow,  who 
had  recently  entered  active  service,  was  one  of  the  killed.  He  was 
the  first  officer  who  lost  his  life  in  the  war. 

On  the  same  date  Admiral  Sampson's  squadron  arrived  at  San 
Juan,  Porto  Rico,  whither  it  had  gone  in  the  expectation  of  meet 
ing  with  Admiral  Cervera's  fleet,  which  had  sailed  westward  from 
the  Cape  Verde  Islands  on  April  2Qth,  after  Portugal's  declaration 
of  neutrality.  The  Spanish  fleet,  however,  did  not  materialize. 

Deeming  it  unnecessary  to  wait  for  the  Spanish  war-ships  in  the 
vicinity  of  San  Juan,  Sampson  withdrew  his  squadron  and  sailed 
westward  in  the  hope  of  finding  Cervera's  fleet,  which  was  dodging 
about  the  Caribbean  Sea.  For  many  days  the  hunt  of  the  war 
ships  went  on  like  a  fox-chase.  On  May  2ist  Commodore  Schley 
blockaded  Cienfuegos,  supposing  that  Cervera  was  inside  the 
harbor,  but  on  the  24th  he  discovered  his  mistake  and  sailed  to 
Santiago,  where  he  lay  before  the  entrance  to  the  harbor  for  three 
days,  not  knowing  whether  or  not  the  Spaniard  was  inside.  On 
May  3Oth  it  was  positively  discovered  that  he  had  Cervera  bottled 
up  in  the  narrow  harbor  of  Santiago.  He  had  been  there  since  the 
1 9th,  and  had  landed  800  men,  20,000  Mauser  rifles,  a  great  supply 
of  ammunition,  and  four  great  guns  for  the  defense  of  the  city. 

OPERATIONS  AGAINST  SANTIAGO 

On  May  3ist  Commodore  Schley  opened  fire  on  the  fortifica 
tions  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  which  lasted  for  about  half  an- 
hour.  This  was  for  the  purpose  of  discovering  the  location  and 
strength  of  the  batteries,  some  of  which  were  concealed,  and  in  this 
he  was  completely  successful.  Two  of  the  batteries  were  silenced, 
and  the  flagship  of  the  Spaniards,  which  took  part  in  the  engage 
ment,  was  damaged.  The  Americans  received  no  injury  to  vessels 
and  no  loss  of  men.  On  June  ist  Admiral  Sampson  arrived  before 


238  7777?  WAR  WITH  SPAIN 

Santiago,  and  relieved  Commodore  Schley  of  the  chief  command  of 
the  forces,  then  consisting  of  sixteen  war-ships. 

Admiral  Sampson,  naturally  a  cautious  commander,  suffered 
great  apprehension  lest  Cervera  might  slip  out  of  the  harbor  and 
escape  during  the  darkness  of  the  night  or  the  progress  of  a  storm, 
which  would  compel  the  blockading  fleet  to  stand  faroff  shore.  There 
was  a  point  in  the  channel  wide  enough  for  only  one  war-ship  to 
pass  at  a  time,  and  if  this  could  be  rendered  impassable  Cervera's 
doom  would  be  sealed.  How  to  reach  and  close  this  passage  was 
the  difficult  problem  to  be  solved.  On  either  shore  of  the  narrow 
channel  stood  frowning  forts  with  cannon,  and  there  were  other 
fortifications  to  be  passed  before  it  could  be  reached. 

LIEUTENANT  HOBSON'S  HEROISM 

Lieutenant  Richmond  Pearson  Hobson,  a  naval  engineer,  at  3 
o'clock  A.  M.,  June  3d,  in  company  with  seven  volunteers  from 
the  New  York  and  other  ships,  took  the  United  States  collier 
Merrimac,  a  large  vessel  with  600  tons  of  coal  on  board,  and 
started  with  the  purpose  of  sinking  it  in  the  channel.  The  ship  had 
not  gone  far  when  the  forts  opened  fire,  and  amid  the  thunder  of 
artillery  and  a  rain  of  steel  and  bursting  shells  the  boat  with  its 
eight  brave  heroes  held  on  its  way,  as  steadily  as  if  they  knew  not 
their  danger.  The  channel  was  reached,  and  the  boat  turned 
across  the  channel.  The  sea-doors  were  opened  and  torpedoes 
exploded  by  the  intrepid  crew,  sinking  the  vessel  almost  instantly, 
but  not  in  the  position  desired.  As  the  ship  went  down  the  men, 
with  side-arms  buckled  on,  took  to  a  small  boat,  and,  escape  being 
impossible,  they  surrendered  to  the  enemy.  The  Spaniards  were  so 
impressed  with  this  act  of  bravery  and  heroism  that  they  treated 
the  prisoners  with  the  greatest  courtesy,  confined  them  in  Morro 
Castle,  and  Admiral  Cervera  promptly  sent  a  special  officer,  under 
a  flag  of  truce,  to  inform  Admiral  Sampson  of  their  safety. 
The  prisoners  were  kept  confined  in  Morro  Castle  for  some  days, 
when  they  were  removed  to  a  place  of  greater  safety,  where  they 
were  held  until  exchanged  on  July  yth. 


THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN  239 

The    danger    of    entering   the   narrow    harbor   in  the  face  of 

&  o 

Cevera's  fleet  rendered  it  necessary  to  take  the  city  by  land,  and 
the  government  began  preparations  to  send  General  Shafter  with 
a  large  force  from  Tampa  to  aid  the  fleet  in  reducing  the 
city.  Some  15,000  men,  including  the  now  famous  Rough 
Riders,  cowboy  cavalry,  were  hurried  upon  transports,  and 
under  the  greatest  convoy  of  gunboats,  cruisers,  and  battle-ships 
which  ever  escorted  an  army  started  for  the  western  end  of  the 
island  of  Cuba. 

THE    LANDING  OF  SHAFTER'S    ARMY 

On  June  i3th  troops  began  to  leave  Tampa  and  Key  West 
for  operations  against  Santiago,  and  on  J-une  2Oth  the  transports 
bearing  them  arrived  off  that  city.  Two  days  later  General  Shaf 
ter  landed  his  army  of  16,000  soldiers  at  Daiquiri,  a  short  distance 
east  of  the  entrance  to  the  harbor,  with  the  loss  of  only  two  men, 
and  these  by  accident. 

THE  VICTORY  OF  THE  ROUGH  RIDERS 

On  June  24th  the  force  under  General  Shafter  reached  Juragua, 
and  the  battle  by  land  was  now  really  to  begin.  It  was  about  ten 
miles  out  from  Santiago,  at  a  point  known  as  La  Guasima.  The 
country  was  covered  with  high  grass  and  chaparral,  and  in  this 
and  on  the  wooded  hills  a  strong  force  of  Spaniards  was 
hidden.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Roosevelt's  Rough  Riders,  technically 
known  as  the  First  Volunteer  Cavalry,  under  command  of  Colonel 
Wood,  were*  in  the  fight,  and  it  is  to  their  bravery  and  dash  that 
the  glory  of  the  day  chiefly  belongs.  Troops  under  command  of 
General  Young  had  been  sent  out  in  advance,  with  the  Rough 
Riders  on  his  flank.  There  were  about  1,200  of  the  cavalry  in  all, 
including  the  Rough  Riders  and  the  First  and  Tenth  Regulars. 
They  encountered  a  body  of  two  thousand  Spaniards  in  a  thicket, 
whom  they  fought  dismounted. 

For  an  hour  they  held  their  position  in  the  midst  of  an  unseen 
force,  which  poured  a  perfect  hail  of  bullets  upon  them  from  in  front 
and  on  both  sides.  At  length,  seeing  that  their  only  way  of  escape  was 


24o    •  THE  WAR   WITH  SPAIN 

by  dashing  boldly  at  the  hidden  foe,  Colonel  Wood  took  command  on 
the  right  of  his  column  of  Rough  Riders,  placing  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Roosevelt  at  the  left,  and  thus,  with  a  rousing  yell,  they  led  their 
soldiers  in  a  rushing  charge  before  which  the  Spaniards  fled  from 
the  hills  and  the  victorious  assailants  took  the  blockhouses.  The 
Americans  had  sixteen  killed  and  fifty-two  wounded,  forty-two 
of  the  casualties  occurring  to  the  Rough  Riders  and  twenty-six 
amono-  the  Regulars.  It  is  estimated  that  the  Spanish  killed  were 

O  O  JT 

nearly  or  quite  one  hundred.  Thirty-seven  were  found  by  the 
Americans  dead  on  the  ground.  They  had  carried  off  their 
wounded,  and  doubtless  thought  they  had  taken  most  of  the 
killed  away  also. 

General  Garcia  with  5,000  Cuban  insurgents  had  placed  him 
self  some  time  before  at  the  command  of  the  American  leader. 
On  the  28th  of  June  another  large  expedition  of  troops  was  landed, 
so  that  the  entire  force  under  General  Shafter,  including  the  Cuban 
allies,  numbered  over  22,000  fighting  men. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  EL  CANEY 

The  attack  began  July  ist,  involving  the  whole  line,  but  the 
main  struggle  occurred  opposite  the  left  centre  of  the  column,  on 
the  heights  of  San  Juan,  and  the  next  greatest  engagement  was  on 
the  right  of  the  American  line,  at  the  little  town  of  El  Caney. 
These  two  points  are  several  miles  apart,  the  City  of  Santiago 
occupying  very  nearly  the  apex  of  a  triangle  of  which  a  line  con 
necting  these  two  positions  would  form  the  base.  Johfi  R.  Church 
thus  described  the  battles  of  July  ist  and  2d  :  . 

"  El  Caney  was  taken  by  General  Lawton's  men  after  a  sharp  j 
contest  and  severe  loss  on  both  sides.  Here  as  everywhere  there 
were  blockhouses  and  trenches  to  be  carried  in  the  face  of  a  hot 
fire  from  Mauser  rifles,  and  the  rifles  were  well  served.  The  jungle 
must  disturb  the  aim  seriously,  for  our  men  did  not  suffer  severely 
while  under  its  cover,  but  in  crossing  clearings  the  rapid  fire  of  the 
repeating  rifles  told  with  deadly  effect.  The  object  of  the  attack 
on  El  Caney  was  to  crush  the  Spanish  lines  at  a  point  near  the  city 


THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN  241 

and  allow  us  to  gain  a  high  hill  from  which  the  place  could  be 
bombarded  if  necessary.  In  all  of  this  we  were  entirely  successful. 
The  engagement  began  at  6.40  A.  M.,  and  at  4  o'clock  the  Spaniards 
were  forced  to  abandon  the  place  and  retreat  toward  their  lines 
nearer  the  city.  The  fight  was  opened  by  Capron's  battery,  at  a 
range  of  2,400  yards,  and  the  troops  engaged  were  ChafTee's 
brigade,  the  Seventh,  Twelfth,  and  Seventeenth  Infantry,  who 
moved  on  Caney  from  the  east ;  Colonel  Miles' brigade  of  the  First, 
Fourth,  and  Twenty-fifth  Infantry,  operating  from  the  south  ;  while 
Ludlow's  brigade,  containing  the  Eighth  and  Twenty-second 
Infantry  and  Second  Massachusetts,  made  a  detour  to  attack  from 
the  southwest.  The  Spanish  force  is  thought  to  have  been  1,500 
to  2,000  strong.  It  certainly  fought  our  men  for  nine  hours,  but, 
of  course,  had  the  advantage  of  a  fort  and  strong  intrenchments. 
The  operations  of  our  centre  were  calculated  to  cut  the  com 
munications  of  Santiago  with  El  Morro,  and  permit  our  forces  to 
advance  to  the  bay,  and  the  principal  effort  of  General  Linares,  the 
Spanish  commander  in  the  field,  seems  to  have  been  to  defeat  this 
movement.  He  had  fortified  San  Juan  strongly,  throwing  up  on  it 
intrenchments  that,  in  the  hands  of  a  more  determined  force,  would 
have  been  impregnable. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  SAN  JUAN 

The  battle  of  San  Juan  was  opened  by  Grimes'  battery,  to 
which  the  enemy  replied  with  shrapnell.  The  cavalry,  dismounted, 
supported  by  Hawkins'  brigade,  advanced  up  the  valley  from  the 
hill  of  El  Pozo,  forded  several  streams,  where  they  lost  heavily,  and 
deployed  at  the  foot  of  the  series  of  hills  known  as  San  Juan,  under 
a  sharp  fire  from  all  sides,  which  was  exceedingly  annoying  because 
the  enemy  could  not  be  discerned,  owing  to  the  long  range  and 
smokeless  powder.  They  were  under  fire  for  two  hours  before  the 
charge  could  be  made  and  a  position  reached  under  the  brow  of  the 
hill.  It  was  not  until  nearly  4  o'clock  that  the  neighboring  hills  were 
occupied  by  our  troops  and  the  final  successful  effort  to  crown  the 
ridge  could  be  made.  The  obstacles  interposed  by  the  Spaniards 
14 


242  THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN 

made  these  charges  anything  but  the  'rushes'  which  war  histories 
mention  so  often.  They  were  slow  and  painful  advances  through 
difficult  obstacles  and  a  withering  fire  The  last  *  charge '  con 
tinued  an  hour,  but  at  4. 45  the  firing  ceased,  with  San  Juan  in  our 
possession. 

The  object  of  our  attack  was  a  blockhouse  on  the  top  of  the 
hill  of  San  Juan,  guarded  by  trenches  and  the  defenses  spoken  of, 
a  mile  and  a  half  long.  Our  troops  advanced  steadily  against  a  hot 
fire  maintained  by  the  enemy,  who  used  their  rifles  with  accuracy, 
but  did  not  cling  to  their  works  stubbornly  when  we  reached  them. 
San  Juan  was  carried  in  the  afternoon.  The  attack  on  Aguadores 
was  also  successful,  though  it  was  not  intended  to  be  more  than  a 
feint  to  draw  off  men  who  might  otherwise  have  increased  our  diffi 
culties  at  San  Juan.  By  nightfall  General  Shafter  was  able  to 
telegraph  that  he  had  carried  all  outworks  and  was  within  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile  of  the  city. 

THE  MOST  IMPORTANT  BATTLE  OF  THE  WAR 

It  was  on  Sunday  morning  July  3d.  Admiral  Cervera,  in 
obedience  to  commands  from  his  home  government,  endeavored  to 
run  his  fleet  past  the  blockading  squadron  of  the  Americans,  with 
the  result  that  all  of  his  ships  were  destroyed,  nearly  500  of  his  men 
killed  and  wounded,  and  himself  and  about  1,300  others  were  made 
prisoners.  This  naval  engagement  was  one  of  the  most  dramatic 
and  terrible  in  all  the  history  of  conflict  upon  the  seas,  and,  as  it, 
was  really  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  what  promised  to  be  a  long 
and  terrible  struggle,  it  was  undoubtedly  the  most  important  battle 
of  the  war. 

For  nearly  one  month  and  a  half  the  fleets  of  Schley  and 
Sampson  had  lain,  like  watch-dogs  before  the  mouth  of  the  harbor, 
without  for  one  moment  relaxing  their  vigilance.  The  quiet  of 
Sunday  morning  brooded  over  the  scene.  For  two  days  before, 
July  ist  and  2d,  the  fleets  had  bombarded  the  forts  of  Santiago  for 
the  fourth  time,  and  all  the  ships,  except  the  Oregon,  had  steam 
down  so  low  as  to  allow  them  a  speed  of  only  five  knots  an  hour, 


THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN  243 

At  half-past  nine  o'clock  the  bugler  sounded  the  call  to  quarters, 
and  the  Jackies  appeared  on  deck  rigged  in  their  cleanest  clothes 
for  their  regular  Sunday  inspection.  On  board  the  Texas  the 
devout  Captain  Philip  had  sounded  the  trumpet-call  to  religious 
services.  In  an  instant  a  line  of  smoke  was  seen  coming  out  of  the 
harbor  by  the  watch  on  the  Iowa,  and  from  that  vessel's  yard  a  sig 
nal  was  run  up — "  The  enemy  is  escaping  to  the  westward."  Sim 
ultaneously,  from  her  bridge  a  six-pounder  boomed  on  the  still  air 
to  draw  the  attention  of  the  other  ships  to  her  fluttering  signal. 
On  every  vessel  white  masses  were  seen  scrambling  forward. 
Jackies  and  firemen  tumbled  over  one  another  rushing  to  their 
stations.  Officers  jumped  into  the  turrets  through  manholes, 
dressed  in  their  best  uniforms,  and  captains  rushed  to  their  conning 
towers.  There  was  no  time  to  waste — scarcely  enough  to  get  the 
battle-hatches  screwed  on  tight. 

THE  BATTLE  ON 

One  minute  after  the  Iowa  fired  her  signal-gun  she  was  moving 
toward  the  harbor.  From  under  the  Castle  of  Morro  came 
Admiral  Cervera's  flagship,  the  Infanta  Maria  Teresa,  followed  by 
her  sister  armored  cruisers,  Almirante  Oquendo  and  Vizcaya — so 
much  alike  that  they  could  not  be  distinguished  at  any  distance. 
There  was  also  the  splendid  Cristobal  Colon,  and  after  them  all  the 
two  fine  torpedo-boat  destroyers,  Pluton  and  Furor.  The  Teresa 
opened  fire  as  she  sighted  the  American  vessels,  as  did  all  of  her 
companions,  and  the  forts  from  the  heights  belched  forth  at  the 
same  time.  Countless  geysers  around  our  slowly  approaching 
battle-ships  showed  where  the  Spanish  shells  exploded  in  the  water. 
The  Americans  replied.  The  battle  was  on,  but  at  a  long  range  of 
two  or  three  miles,  so  that  the  secondary  batteries  could  not  be 
called  into  use;  but  1 3-inch  shells  from  the  Oregon  and  Indiana 
and  the  1 2-inch  shells  from  the  Texas  and  Iowa  were  churning  up 
the  water  around  the  enemy.  At  this  juncture  it  seemed  impos 
sible  for  the  Americans  to  head  off  the  Spanish  cruisers  from 
passing  the  western  point,  for  they  had  come  out  of  the  harbor  at 


244  THE  WAR   WITH  SPAIN 

a  speed  of  thirteen  and  one-half  knots  an  hour,  for  which  the  block- 
ading  fleet  was  not  prepared.  But  Admiral  Sampson's  instructions 
were  simple  and  well  understood — "  Should  the  enemy  come  out, 
close  in  and  head  him  off "  —and  every  ship  was  now  endeavoring 
to  obey  that  standing  command  while  they  piled  on  coal  and 
steamed  up.  As  it  happened,  the  command  in  the  coming  contest 
fell  to  Admiral  Schley,  Admiral  Sampson,  with  the  flag-ship  New 
York,  having  gone  up  the  coast  that  morning  for  a  consultation 
with  General  Shafter.  A  vessel  was  sent  with  all  speed  to  bring 
him  back,  but  the  battle  was  at  an  end  before  he  reached  the  scene. 

How  THE  FIGHT  WAS  WON 

It  was  not  until  the  leading  Spanish  cruiser  had  almost  reached 
the  western  point  of  the  bay,  and  when  it  was  evident  that  Cervera 
was  leading  his  entire  fleet  in  one  direction,  that  the  battle  com 
menced  in  its  fury.  The  Iowa  and  the  Oregon  headed  straight  for 
the  shore,  intending  to  ram  if  possible  one  or  more  of  the  Span 
iards.  The  Indiana  and  the  Texas  were  following,  and  the 
Brooklyn,  in  the  endeavor  to  cut  off  the  advance  ship,  was  headed 
straight  for  the  western  point.  The  little  unprotected  Gloucester 
steamed  right  across  the  harbor  mouth  and  engaged  the  Oquendo 
at  closer  range  than  any  of  the  other  ships,  at  the  same  time  firing 
on  the  Furor  and  Pluton,  which  were  rapidly  approaching. 

It  then  became  apparent  that  the  Oregon  and  Iowa  could  not 
ram,  and  that  the  Brooklyn  could  not  head  them  off,  as  she  had 
hoped,  and,  turning  in  a  parallel  course  with  them,  a  running  fight 
ensued.  Broadside  after  broadside  came  fast  with  terrific  slaughter. 
The  rapid-fire  guns  of  the  Iowa  nearest  the  Teresa  enveloped  the 
former  vessel  in  a  mantle  of  smoke  and  flame.  She  was  followed 
by  the  Oregon,  Indiana,  Texas,  and  Brooklyn,  all  pouring  a  rain  of 
red-hot  steel  and  exploding  shell  into  the  fleeing  cruisers  as  they 
passed  along  in  their  desperate  effort  to  escape.  The  Furor  and 
Pluton  dashed  like  mad  colts  for  the  Brooklyn,  and  Commodore 
Schley  signaled — "  Repel  torpedo-destroyers."  Some  of  the  heavy 
ships  turned  their  guns  upon  the  little  monstersc  It  was  short 


THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN  245 

work.     Clouds  of  black  smoke  rising  ftom   their  thin  sides  showed 
how  seriously  they  suffered  as  they  floundered  in  the  sea. 

The  Brooklyn  and  Oregon  dashed  on  after  the  cruisers,  fol 
lowed  by  the  other  big  ships,  leaving  the  Furor  and  Pluton  to  the 
Gloucester,  hoping  the  New  York,  which  was  coming  in  the  distance, 
would  arrive  in  time  to  help  her  out  if  she  needed  it.  The  firing 
from  the  main  and  second  batteries  of  all  the  battle-ships — Oregon, 
Iowa,  Texas — and  the  cruiser  Brooklyn  was  turned  upon  the  Viz- 
caya,  Teresa,  and  Oquendo  with  such  terrific  broadsides  and  accu 
racy  of  aim  that  the  Spaniards  were  driven  from  their  guns  repeat 
edly;  but  the  officers  gave  the  men  liquor  and  drove  them  back, 
beating  and  sometimes  shooting  down  those  who  weakened,  with 
out  mercy  ;  but  under  the  terrific  fire  of  the  Americans,  the  poor 
wretches  were  again  driven  away  or  fell  mangled  by  their  guns  or 
stunned  from  the  concussions  of  the  missiles  on  the  sides  of  their 
ships. 

THEY  ARE  ON  FIRE  !      WE'VE  FINISHED  THEM 

Presently  flames  and  smoke  burst  out  from  the  Teresa  and  the 
Oquendo.  The  fire  leaped  from  the  port-holes ;  and  amid  the  din 
of  battle  and  above  it  all,  rose  the  wild  cheers  of  the  Americans,  as 
both  these  splendid  ships  slowly  reeled  like  drunken  men  and 
headed  for  the  shore.  "They  are  on  fire  !  We've  finished  them," 
shouted  the  gunners.  Down  came  the  Spanish  flags.  The  news 
went  all  over  the  ships — it  being  commanded  by  Commodore 
Schley  to  keep  everyone  informed,  even  those  far  below  in  the 
fire-rooms — and  from  engineers  and  firemen  in  the  hot  bowels  of 
the  great  leviathans  to  the  men  in  the  fighting-tops  the  welkin 
rang  until  the  ships  reverberated  with  exuberant  cheers. 

In  twenty-four  minutes  after  the  sinking  of  the  Teresa  and 
Oquendo,  the  Vizcaya,  riddled  by  the  Oregon's  great  shells  and 
burning  fiercely,  hauled  down  her  flag  and  headed  for  the  shore, 
where  she  hung  upon  the  rocks.  In  a  dying  effort,  she  had  tried 
to  ram  the  Brooklyn,  but  the  fire  of  the  big  cruiser  was  too  hot  for 
her.  The  Texas  and  the  little  Vixen  were  seen  to  be  about  a  mile 


246  THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN 

to  the  rear,  and  the  Viz  cay  a  was  left  to  them  and  the  Iowa,  the 
latter  staying  by  her  finally,  while  the  Texas  and  Vixen  followed  on. 
It  looked  like  a  forlorn  hope  to  catch  the  Colon.  She  was 
four  and  one-half  miles  away.  But  the  Brooklyn  and  the  Oregon 
were  running  like  express  trains,  and  the  Texas  sped  after  the  fugi 
tives  with  all  her  might.  The  chase  lasted  two  hours.  Firing- 
ceased,  and  every  power  of  the  ship  and  the  nerve  of  commodore, 
captains,  and  officers  were  devoted  to  increasing  the  speed.  Men 
from  the.  guns,  naked  to  the  waist  and  perspiring  in  streams,  were 
called  on  deck  for  rest  and  an  airing.  It  was  a  grimy  and  dirty 
but  jolly  set  of  Jackies,  and  jokes  were  merrily  cracked  as  they 
sped  on  and  waited.  Only  the  men  in  the  fire-rooms  were  work 
ing  as  never  before.  It  was  their  battle  now,  a  battle  of  speed, 
At  12.30  it  was  seen  the  Americans  were  gaining,  and  the  Brook 
lyn,  a  few  minutes  later,  with  8-inch  guns,  began  to  pelt  her  sides. 
Everyone  expected  a  game  fight  from  the  proud  and  splendid 
Colon,  with  her  smokeless  powder  and  rapid-fire  guns ;  but  all  were 
surprised  when,  after  a  feeble  resistance,  at  1.15  o'clock,  her  captain 
struck  his  colors  and  ran  his  ship  ashore  sixty  miles  from  Santiago, 
opening  her  sea-valves  to  sink  her  after  she  had  surrendered. 

VICTORY  COMPLETE 

Victory  was  at  last  complete.  As  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon 
moved  upon  the  prey  word  of  the  surrender  was  sent  below,  and 
naked  men  poured  out  of  the  fire-rooms,  black  with  smoke  and 
dirt  and  glistening  with  perspiration,  but  wild  with  joy.  Com 
modore  Schley  gazed  down  at  the  grimy,  gruesome,  joyous 
firemen  with  glistening  eyes  suspicious  of  tears,  and  said,  in  a 
husky  voice,  eloquent  with  -emotion,  "  Those  are  the  fellows  who 
made  this  day."  Then  he  signaled — "  The  enemy  has  surrendered." 
The  Texas,  five  miles  to  the  east,  repeated  the  signal  to  Admiral 
Sampson  some  miles  further  away,  coming  at  top  speed  of  the 
New  York.  Next  the  commodore  signaled  the  admiral — "A 
glorious  victory  has  been  achieved.  Details  communicated  later." 
And  then  to  all  the  ships,  "  This  is  a  great  day  for  our  country"  all 


THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN  247 

of  which  were  repeated  by  the  Texas  to  the  ships  further  east. 
The  cheering  was  wild.  Such  a  scene  was  never,  perhaps,  witnessed 
upon  the  ocean.  Admiral  Sampson  arrived  before  the  Colon  sank, 
and  placing  the  great  nose  of  the  New  York  against  that  vessel 
pushed  her  into  shallow  water,  where  she  sank,  but  was  not  entirely 
submerged.  Thus  perished  from  the  earth  the  bulk  of  the  sea 
power  of  Spain. 

The  Spanish  losses  were  1,800  men  killed,  wounded,  and  made 
prisoners,  and  six  ships  destroyed  or  sunk,  the  property  loss  being 
about  $12,000,000.  The  American  loss  was  one  man  killed  and 
three  wounded,  all  from  the  Brooklyn,  a  result  little  short  of  a 
miracle  from  the  fact  that  the  Brooklyn  was  hit  thirty-six  times, 
and  nearly  all  the  ships  were  struck  more  than  once. 

THE  LAST  BATTLE  AND  THE  SURRENDER  OF  SANTIAGO 

On  July  8th  and  loth  the  two  expeditions  of  General  Miles 
arrived,  reinforcing  General  Shafter's  army  with  over  6,000  men. 
General  Toral  wras  acquainted  with  the  fact  of  their  presence,  and 
General  Miles  urgently  impressed  upon  him  that  further  resistance 
could  but  result  in  a  useless  loss  of  life.  The  Spanish  commander 
replied  that  he  and  his  men  would  die  fighting.  Accordingly  a 
joint  bombardment  by  the  army  and  navy  was  begun.  The  artillery 
reply  of  the  Spaniards  was  feeble  and  spiritless,  though  our  attack  on 
the  city  was  chiefly  with  artillery.  They  seemed  to  depend  most  upon 
their  small  arms,  and  returned  the  volleys  fired  from  the  trenches 
vigorously.  Our  lines  were  elaborately  protected  with' over  22,000 
sand-bags,  while  the  Spaniards  were  protected  with  bamboo  poles 
filled  with  earth.  In  this  engagement  the  dynamite  gun  of  the 
Rough  Riders  did  excellent  service,  striking  the  enemy's  trenches 
and  blowing  field-pieces  into  the  air.  The  bombardment  continued 
until  the  afternoon  of  the  second  day,  when  a  flag  of  truce  was 
displayed  over  the  city.  It  was  thought  that  General  Toral  was 
about  to  surrender,  but  instead  he  only  asked  more  time. 

On  the  advice  of  General  Miles,  General  Shafter  consented  to 
another  truce,  and,  at  last,  on  July  i4th,  after  an  interview  with 


248  THE  WAR   WITH  SPAIN 

General  Miles  and  Shafter,  in  which  he  agreed  to  give  up  the  city  on 
condition  that  the  army  would  be  returned  to  Spain  at  the  expense 
of  America,  General  Toral  surrendered.  On  July  i6th  the  agree 
ment,  with  the  formal  approval  of  the  Madrid  and  Washington 
governments,  was  signed  in  duplicate  by  the  commissioners,  each 
side  retaining  a  copy.  This  event  was  accepted  throughout  the 
world  as  marking  the  end  of  the  Spanish-American  War. 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  THE   PHILIPPINES 

After  Dewey's  victory  at  Manila,  already  referred  to,  it  became 
evident  that  he  must  have  the  co-operation  of  an  army  in  capturing 
and  controlling  the  city.  The  insurgents  under  General  Aguinaldo 
appeared  anxious  to  assist  Admiral  Dewey,  but  it  was  feared  that  he 
could  not  control  them.  Accordingly,  the  big  monitor  Monterey 
was  started  for  Manila  and  orders  were  given  for  the  immediate 
outfitting  of  expeditions  from  San  Francisco  under  command  of 
Major-General  Wesley  Merritt.  The  first  expedition  consisted  of 
between  2,500  and  3,000  troops,  commanded  by  Brigadier-General 
Anderson,  carried  on  three  ships,  the  Charleston,  the  City  of  Pekin, 
and  the  City  of  Sydney.  This  was  the  longest  expedition  (about 
6,000  miles)  on  which  American  troops  were  ever  sent,  and  the  men 
carried  supplies  to  last  a  year.  The  Charleston  got  away  on  the 
22d,  and  the  other  two  vessels  followed  three  days  later.  The  expe 
dition  went  through  safely,  arriving  at  Manila  July  ist.  The 
Charleston  had  stopped  on  June  2ist  at  the  Ladrone  Islands  and 
captured  the  island  of  Guam  without  resistance.  The  soldiers  of 
the  garrison  were  taken  on  as  prisoners  to  Manila  and  a  garrison  of 
American  soldiers  left  in  charge,  with  the  stars  and  stripes  wav 
ing  over  the  fortifications. 

The  second  expedition  of  3,500  men  sailed  June  I5th  under 
General  Greene,  who  used  the  steamer  China  as  his  flagship.  This 
expedition  landed  July  i6th  at  Cavite  in  the  midst  of  considerable 
excitement  on  account  of  the  aggressive  movements  of  the  insur 
gents  and  the  daily  encounters  and  skirmishes  between  them  and 
the  Spanish  forces. 


THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN  249 

On  June  236.  the  monitor  Monadnoc  sailed  to  further  reinforce 
Admiral  Dewey,  and  four  days  later  the  third  expedition  of  4,000 
troops  under  General  McArthur  passed  out  of  the  Golden  Gate 
amid  the  cheers  of  the  multitude,  as  the  others  had  done  ;  and  on  the 
2Qth  General  Merritt  followed  on  the  Newport.  Nearly  one  month 
later,  July  23d,  General  H.  G.  Otis,  with  900  men,  sailed  on  the 
City  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  from  San  Francisco,  thus  making  a  total  of 
nearly  12,000  men,  all  told,  sent  to  the  Philippine  Islands. 

General  Merritt  arrived  at  Cavite  July  25th,  and  on  July  29th 
the  American  forces  advanced  from  Cavite  toward  Manila.  On  the 
3ist,  while  enroute,  they  were  attacked  at  Malate  by  3,000  Spaniards, 
whom  they  repulsed,  but  sustained  a  loss  of  nine  men  killed  and 
forty-seven  wounded,  nine  of  them  seriously.  This  was  the  first 
loss  of  life  on  the  part  of  the  Americans  in  action  in  the  Philippines. 
The  Spanish  casualties  were  much  heavier.  On  the  same  day 
General  McArthur's  re-inforcements  arrived  at  Cavite,  and  several 
days  were  devoted  to  preparations  for  a  combined  land  and  naval 
attack. 

THE  SURRENDER  OF  THE  CITY  DEMANDED 

On  August  7th  Admiral  Dewey  and  General  Merritt  demanded 
the  surrender  of  the  city  within  forty-eight  hours,  and  foreign  war 
ships  took  their  respective  subjects  on  board  for  protection.  On 
August  9th  the  Spaniards  asked  more  time  to  hear  from  Madrid, 
but  this  was  refused,  and  on  the  I3th  a  final  demand  was  made  for 
immediate  surrender,  which  Governor-General  Augusti  refused  and 
embarked  with  his  family  on  board  a  German  man-of-war,  which 
sailed  with  him  for  Hong  Kong.  At  9. 30  o'clock  the  bombardment 
began  with  fury,  all  the  vessels  sending  hot  shot  at  the  doomed 
city. 

In  the  midst  of  the  bombardment  by  the  fleet  American 
soldiers  under  Generals  McArthur  and  Greene  were  ordered  to 
storm  the  Spanish  trenches  which  extended  ten  miles  around  the 
city.  The  soldiers  rose  cheering  and  dashed  for  the  Spanish 
earthworks.  A  deadly  fire  met  them,  but  the  men  rushed  on  and 
swept  the  enemy  from  their  outer  defenses,  forcing  them  to  their 


250  THE  WAR   WITH  SPAIN 

inner  trenches.  A  second  charge  was  made  upon  these,  and  the 
Spaniards  retreated  into  the  walled  city,  where  they  promptly  sent 
up  a  white  flag.  The  ships  at  once  ceased  firing,  and  the  victor 
ious  Americans  entered  the  city  after  six  hours'  fighting.  General 
Merritt  took  command  as  military  governor.  The  Spanish  forces 
numbered  7,000  and  the  Americans  10,000  men.  The  loss  to  the 
Americans  was  about  fifty  killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  which  was 
very  small  under  the  circumstances. 

In  the  meantime  the  insurgents  had  formed  a  government 
with  Aguinaldo  as  president.  They  declared  themselves  most 
friendly  to  American  occupation  of  the  islands,  with  a  view  to 
aiding  them  to  establish  an  independent  government,  which  they 
hoped  would  be  granted  to  them.  On  September  i5th  they 
opened  their  republican  congress  at  Malolos,  and  President  Aguin 
aldo  made  the  opening  address,  expressing  warm  appreciation  of 
Americans  and  indulging  the  hope  that  they  meant  to  establish  the 
independence  of  the  islands.  On  September  i6th,  however,  in 
obedience  to  the  command  of  General  Otis,  they  withdrew  their 
forces  from  the  vicinity  of  Manila. 

PEACE  NEGOTIATIONS  AND  THE  PROTOCOL 

Precisely  how  to  open  the  negotiations  for  peace  was  a 
delicate  and  difficult  question.  Its  solution,  however,  proved  easy 
enough  when  the  attempt  was  made.  During  the  latter  part  of 
July  the  Spanish  government,  through  M.  Jules  Cambon,  the 
French  ambassador  at  Washington,  submitted  a  note,  asking  the 
United  States  government  for  a  statement  of  the  ground  on  which 
it  would  be  willing  to  cease  hostilities  and  arrange  for  a  peaceable 
settlement.  Accordingly,  on  July  3Oth,  a  statement,  embodying 
President  McKinley's  views,  was  transmitted  to  Spain,  and  on 
August  2d  Spain  virtually  accepted  the  terms  by  cable.  On 
August  9th  Spain's  formal  reply  was  presented  by  M.  Cambon, 
and  on  the  next  day  he  and  Secretary  Day  agreed  upon  terms  of  a 
protocol,  to  be  sent  to  Spain  for  her  approval.  Two  days  later, 
the  1 2th  inst.,  the  French  ambassador  was  authorized  to  sign  the 


THE  WAR   WITH  SPAIN  25 ! 

protocol  for  Spain,  and  the.  signatures  were  affixed  the  same  after 
noon  at  the  White  House  (M.  Cambon  signing  for  Spain  and 
Secretary  Day  for  the  United  States),  in  the  presence  of  Presi 
dent  McKinley  and  the  chief  assistants  of  the  Department  of 
State.  The  six  main  points  covered  by  the  protocol  were  as 
follows : 

THE  MAIN  POINTS  OF  THE  PROTOCOL 

1.  That    Spain  will  relinquish  all  claim  of  sovereignty    over 
and  title  to  Cuba. 

2.  That    Porto    Rico  and  other  Spanish    islands  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  an  island  in  the  Ladrones,  to  be  selected  by  the  United 
States,  shall  be  ceded  to  the  latter. 

3.  That  the   United  States    will  occupy  and    hold    the  city, 
bay,  and  harbor  of  Manila,  pending  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of 
peace  which  shall  determine  the  control,  disposition,  and  govern 
ment  of  the  Philippines. 

4.  That   Cuba,   Porto  Rico,  and  other  Spanish  islands  in  the 
West   Indies  shall  be  immediately  evacuated,  and  that  commis 
sioners,  to  be  appointed  within  ten  days,  shall,  within  thirty  days 
from  the  signing  of  the  protocol,  meet  at  Havana  and  San  Juan, 
respectively,  to  arrange  and  execute  the  details  of  the  evacuation. 

5.  That  the  United  States  and  Spain  will    each  appoint    not 
more  than  five  commissioners  to  negotiate  and  conclude  a  treaty  of 
peace.     The  commissioners  are  to  meet  at   Paris  not  later  than 
October  ist. 

6.  On    the    signing    of   the  protocol,  hostilities  will  be  sus 
pended  and  notice  to  that  effect  be  given  as  soon  as  possible  by 
each  government  to  the  commanders  of    its  military  and  naval 
forces. 

On  the  very  same  afternoon  President  McKinley  issued  a 
proclamation  announcing  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  a  sus 
pension  of  hostilities,  and  over  the  wires  the  word  went  ringing 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land  and  under  the 
ocean  that  peace  was  restored.  The  cable  from  Hong  Kong  to*"" 
Manila,  however,  had  not  been  repaired  for  use  since  Dewey  had 


252  THE  WAR   WITH  SPAIN 

cut  it  in  May;  consequently  it  was  several  days  before  tidings 
could  reach  General  Merritt  and  Admiral  Dewey ;  and  meantime 
the  battle  of  Manila,  which  occured  on  the  I3th,  was  fought. 

President  McKinley  appointed  as  the  National  Peace  Com 
mission,  Secretary  of  State  Win.  R.  Day,  Senator  Cushman  K. 
Davis  of  Minnesota,  Senator  Wm.  P.  Frye  of  Maine,  Senator 
George  Gray  of  Delaware,  and  Mr.  Whitelaw  Reid  of  New  York. 
Secretray  Day  resigned  his  State  portfolio  September  i6th,  in 
which  he  was  succeeded  by  Colonel  John  Hay,  former  Ambas 
sador  to  England.  With  ex-Secretary  Day  at  their  head  the 
Americans  sailed  from  New  York,  September  i7th,  met  the 
Spanish  Commissioners  at  Paris,  France,  as  agreed,  and  arranged 
-the  details  of  the  final  peace  between  the  two  nations.  Thus 
ended  the  Spanish-American  War. 

THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE 

December  10,  1898,  was  one  of  the  most  eventful  days  in  the 
past  decade — one  fraught  with  great  interest  to  the  world,  and 
.involving  the  destiny  of  more  than  10,000,000  of  people.  At  9 
o'clock  on  the  evening  of  that  day  the  Commissioners  of  the  United 
States  and  those  of  Spain  met  for  the  last  time,  after  about  eleven 
weeks  of  deliberation,  in  the  magnificent  apartments  of  the  foreign 
ministry  at  the  French  capital,  and  signed  the  Treaty  of  Peace, 
which  finally  marked  the  end  of  the  Spanish-American  War. 

This  treaty  transformed  the  political  geography  of  the  world 
by  establishing  the  United  States'  authority  in  both  hemispheres, 
and  also  in  the  tropics,  where  it  had  never  before  extended.  It, 
furthermore,  brought  under  our  dominion  and  obligated  us  for  the 
government  of  strange  and  widely  isolated  peoples,  who  have  little 
or  no  knowledge  of  liberty  and  government  as  measured  by  the 
American  standards. 

On  January  3,  1899,  the  Hon.  John  Hay,  Secretary  of  State, 
delivered  the  Treaty  of  Peace  to  President  McKinley,  who,  on 
January  4th,  forwarded  the  same  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  and  after  careful  consideration  was  ratified. 


CHAPTER   XV 

McKinley  and  the  Closing  Century 

TWO  years  after  the  signing  of  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Spain 
the  nineteenth  century — an  era  of  great  achievements  and 
remarkable  progress — came  to  an  end.      Many  of  its  years 
had   become  famous  for  striking   events   and   significant   steps  of 
political    development,    and   not   the   least    among    these   was   the 
period  here  in  question,  the  closing  years  of  the  century.     These 
years  were  marked  by  events  of  vast  significance  in  the  history  of 
several  countries  of  the  world,  notably  Great   Britain,  China,  and 
the  United  States. 

The  outcome  of  the  war  with  Spain  gave  an  extraordinary 
impetus  to  the  great  republic  of  the  West,  which  thenceforth 
assumed  a  new  and  momentous  position,  that  of  a  world  power,  a 
leading  factor  in  the  concert  of  nations,  a  ruling  element  in  the 
"parliament  of  the  world." 

NOTABLE    CAUSES    AND    EFFECTS 

There  were  various  causes  leading  to  this  result,  notable 
among  them  being  the  addition  to  our  territory  of  the  Phil'ppine 
Islands,  a  populous  archipelago  near  the  coast  of  Asia.  The  new 
position  thus  taken  by  the  United  States  as  an  Asiatic  power 
remarkably  modified  its  relation  to  the  other  great  nations.  The 
possession  of  these  islands  by  Spain,  a  minor  European  power,  had 
long  been  viewed  with  complacency  by  the  courts  of  Europe,  as  of 
no  political  importance.  Their  possession  by  the  United  States 
was  a  very  different  affair,  and  stirred  the  councils  of  the  Old 
World  as  if  an  earthquake  had  suddenly  rolled  beneath  their 
national  foundations. 

253 


254  THE  CLOSING  CENTURY 

They  had  in  earlier  years  looked  upon  this  country  with  almost  as 
much  complacency  as  upon  Spain.  Regarding  it  simply  as  an  Ameri 
can  power,  interested  only  in  the  affairs  of  the  Western  continent, 
and  with  no  concern  in  what  was  taking  place  abroad,  they  had 
troubled  themselves  little  about  it  as  a  political  factor.  In  com 
merce,  indeed,  they  were  beginning  sorely  to  feel  its  competition, 
but  in  politics  the  two  continents  seemed  as  widely  apart  as  the 
poles. 

But  the  results  of  the  war  and  the  sudden  expansion  of  Ameri 
can  territory  put  a  new  aspect  on  the  case,  and  Europe  began  to 
look  askance  on  the  young  world-power  rising  in  the  West.  The 
war  in  the  Philippines,  the  intervention  of  the  United  States  in  the 
Chinese  outbreak,  and  the  general  attitude  taken  by  the  American 
Government  added  to  their  uneasiness,  and  the  position  of  Presi 
dent  McKinley  as  chief  magistrate  of  a  nation  that  must  be  con 
sidered  in  all  future  national  movements,  assumed  a  new  importance 
in  their  eyes. 

The  same  was  the  case  at  home.  The  new  problem  became 
equally  prominent  on  our  own  soil.  Two  parties  arose,  their  war- 
cries  being  expansion  and  non-expansion,  imperialism  and  republi 
canism,  and  a  war  of  words  went  briskly  on,  promising  to  become 
a  political  conflict  vhen  the  time  for  the  next  Presidential  election 
should  arise. 

MCKINLEY    AND    THE    GREAT    PROBLEMS    OF    HIS    TIME 

In  the  settlement  of  this  problem  William  McKinley,  as  the 
Executive  of  the  nation,  occupied  the  most  prominent  position. 
Question  after  question  arose  which  he  had  to  settle  at  once,  hav 
ing  no  opportunity  to  submit  them  to  Congress.  He  was  constantly 
forced  to  take  a  definite  side,  to  a^dopt  some  fixed  policy,  and  in 
doing  so  was  at  every  turn  exposed  to  hostile  criticism.  Opinion 
on  the  problem  of  expansion  or  non-expansion  grew  hot,  party 
divisions  and  animosities  arose  ;  whatever  side  the  President  might 
take,  he  was  sure  to  be  bitterly  assailed  by  the  adherents  of  the 


THE  CLOSING  CENTURY  253 

opposite  iriew.  He  was  like  an  officer  between  two  armies,  exposed 
to  the  full  fire  of  the  one  and  not  safe  from  the  glancing  shots  of 
the  other.  The  battle  of  words  raged  hotly,  and  President  McKin- 
ley  stood  as  a  shining  mark  in  the  midst  of  it  all.  Yet  he  stood  there 
serenely,  doing  with  firm  hand  what  he  conceived  to  be  his  duty, 
and  calmly  sustaining  the  weight  of  recrimination  which  he  was 
obliged  to  bear. 

Before  considering  further  the  aspects  of  this  political  warfare, 
it  seems  advisable  to  give  in  outline  the  story  of  what  took  place 
In  the  Philippines  ar^  elsewhere,  by  way  of  completing  the  history 
of  the  first  McKinley  administration. 

THE    UNITED    STATES    BECOMES    A    WORLD    POWER 

On  the  last  day  of  1898  the  Spanish  troops  were  withdrawn 
from  Havana,  and  on  the  first  day  of  1899  the  stars  and  stripes 
proudly  floated  over  that  queen  city  of  the  American  tropics.  But 
this  was  only  for  a  time.  The  United  States  was  pledged  to  give 
freedom  to  Cuba,  and  no  man  in  authority  thought  of  breaking 
this  pledge,  for  the  honor  of  the  country  was  involved. 

In  the  Summer  of  1900,  the  Cuban  people  were  asked  to  hold 
a  convention  and  form  a  Constitution,  with  the  single  proviso  that 
it  should  contain  no  clauses  favoring  European  aggression  or 
inimical  to  American  interests.  This  done,  .American  troops  and 
officials  would  be  withdrawn  and  Cuba  be  given  over  to  the 
Cubans. 

The  occupation  of  Porto  Rico,  on  the  contrary,  was  perma 
nent.  It  had  been  fully  ceded  to  the  United  States,  and  steps 
were  taken  to  make  it  a  constituent  part  of  that  country.  But  the 
period  of  transition  from  Spanish  to  American  rule  was  not  favor 
able  to  the  interests  of  the  people,  who  suffered  severely,  their 
business  being  wrecked  by  tariff  discrimination.  Action  by  Con 
gress  was  demanded,  and  a  bill  was  passed  greatly  reducing  the 
tariff  in  Porto  Rico,  but  not  giving  free  trade  with  the  United 
States,  though  many  held  that  this  was  the  Constitutional  right 


256  THE  CLOSING  CENTURY 

of  the  islanders.      Under  this  new  tariff  business  was  resumed,  and 
the  lost  prosperity  of  the  island  was  gradually  restored. 

The  occupation  of  our  new  possessions  in  the  Pacific  pre 
sented  serious  difficulties.  This  was  not  the  case  with  Hawaii, 
which  fell  peacefully  under  its  new  rule,  and  in  1900  was  made  a 
Territory  of  the  United  States.  With  the  Philippine  Islands  the 
case  was  different.  There  hostility  to  American  rule  soon  showed 
itself,  and  eventually  an  insurrection  began,  leading  to  a  war,  which 
proved  far  more  protracted  and  sanguinary  than  that  with  Spain. 

THE    PHILIPPINE    INSURRECTION 

On  the  30th  of  December,  1898,  President  McKinley  had 
issued  a  proclamation  offering  the  natives,  under  American  suprem 
acy,  a  considerable  measure  of  home  rule,  including  a  voice  in  local 
government,  the  right  to  hold  office,  a  fair  judiciary,  and  freedom 
of  speech  and  of  the  press.  These  concessions  were  not  satis 
factory  to  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  the  leader  in  the  late  insurrection 
against  Spain,  who  demanded  independence  for  the  islands.  He 
claimed  that  Dewey  had  promised  it  to  him  in  return  for  his  aid  in 
the  capture  of  Manila — a  claim  which  Dewey  positively  denied. 

General  Elwell  S.  Otis,  who  had  succeeded  General  Merritt 
as  military  governor  of  the  islands,  found  himself  plunged  into  the 
midst  of  an  active  war.  Admiral  Dewey's  aid  was  not  needed  in 
this  conflict,  and  soon  after  it  began  he  returned  to  the  United 
States.  On  the  3d  of  March,  1899,  he  had  been  promoted  to  the 
exalted  naval  rank  of  full  admiral,  which  only  Farragut  and  Porter 
had  previously  held,  and  which  was  looked  upon  as  the  sole  fitting 
reward  for  his  services.  During  his  journey  home  he  received  the 
highest  honors  at  every  halting-place  on  the  route,  and  in  the 
United  States  he  was  greeted  as  the  chief  hero  of  the  Spanish 
war.  His  reception  in  New  York  was  one  of  the  events  of  the 
century,  and  his  admiring  countrymen  showed  their  appreciation 
by  purchasing  him  a  beautiful  home  in  the  city  of  Washington. 


THE  CLOSING  CENTURY  257 

Before  his  return  he  had  served  on  a  commission,  appointed 
by  the  President,  with  the  hope  of  reaching  a  peaceful  end  of  the 
difficulties.  The  other  members  of  the  commission  were  General 
Otis,  Jacob  G.  Shurman,  President  of  Cornell  University,  Professor 
Dean  Worcester,  and  Charles  Denby,  late  Minister  to  Cklna.  The 
commission  began  its  work  on  April  4,  1899,  by  issuing  a  procla 
mation  to  the  Philippine  people,  offering  them,  under  the  suprem 
acy  of  the  United  States,  an  abundant  measure  of  civil  rights,  hon 
est  administration,  reform  of  abuses,  and  development  of  the 
resources  of  the  country.  This  proclamation  fell  stillborn,  so  far 
as  the  insurgent  forces  were  concerned,  Aguinaldo  issuing  counter 
proclamations  and  calling  on  the  people  to  fight  for  complete  inde 
pendence.  It  was  evident  that  the  settlement  of  the  affair  would 
depend  on  the  rifle  and  the  sword  rather  than  on  paper  proclama 
tions  and  promises. 

THE    INSURRECTION    IN    LUZON 

In  January,  1899,  a  conference  was  held  between  General  Otis 
and  Aguinaldo  and  other  leading  Filipinos,  in  which  the  latter 
demanded  a  greater  degree  of  self-government  than  Otis  had 
authority  to  grant.  The  conference,  therefore,  led  to  no  satisfac 
tory  result,  and  the  situation  arising  from  the  irritation  of  the  natives 
grew  daily  more  critical. 

As  the  debate  in  the  Senate  upon  the  treaty  of  peace  with 
Spain  approached  its  termination,  and  promised  to  end  in  the  rati 
fication  of  the  treaty  and  the  cession  of  the  islands  to  the  United 
States,  the  restlessness  and  hostility  of  the  natives  increased,  and 
on  the  night  of  February  4th  the  threatened  outbreak  came,  in  a 
fierce  attack  on  the  American  outposts  at  Manila.  A  severe  battle 
ensued,  continuing  for  two  days,  and  ending  in  the  defeat  of  the 
natives,  who  had  suffered  severely  and  were  driven  back  for  miles 
beyond  the  city  limits. 

Meanwhile  a  republic  had  been  proclaimed  by  the  Philippine 
leaders,  Aguinaldo  being  chosen  president  and  commander-in-chief 


THE  CLOSING  CENTURY 

of  the  native  armies.  He  immediately  issued  a  declaration  of  war, 
and  both  sides  prepared  for  active  hostilities.  The  next  step  taken 
by  the  Filipinos  was  a  desperate  one — an  attempt  at  wholesale 
arson.  On  the  night  of  February  22d  the  city  of  Manila  was  set 
on  fire  at  several  points,  and  the  soldiers  and  firemen  who  sought 
to  extinguish  the  flames  were  fired  upon  from  many  of  the  houses. 
The  result  was  not  serious  except  to  the  natives  themselves,  since  the 
conflagration  was  in  great  part  confined  to  their  quarter  of  the  city. 
General  Otis  took  vigilant  precautions  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of 
such  an  attempt,  and  from  that  time  forward  Manila,  though  full  of 
secret  hostiles,  was  safe  from  the  peril  of  incendiarism. 

THE    CAMPAIGN    OF    1899 

The  American  forces,  being  strengthened  with  reinforcements, 
began  their  advance  on  March  25th.  They  met  with  sharp  resist 
ance,  the  Filipinos  having  thrown  up  earthworks  at  every  defensi 
ble  point,  and  being  well  armed  with  Mauser  rifles.  But  they  no 
where  seemed  able  to  sustain  the  vigorous  onsets  of  the  Americans, 
who  did  not  hesitate  to  charge  their  works  and  swim  wide  rivers  in 
face  of  their  fire,  and  they  were  driven  back  from  a  long  succes 
sion  of  fortified  places.  On  March  3ist,  Malolos,  the  capital  of 
Aguinaldo,  was  occupied.  Calumpit,  another  Philippine  strong 
hold,  was  taken  near  the  end  of  April.  General  Lawton,  an  old 
Indian  fighter,  who  had  recently  reached  the  islands,  led  an  expedi 
tion  northward  through  the  foothills  and  captured  San  Isidro,  the 
second  insurgent  capital.  Various  other  places  were  taken,  and  at 
the  beginning  of  July,  when  the  coming  on  of  the  rainy  season  put 
an  end  to  active  operations,  a  large  and  populous  district  to  the 
north  and  west  of  Manila  was  in  American  hands. 

By  this  time  it  had  become  evident  that  a  larger  army  was 
needed  to  complete  the  task,  and  reinforcements  were  now  hurried 
across  the  ocean.  With  them  was  sent  a  considerable  body  of  cav 
alry,  the  lack  of  which  had  seriously  handicapped  the  troops  in  the 
spring  campaign.  Fighting  was  resumed  in  mid-autumn,  and 


THE  CLOSING  CENTURY  259 

Aguinaldo's  new  capital  of  Tarlac  fell.  The  insurgents  seemed 
to  have  lost  heart  from  their  reverses  in  the  spring,  and  defended 
themselves  with  less  courage  and  persistence,  the  result  being  that 
by  the  ist  of  December  the  Americans  were  masters  of  the  whole 
line  of  the  Manila-Dagupan  Railway  and  the  broad  plain  through 
which  it  ran,  and  the  Filipinos  were  in  full  flight  for  the  mountains, 
pursued  by  Lawton  and  Young,  with  their  cavalry  and  scouts. 

From  that  time  forward  there  was  no  Filipino  army,  properly 
so-called,  Aguinaldo's  forces  being  broken  up  into  fugitive  bands, 
capable  only  of  guerilla  warfare.  The  American  troops  traversed 
the  island  from  end  to  end,  having  frequent  collisions  with  small 
parties  of  the  enemy,  in  one  of  which,  unfortunately,  the  gallant 
Lawton  was  shot  dead.  Many  of  the  insurgent  leaders  were  cap 
tured  or  surrendered,  but  Agulnaldo  continued  at  large,  and  the 
hope  of  a  final  end  of  the  war  came  to  depend  largely  upon  the 
event  of  his  capture. 

In  November  the  Philippine  Commission  made  its  report  to  the 
Government,  and  a  system  which  was  thought  to  be  well  adapted 
to  the  situation  was  formulated  at  Washington.  This  declared 
that  the  people  of  the  Philippines,  while  many  of  them  were  intelli 
gent  and  capable,  had  no  experience  in  self-government,  and  that 
it  was  necessary  for  the  United  States  to  retain  a  firm  political  con 
trol,  while  giving  them  such  share  in  the  government  as  they  were 
fitted  to  exercise,  increasing  this  as  they  gained  political  training. 
In  accordance  with  this  policy,  local  governments  were  established 
in  those  localities  which  had  become  pacified,  and  with  very  promis 
ing  effect.  By  the  Summer  of  1900  the  resistance  to  American 
domination  had  so  much  decreased  that  President  McKinley  issued 
a  proclamation  of  amnesty,  with  the  hope  that  the  natives  still  in 
arms  would  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  cease  their  desul 
tory  resistance. 

In  March,  1901,  an  event  of  leading  importance  took  place  in 
the  Philippine  Islands,  in  the  capture  of  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  Presi 
dent  of  the  Philippine  government  and  commander-in-chief  of  its 


26m  THE  CLOSING  CENTURY 

forces.  On  February  28th,  General  Funston  had  captured  a  mes 
senger  bearing  letters  from  the  insurgent  leader,  which  revealed 
the  fact  that  he  was  then  at  the  town  of  Palanan,  in  northwest 
Luzon.  Funston  at  once  devised  a  plan  and  organized  a  force  for 
his  capture. 

The  expedition  consisted  of  seventy-eight  Macabebe  scouts, 
dressed  as  insurgents  and  laborers,  and  four  ex-insurgent  officers. 
The  only  Americans  were  General  Fred.  Funston  and  four  other 
officers,  who  had  disguised  themselves  as  privates.  Funston  had 
prepared  two  decoy  letters,  apparently  signed  by  the  insurgent 
general  Lacuna,  whose  seal  and  correspondence  he  had  captured 
some  time  before.  These  stated  that  Lacuna  was  sending  his 
superior  the  best  company  under  his  command. 

THE    CAPTURE    OF    AGUINALDO 

Landing  from  the  gunboat  Vicksburg,  the  party  made  a  toil 
some  march  over  a  very  rugged  country.  They  reached  Palanan 
on  March  23d.  Aguinaldo  was  completely  deceived  by  the  letters, 
and  by  the  story  told  him  that  the  Americans  were  part  of  a  survey 
ing  party  which  had  been  surprised  on  the  march,  part  being  killed 
and  part  taken.  His  household  guards  were  drawn  up  to  receive 
the  visitors  and  their  captives.  Suddenly  the  mask  was  thrown  off, 
firing  began,  and  one  of  the  ex-insurgent  officers  seized  and  held 
him  firmly.  His  attendants  and  body-guard  at  once  took  to  flight, 
and  in  a  few  minutes  the  affair  was  at  an  end,  and  the  Filipino 
leader  was  a  captive  to  the  Americans.  The  expedition  had  proved 
a  complete  success.  The  important  prisoner  was  brought  to  Manila, 
and  confined  therein  the  Malacanan  Palace.  Here  he  soon  regained 
his  calmness,  talked  freely,  and  was  visited  by  a  number  of  promi 
nent  Filipinos,  who  sought  to  convince  him  that  the  struggle  was 
hopeless,  and  advised  him  to  use  his  influence  with  the  people 
to  establish  peace.  Their  arguments  were  effective,  Aguinaldo 
expressed  his  satisfaction  with  the  form  of  government,  and  on 
April  2d  he  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States. 


PRESIDENTIAL  PARTY  LEAVING  CANTON  FOR  THE  INAUGURATION 

Copyright  by  Tndg;e  Co.  The  president-elect  escorting  his  mother 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY  READING  THE  NEWS  OF  THE  ELECTION  TO  HIS  MOTHER 


THE  CLOSING  CENTURY  263 

The  effect  of  his  capture  proved  highly  favorable.  Several 
prominent  insurgent  leaders  at  once  surrendered  themselves  and 
their  bands,  and  it  seemed  as  if  a  new  era  of  peace  was  about  to 
dawn.  Aguinaldo,  who  had  apparently  experienced  a  change  of 
opinion,  did  his  share  towards  hastening  it  by  sending  peace  emis 
saries  to  the  chiefs  still  in  arms  and  signing  a  peace  manifesto  for 
distribution  among  his  people.  General  Funston's  brilliant  exploit 
was  not  left  unrewarded.  Its  value  was  heightened  by  the  great 
risk  he  had  run  in  his  daring  deed,  and  on  March  3oth  President 
McKinley  promoted  him  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General  in  the 
United  States  army.  His  comrades  were  also  suitably  rewarded  for 
their  participation  in  the  exploit,  which  was  looked  upon  as  the 
most  signal  instance  of  courage  and  daring  during  the  entire  war. 

THE    SITUATION    IN    CHINA 

While  this  was  going  on  in  the  Philippines  a  disturbed  condi 
tion  of  affairs  suddenly  developed  in  a  new  quarter,  the  ancient  and 
populous  empire  of  China.  It  is  necessary  to  go  a  step  backward 
to  trace  the  course  of  events  leading  to  this  unlooked-for  situation. 
The  whole  intercourse  of  European  nations  with  China  had  been  of 
a  character  to  create  indignation  and  hatred  of  foreigners  in  the 
populace  of  that  country.  The  Japano-Chinese  war  increased  this 
feeling,  while  demonstrating  the  incapacity  of  the  Chinese  to  cope 
in  war  with  modern  nations.  In  the  years  that  followed,  the  best 
statesmen  of  China  vividly  realized  the  defects  of  their  system,  and 
recognized  that  a  radical  reform  was  necessary  to  save  the  nation 
from  a  total  collapse.  The  nations  of  Europe  were  seizing  the  best 
ports  of  the  empire  and  threatening  to  divide  the  whole  country 
between  them,  a  peril  which  it  needed  vigorous  measures  to  avert. 

The  result  was  an  effort  to  modernize  the  administration. 
Railroads  had  long  been  practically  forbidden,  but  now  conces 
sions  for  the  building  of  hundreds  of  miles  of  road  were  granted. 
Modern  implements  of  war  were  purchased  in  great  quantities,  and 
the  European  drill  and  discipline  were  in  reduced  into  the  imperial 


264  THE  CLOSING  CENTURY 

army.  The  young  emperor  became  strongly  imbued  with  the  spirit 
of  reform,  and  ordered  radical  changes  in  the  administration  of 
affairs.  In  short,  a  promising  beginning  was  made  in  the  moderniza 
tion  of  the  ancient  empire. 

A  movement  of  this  kind  in  a  country  so  rigidly  conservative 
as  China  could  scarcely  fail  to  produce  a  revulsion.  The  party  of 
ancient  prejudice  and  conservative  sentiment — a  party  comprising 
the  bulk  of  the  nation — took  the  alarm.  The  empress-dowager, 
who  had  recently  laid  down  the  reins  of  government  as  regent,  took 
them  up  again,  under  the  support  of  the  conservative  leaders, 
seized  and  held  in  palace  seclusion  the  emperor,  put  to  death  his 
advisers,  and  restored  the  old  methods  of  administration. 

THE  BOXER  OUTBREAK  IQOO. 

This  revolution  in  the  palace  soon  made  itself  felt  in  the 
hovel.  A  secret  society  of  the  common  people,  known  as  "  The 
Boxers,"  rose  in  4arms,  made  an  onslaught  upon  the  missionaries, 
who  were  widely  domiciled  within  the  realm,  and  soon  appeared  in 
the  capital.  Here,  aided  by  many  of  the  soldiers,  and  led  by  men 
high  in  rank  in  the  anti-foreign  party,  they  made  a  virulent  assault 
upon  the  legation  buildings,  and  put  the  ministers  of  the  nations  in 
imminent  peril  of  their  lives.  These  exalted  officials  were  cut  off 
from  all  communication  with  their  governments,  stories  of  their 
massacre  alone  filtering  through,  and  the  powers,  roused  to  despera 
tion  by  the  danger  of  their  envoys,  sent  ships  and  troops  in  all 
haste  to  the  nearest  point  to  Peking.  In  this  movement  the  United 
States  actively  joined,  its  minister,  Edwin  H.  Conger,  and  the 
members  of  the  embassy  shaiing  the  common  peril. 

What  followed  must  be  briefly  told.  A  small  force,  made  up  of 
soldiers  and  marines  of  vinous  nations,  including  the  United 
States,  under  Admiral  Seymour,  of  the  British  navy,  set  out  on 
June  iith  for  Peking.  This  movement  failed.  The  railroad  was 
found  to  be  torn  up,  a  strong  force  of  Chinese  blocked  the  way, 


THE  CLOSING  CENTURY  265 

and  Seymour  and  his  men  were  forced  to   turn  back  and  barely 
escaped  with  their  lives. 

At  the  same  time  a  naval  attack  was  made  on  the  forts  at 
Taku  ;  Admiral  Remey,  of  the  United  States  navy,  refusing  to 
take  part  in  this  ill-advised  action.  Its  immediate  result  was  an 
assault  in  force  by  Boxers  and  troops  on  the  foreign  quarter  of  the 
city  of  Tien  Tsin,  in  which  the  Chinese  fought  with  an  unexpected 
skill  and  persistence.  They  were  repulsed,  but  only  after  the 
hardest  fight  which  foreigners  had  ever  experienced  on  Chinese  soil. 

THE    RESCUE    OF    THE    MINISTERS 

As  the  month  of  July  went  on  the  mystery  at  Peking  deepened. 
It  became  known  that  the  German  minister  had  been  murdered, 
and  doubtful  reports  of  the  slaughter  of  all  the  foreigners  in  the 
capital  were  cabled.  As  it  seemed  impossible  to  obtain  authentic 
news,  the  greatest  possible  haste  was  made  to  collect  an  army 
strong  enough  to  march  to  Peking,  and  early  in  August  this  force, 
consisting  of  some  16,000  Japanese,  Russians,  Americans  and 
British,  set  out.  A  severe  struggle  was  looked  for,  and  their 
ability  to  reach  Peking  seemed  very  doubtful.  At  Peitsang,  some 
twelve  miles  on  the  route,  the  Chinese  made  a  desperate  resist 
ance,  which  augured  ill  for  the  enterprise ;  but  their  defeat  there 
seemed  to  rob  them  of  spirit,  and  the  gates  of  Peking  were  reached 
with  little  more  fighting.  On  the  i4th  the  gates  were  assailed,  the 
feeble  opposition  from  within  was  overcome,  and  the  troops 
marched  in  triumph  to  the  British  legation,  the  stout  walls  of  which 
had  offered  a  haven  of  refuge  to  the  imperilled  legationers. 

Glad,  indeed,  were  the  souls  of  the  beleaguered  men  and 
women  within,  so  long  in  peril  of  death  from  torture  or  starvation, 
to  see  the  stars  and  stripes  and  the  union  jack  waving  over  the 
coming  troops.  Only  then  was  the  mystery  surrounding  their  fate 
made  clear  and  the  safety  of  all  the  ministers,  except  the  repre 
sentative  of  Germany,  assured.  So  far  as  the  United  States  was 
concerned,  the  work  was  at  an  end.  That  country  wanted  no  share 


266  THE  CLOSING  CENTURY 

in  the  partition  of  China.  All  it  demanded  was  an  "open  door" 
to  commerce,  an  equal  share  in  the  important  Chinese  trade.  No 
sooner  was  its  minister  rescued  than  it  was  announced  that  the 
American  troops  would  be  withdrawn  as  soon  as  proper  relations 
with  the  Chinese  government  had  been  consummated,  and  that  in 
no  case  would  the  United  States  support  any  land-seizing  projects 
of  the  nations  of  Europe. 

A  few  words  will  suffice  to  tell  the  final  outcome  of  this  nota 
ble  work.  For  a  year  following,  the  foreign  troops  held  possession 
of  the  capital  of  China,  while  negotiations  went  on  with  the 
Chinese  government,  then  in  a  location  remote  from  Peking.  Dur 
ing  this  occupation  the  troops  of  several  foreign  powers  committed 
great  ravages,  looting  freely  in  the  Chinese  city  and  palace,  and 
treating  the  people  with  violence  and  indignity.  In  these  outrages 
the  American  troops  took  no  part,  being  held  under  the  strictest 
discipline,  and  so  greatly  winning  the  respect  and  confidence  of  the 
Chinese  that  they  were  appealed  to  for  protection  where  the  troops 
of  other  powers  were  regarded  with  hatred  and  fear.  The  occupa 
tion  ended  in  the  Summer  of  1901,  China  engaging  to  pay  a  large 
indemnity  to  the  powers,  and  consenting  to  other  severe  measures 
of  retribution.  The  foreign  troops  were  thereupon  withdrawn 
and  the  Chinese  regained  possession  of  their  capital. 

RECENT    MEASURES    CONSIDERED    BY    CONGRESS 

Throughout  the  administration  the  question  of  an  inter- 
oceanic  canal  continued  prominent,  the  problem  being  whether  this 
canal  should  be  built  across  Nicaragua  or  the  Isthmus  of  Panama. 
A  commission  was  appointed  by  President  McKinley  early  in  the 
administration  for  the  purpose  of  making  surveys  and  reporting 
upon  the  most  feasible  route.  The  provisions  of  the  Bulwer- 
Clayton  treaty  with  Great  Britain  seriously  interfered  with  the 
construction  and  placing  under  American  control  of  a  Nicaragua 
canal,  and  an  international  question  arose  with  England  in  regard 
to  the  modification  of  this  treaty,  but  no  final  action  resulted. 


THE  CLOSING  CENTURY  267 

Meanwhile  a  French  company  was  engaged  in  endeavoring  to  com 
plete  the  Panama  canal.  Large  sums  of  money  had  been  spent  on 
this  enterprise,  and  near  the  close  of  the  administration  this  company 
offered  to  make  a  sale  of  its  work,  so  far  as  completed,  to  the 
United  States.  At  the  end  of  the  century  this  important  question 
remained  to  be  acted  upon  by  Congress,  it  being  then  impossible 
to  foresee  which  route  would  be  chosen. 

The  discovery  of  gold  in  Alaska  had  given  rise  to  a  question 
of  some  importance  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States. 
The  Klondike  gold  diggings  proved  to  be  in  British  territory,  and 
it  became  important  to  fix  definitely  the  boundary  line  between 
Alaska  and  British  America.  This  matter  has  been  temporarily 
adjusted,  but  the  permanent  settlement  of  the  boundary  still 
remains  to  be  effected. 

Another  question  which  had  remained  unsettled  for  a  con 
siderable  period  was  that  concerning  the  Samoan  Islands.  In  the 
year  1900  this  was  definitely  adjusted  by  the  partition  of  these 
islands  between  England,  Germany  and  the  United  States.  By 
this  agreement  the  United  States  obtained  the  island  of  Tutuila. 
This  gives  us  the  magnificent  harbor  of  Panga  Panga,  where  for 
more  than  twenty  years  we  have  had  a  coaling  station.  The  treaty 
was  negotiated  by  Secretary  Hay,  and  approved  by  the  Senate  on 
January  16,  1900. 

THE    OPEN    DOOR    IN    CHINA 

Every  American  voter  will  be  interested  in  the  results  secured 
and  the  benefits  arising  from  Secretary  Hay's  negotiation  with 
foreign  powers,  by  which  was  acquired  an  equal  footing  for  our 
commerce  in  China.  There  had  been  an  attempt  on  the  part  of 
several  European  powers  to  secure  a  permanent  influence  over 
portions  of  China,  to  control  all  grants  for  the  purpose  of  con 
structing  railroads  and  developing  mines.  In  acquiring  these 
rights  there  was  danger  that  the  United  States  would  be  excluded 
from  its  commercial  rights  with  the  Chinese.  By  treaty  China  had 
already  granted  to  the  United  States  the  privileges  allowed  to  the 


268  THE  CLOSING  CENTUXT 

most  favored  nations,  and  under  this  treaty  our  commerce  hi*d 
thrived.  Beginning  with  September  6,  1899,  Secretary  Hay  held 
correspondence  with  the  governments  of  other  nations  respecting 
the  maintaining  of  an  "  open  door  "  in  China.  He  secured  the  assent 
of  Great  Britain,  Germany,  France,  Italy,  Russia  and  Japan  to  an 
international  declaration,  by  which  each  government  agreed  sub 
stantially  as  follows  : 

First.  That  it  would  in  no  wise  interfere  with  any  treaty  port 
or  any  vested  interest  within  any  so-called  "sphere  of  interest  "  or 
leased  territory  it  might  in  the  future  control  in  China. 

Second.  That  the  Chinese  treaty  tariff  of  the  time  being 
should  apply  to  all  merchandise  landed  or  shipped  to  all  such  ports 
as  were  within  such  "spheres  of  interest"  (unless  they  should  be 
41  free  ports  "  ),  no  matter  to  what  nationality  it  might  belong,  and 
that  duties  so  leviable  should  be  collected  by  the  Chinese  Govern 
ment. 

Third.  That  it  would  levy  no  higher  harbor  dues  on  vessels 
of  another  nationality  frequenting  any  port  in  such  "sphere"  than 
should  be  levied  on  vessels  of  its  own  nationality  ;  and  no  higher 
railroad  charges  over  lines  built,  controlled  or  operated  within  its 
"sphere,"  on  merchandise  belonging  to  citizens  or  subjects  of  other 
nationalities  transported  through  such  "  sphere,"  than  should  be 
levied  on  similar  merchandise  belonging  to  its  own  nationality 
transported  over  equal  distances. 

The  special  point  in  this  triumph  of  American  diplomacy  is  that 
the  United  States  surrendered  nothing  in  acquiring  these  valuable 
concessions  from  the  powers  named.  The  United  States  will  have 
an  equal  footing  with  all  other  nations  in  the  Orient,  and  American 
merchandise  can  be  shipped  to  and  landed  in  all  Chinese  ports 
where  the  nations  named  have  their  spheres  of  influence.  There 
will  be  no  discriminating  harbor  dues  or  railroad  charges.  Conse 
quently,  the  western  shore  of  the  Pacific  will  become  the  most 
inviting  field  for  American  enterprise,  since  the  Chinese  Empire, 
with  its  great  requirements,  has  been  opened  to  commerce  and  trade. 


THE  CLOSING  CENTURY  269 

As  regards  our  new  acquisition  of  Porto  Rico,  the  President  in 
his  message  of  1900  used  this  much  quoted  language  :  "  Our  plain 
duty  is  to  abolish  the  customs  tariffs  between  the  United  States 
and  Porto  Rico,  and  give  her  products  free  access  to  our  markets." 
The  people  of  Porto  Rico  at  that  time  had  been  brought  into  a 
state  of  poverty  and  despair  as  the  result  of  a  severe  tropical  hur 
ricane,  which  had  devastated  the  coffee  plantations  and  done  great 
damage  to  all  kinds  of  property.  It  occurred  to  the  President  that 
the  most  effective  measure  of  relief  would  be  to  give  the  islanders 
free  access  to  our  markets.  Congress,  however,  dissented  from 
this  view,  but  reduced  temporarily  the  tariff  duties  with  Porto  Rico. 
It  may  be  said  in  this  connection  that  in  the  second  McKinley 
administration  this  duty  was  removed  and  commerce  between  the 
United  States  and  Porto  Rico  was  made  free. 

OUR    NEW    POSSESSIONS 

The  most  important  question  that  had  arisen,  however,  was 
that  indicated  by  the  much  used  words  "  Imperialism"  and  "Expan 
sion."  The  position  taken  by  the  Government  in  regard  to  the 
Philippine  Islands  had  created  a  vigorous  opposition.  A  party  not 
large  in  numbers,  but  strongly  outspoken,  denounced  the  move 
ment  towards  retaining  possession  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 
Among  other  arguments  was  the  great  cost  of  the  war  in  the 
Philippines,  which  amounted  to  nearly  $500,000,000,  the  drain 
upon  the  youths  of  this  country  and  the  barbarities  of  the  warfare. 
Serious  objection  was  also  made  to  the  large  increase  in  the  army 
rendered  necessary,  leading  to  expected  burdens  of  militarism  and 
increased  taxation.  The  issue  of  this  controversy  will  be  considered 
in  the  next  chapter. 


CHAPTER   XVI 

The    Campaign    of   1900 

ON  the  igth  of  June,  1900,  for  the  third  time  in  its  history, 
the  National  Republican  Convention  assembled  in  Phila 
delphia.  Like  its  predecessors,  it  was  an  historic  event  of 
unusual  importance.  Philadelphia  responded  fittingly  to  the  honor 
of  its  choice  by  the  Republican  party,  and  to  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
hour,'4bedecked  itself  with  bunting  and  national  emblems,  and  opened 
its  doors  in  generous  hospitality  to  the  thousands  who  poured  in  from 
every  State  and  Territory  of  the  Union.  Long  before  the  Conven 
tion  met,  it  was  evident  that  President  McKinley  would  receive  a 
unanimous  re-nomination  for  the  first  place  on  the  ticket,  and  that 
the  policy  of  his  administration  would  be  heartily  indorsed.  The 
name  and  portrait  of  the  President  headed  every  combination  for 
the  Republican  ticket,  and  no  doubt  of  his  enthusiastic  selection 
existed. 

But  who  would  get  the  nomination  for  the  second  place  was 
a  question  of  keen  interest  to  politicians  and  friends  of  rival  can 
didates.  Among  the  illustrious  names  mentioned,  Governor  Roose 
velt,  of  New  York  State,  headed  the  list,  closely  followed  by  Secre 
tary  John  D.  Long  of  Massachusetts,  William  B.  Allison  and  Wil 
liam  Dolliver,  favorite  sons  of  Iowa,  Timothy  L.  Woodruff,  New 
York's  Lieu  tenant-Governor,  and  ex-Secretary  Cornelius  N.  Bliss, 
of  New  York. 

Republican  National  assemblies  have  always  boasted  a  distin 
guished  membership.  But  in  this  respect  the  roll  of  the  Conven 
tion  which  met  in  Philadelphia  in  1900  probably  surpassed  any  of 
its  eleven  predecessors.  The  roll  of  the  Convention  which  assem 
bled  forty-four  years  ago  contained  the  names  of  men  who  have 


f  OF  THE      *        \ 

UNIVERSITY    j 
/ 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900  273 

since  passed  into  history.  But  most  of  them  were  almost  unknown 
in  1856.  It  will  probably  be  so  with  the  membership  of  the 
National  Republican  Convention  of  1900.  When  the  history 
of  the  next  forty-four  years  shall  have  been  written,  many  of  its 
prominent  actors  will  doubtless  be  found  to  have  sat  in  the  Conven 
tion  which  re-nominated  William  McKinley. 

A    HARMONIOUS    CONVENTION 

The  Convention  met  without  contest  or  difference,  collision  or 
controversy  over  the  platform,  and  the  leaders  claimed  that  it  had 
done  its  work,  accomplished  its  declared  purpose,  and  presented  to 
the  voters  of  the  country  a  record  of  good  deeds  done  and  intended 
when  it  outlined  its  past  achievements  and  proposed  its  future  policy, 

When  it  had  met  four  years  before  in  St.  Louis  the  gold 
standard  needed  to  be  asserted,  and  was  disputed  even  within  the 
party,  the  national  credit  was  lower  than  for  twenty  years  before, 
the  tariff  demanded  revision  to  save  the  industries  of  the  country, 
whose  foreign  trade  had  declined,  while  its  protests  against  misgov- 
ernment  in  Cuba  had  been  contemned  by  Spain.  The  party  at  the 
Convention  of  1900  claimed  that  these  issues  had  all  been 
met ;  that  they  had  all  been  solved ;  that  the  arduous  labor  they 
demanded  had  been  done.  No  differences  were  left  to  be  adjusted, 
and  the  country  stood  ready  to  approve  the  success  of  the  past  by 
giving  the  party  another  term  of  office. 

This,  the  twelfth  Convention,  showed  no  less  enthusiasm  and 
buoyant  party  spirit  than  was  shown  at  the  meeting  of  previous 
Conventions.  There  were  in  attendance  the  distinguished  leaders 
of  the  party,  and  men  of  thought  and  action  in  State  and  national 
counsels.  The  speeches  delivered  reached  the  "  highwater  mark  " 
of  earnestness  and  eloquence,  all  of  which  presaged  one  of  the 
most  important  and  interesting  campaigns  in  the  nation's  history. 

The  hall  selected  for  the  meeting  of  the  Convention,  probably 
the  largest  and  finest  in  the  United  States  for  this  purpose,  seated 
fully  2 5, ocx)  people,  and  was  arranged  with  all  the  conveniences  and 


274  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900 

equipments  for  handling  and  moving  large  assemblies.  It  had 
been  erected  for  the  Philadelphia  Commercial  Museum,  one  of  the 
most  important  institutions  in  the  land,  and  used  for  the  National 
Export  Exposition  of  1899. 

FIRST    DAY    OF    THE    CONVENTION 

Men  who  have  attended  previous  Conventions  recall  that  Har 
rison  was  nominated  in  the  Minneapolis  Exposition  building,  in 
which  the  lack  of  acoustic  properties  defied  all  the  forensic  forces  of 
the  speakers,  and  McKinley  was  nominated  at  St.  Louis  in  a  wig 
wam  which  was  a  terror  to  every  man  who  tried  to  impress  his  col 
leagues  with  his  eloquence. 

All  these  Convention  halls  failed  immeasurably  in  comparison 
with  the  splendid  auditorium  in  which  the  twelfth  Convention  of 
the  Republican  party  was  assembled.  The  expressions  of  delight 
at  its  majestic  proportions  were  followed  by  others  of  surprise  and 
profound  satisfaction  that  the  voice  from  the  platform  carried  to 
the  remotest  door,  and  brought  the  personality,  the  logic,  and  the 
oratory  of  the  speakers  to  every  one  of  the  thousands  of  eager  lis 
teners  who  filled  the  structure.  It  was  a  testimony,  moreover,  of 
the  metropolitan  way  in  which  Philadelphia  does  things,  and  the 
word  was  certain  to  be  carried  to  the  remotest  corners  of  the  land, 
that  no  quadrennial  assemblage  of  either  of  the  great  parties  had 
been  so  comfortably  and  delightfully  lodged  as  this  one. 

Chairman  Hanna  called  the  Convention  to  order  at  12.35  P.M., 
and  introduced  the  Rev.  Gray  J.  Bolton,  who  delivered  the  invoca 
tion.  Senator  Dick,  of  the  National  Committee,  read  the  call  for 
the  Convention,  and  the  entire  audience  rose  to  its  feet  when  the 
band  began  to  play  "  The  Star-Spangled  Banner."  Senator  Hanna, 
in  his  opening  remarks,  eulogized  Philadelphia  as  the  "  Cradle  of 
Liberty,"  and  said  that  this  "  beehive  of  industry  "  is  all  the  evidence 
necessary  to  demonstrate  the  great  principles  of  the  Republican 
party.  He  thanked  the  people  for  their  hospitality.  When  he 
referred  to  President  McKinley  the  Convention  went  into  an  uproar. 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900  275 

He  closed  by  introducing  Senator  E.  O.  Wolcott,  of  Colorado, 
as  temporary  chairman  of  the  Convention.  Senator  Wolcott,  in  a  few 
graceful  words,  accepted  the  appointment,  and  spoke  in  a  most  elo 
quent  manner,  in  which  he  eulogized  President  McKinley  as  a 
patriotic,  wise  and  courageous  leader,  and  an  example  of  the  high 
est  type  of  American  manhood.  After  speaking  of  the  President  as 
one  of  the  greatest  leaders  the  party  has  ever  had,  he  paid  a  glow 
ing  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  late  Vice-President  Hobart,  and 
spoke  of  him  as  always  a  trusted  friend  and  adviser  of  the  Presi 
dent,  "  Sage  in  counsel,  and  wise  in  judgment." 

SENATOR    WOLCOTT    THE    TEMPORARY    CHAIRMAN 

As  to  the  excessive  war  tax,  Senator  Wolcott  predicted  that 
before  President  McKinley 's  term  would  expire  many  of  the  duties 
would  be  lightened  ;  that  new  legislation  would  be  passed,  which 
would  rebuild  our  merchant  marine,  and  provide  for  building,  own 
ing  and  operating,  under  exclusive  American  control,  a  ship  canal 
connecting  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific.  He  referred  in  eloquent  lan 
guage  to  the  war  with  Spain,  and  the  noble  sacrifices  the  North 
and  the  South  had  made  in  behalf  of  home  and  country,  to  allevi 
ate  the  sufferings  of  the  neighboring  people,  and  secure  for  them 
the  same  liberties  which  we  ourselves  enjoy.  He  discussed  our 
relations  with  Porto  Rico  and  our  power  to  deal  with  foreign  pos 
sessions,  claimiag  that  the  action  taken  by  the  administration  was 
a  wise  one.  He  also  asserted  that  the  Republican  party  would 
adhere  literally  to  its  declaration  in  regard  to  the  freedom  of  Cuba. 
In  scathing  terms  he  spoke  of  the  American  citizens  who  had  gone 
to  Cuba  for  the  purpose  of  perpetrating  frauds  which  had  brought 
a  blush  of  shame  to  every  American.  He  declared  that  the  Repub 
lican  party  would  be  the  first  to  right  any  wrongs  that  had  been 
done,  and  to  bring  to  justice  those  who  had  done  wrong;  and  in 
regard  to  the  Philippines  that  it  was  our  duty  to  keep  them,  and 
that  their  abandonment  would  be  a  confession  that  we  were  not 
able  to  protect  them,  and  that  we  would  be  doing  what  no  other 


276  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF 

civilized  nation  of  the  world  would  do,  turning  them  back  to  Spain 
or  else  consigning  them  to  anarchy  and  confusion. 

In  conclusion  he  said: 

"  The  American  people  are  neither  poltroons  nor  pessimists, 
and  they  will  not  signalize  the  dawn  of  the  new  century  by  the 
surrender  of  either  convictions  or  territory.  Every  soldier  back 
from  the  islands — and  they  are  in  almost  every  hamlet  in  the  land- 
returns  an  advocate  of  their  retention.  Our  dead  are  buried  along 
the  sands  of  Luzon,  and  on  its  soil  no  foreign  flag  shall  ever  salute 
the  dawn. 

"Whatever  may  be  in  store  for  us  in  the  new  and  unbeaten 
track  upon  which  we  are  entering,  we  shall  not  be  found  'with  the 
unlit  lamp  and  the  ungirt  loin.'  Our  way  is  new,  but  it  is  dark. 
In  the  re-adjustment  of  world-conditions,  where  we  must  take  our 
place  with  the  other  great  nations  of  the  earth,  we  shall  move  with 
caution,  but  not  with  fear.  We  seek  only  to  lift  up  men  to  better 
things,  to  bless  and  not  to  destroy.  The  fathers  of  the  republic 
accepted  with  courage  such  responsibilities  as  devolved  upon  them. 
The  same  heavens  bend  over  us,  and  the  same  power  that  shielded 
them  will  guard  and  protect  us,  for  what  we  seek  is  to  build  still 
more  firmly,  always  upon  foundations  of  probity  and  of  virtue,  the 
glorious  edifice  of  the  republic." 

SECOND    DAY    OF    THE    CONVENTION 

The  second  day's  session  of  the  Republican  National  Conven 
tion  was  called  to  order  at  12.30  o'clock,  by  Senator  Wolcott.  He 
introduced  the  Rev.  Charles  E.  Boswell,  who  opened  the  proceed 
ings  with  prayer.  A  very  significant  scene  followed  when  the  pre 
siding  officer  rose  to  introduce  the  fifteen  survivors  of  the  first 
Republican  Convention,  called  at  Pittsburg  forty-four  years  before, 
who  had  with  them  the  same  old  flag  used  at  that  convention.  The 
audience  arose  as  the  line  of  white-haired  patriarchs  appeared  on 
the  platform  carrying  the  faded  American  flag,  tattered  and  barely 
holding  together  A  deafening  salute  went  up  for  the  faded 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  s?oo  277 

standard  and  its  venerable  bearers.  The  fifteen  white-haired  men 
arranged  themselves  side  by  side  and  looked  out  upon  the  sea  of 
faces. 

When  the  storm  of  applause  had  ceased,  the  leader  of  the 
delegation  read  the  resolutions  which  declared  the  unswerving  alle 
giance  to  the  party  they  had  helped  to  bring  forth.  The  resolutions 
regretted  the  inability  of  many  of  the  members  of  the  National 
Fremont  Association  to  be  present  because  of  their  advanced  age. 
The  resolutions  were  concluded  with  the  declaration  that  "  We 
heartily  endorse  the  administration  of  William  McKinley,  which 
gives  such  unbounded  prosperity." 

After  this  interesting  incident  the  regular  order  of  the  day  was 
commenced,  and  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  was 
read  by  Honorable  Sereno  E.  Payne,  its  chairman.  General  Gros- 
venor,  of  Ohio,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organ 
ization,  announced  the  selection  of  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  as  perma 
nent  chairman.  Governor  Roosevelt,  of  New  York,  and  Governor 
Shaw,  of  Iowa,  were  appointed  to  escort  the  permanent  chairman 
to  the  platform. 

In  the  able  and  well-considered  address  delivered  by  Senator 
Lodge,  all  the  national  questions  involved  in  the  coming  contest 
were  reviewed.  Here  we  shall  content  ourselves  with  a  single 
extract,  that  in  which  he  referred  to  the  question  of  expansion  and 
strongly  approved  President  McKinley's  policy  in  regard  to  our 
newly-gained  island  possessions. 

SENATOR    LODGE    PRAISES    MCKINLEY'S    POLICY 

"  War  is  ever  like  the  sword  of  Alexander.  It  cuts  the  knots. 
It  is  a  great  solvent  and  brings  many  results  not  to  be  foreseen. 
The  world  forces  unchained  in  war  perform  in  hours  the  work  of 
years  of  quiet.  Spain  sued  for  peace.  How  was  that  peace  to  be 
made  ?  The  answer  to  this  great  question  had  to  be  given  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  We  were  victorious  in  Cuba, 
Porto  Rico,  and  the  Philippines.  Should  we  give  those  islands  back 
if 


278  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900 

to  Spain  ?  Never!  was  the  President's  reply.  Would  any  Ameri 
can  wish  that  he  had  answered  otherwise  ?  Should  we  hand  them 
over  to  some  other  power  ?  Never  !  was  again  the  answer.  Would 
our  pride  and  self-respect  as  a  nation  have  submitted  to  any  other 
reply  ?  Should  we  turn  the  islands,  where  we  had  destroved  all 
existing  sovereignty,  loose  upon  the  world  to  be  a  prey  to  domestic 
anarchy  and  the  helpless  spoil  of  some  other  nation  ?  Again  the 
inevitable  negative.  Again  the  President  ans\vered  as  the  nation 
he  represented  would  have  him  answer.  He  boldly  took  the 
islands,  took  them,  knowing  well  the  burden  and  the  responsibility; 
took  them  from  a  deep  sense  of  duty  to  ourselves  and  others, 
guided  by  a  just  foresight  as  to  our  future  in  the  East,  and  with 
entire  faith  in  the  ability  of  the  American  people  to  grapple  with 
the  new  task.  When  future  conventions  point  to  the  deeds  by 
which  the  Republican  party  has  made  history,  they  will  proclaim 
with  especial  pride  that  under  a  Republican  administration  the 
war  of  1898  was  fought,  and  that  the  peace  with  Spain  was  the 
work  of  William  McKinley." 

The  remaining  interesting  feature  of  the  day's  session  was  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  read  by  its  chairman, 
Senator  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana.  The  platform  was  accepted  with 
out  hesitation,  and  the  announcement  of  its  approval  by  the  com 
mittee  was  received  with  enthusiastic  applause. 

The  following  is  a  brief  synopsis  of  the  Republican  platform  : 

The  party  endorsed  President  McKinley's  administration  ; 
asserted  its  allegiance  to  the  gold  standard  and  its  steadfast  opposi 
tion  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver ;  condemned  conspiracies  and 
combinations  to  restrict  business ;  re-affirmed  its  policy  of  pro 
tection  and  reciprocity ;  declared  for  more  effective  restriction  of 
immigration  of  cheap  labor ;  and  upheld  Civil  Service  reform. 

It  declared  that  there  would  be  no  discrimination  on  account 
of  race  or  color ;  stood  for  good  roads,  rural  free  delivery,  free 
homes,  and  reclamation  of  arid  lands ;  favored  statehood  for  New 
Mexico,  Arizona  and  Oklahoma  ;  promised  reduction  of  war  taxes  ; 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900  279 

declared  for  an  Isthmian  Canal  and  an  open  door  in  China  ;  con 
gratulated  women  on  their  work  in  camp  and  hospital  ;  re-affirmed 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  ;  approved  the  tender  of  good  offices  to  end 
the  war  in  South  Africa  ;  and  promised  restoration  of  order  and 
establishment  of  self-government  ill  the  Philippines  and  independ 
ence  to  Cuba. 

THE    CLOSING    DAY'S    SESSION 

On  June  2ist  came  the  great  day  of  the  convention.  People 
who  had  thronged  the  building  on  the  previous  days,  expecting  to 
hear  the  nominating  speeches  for  President  McKinley,  went  away 
disappointed  ;  but  they  returned  at  an  early  hour  of  the  last  day's  con 
vention,  fully  confident  that  their  expectations  would  be  realized. 
The  indecision  of  the  previous  days  as  to  the  probable  candidate 
for  second  place  on  the  ticket  had  given  away  to  practical  cer 
tainty  that  New  York's  popular  Governor,  Theodore  Roosevelt, 
would  be  unanimously  nominated.  So  enterprising  and  generous 
had  the  daily  papers  been  in  securing  and  publishing  the  news,  that 
practically  the  plans  of  the  day  were  known.  All  that  remained  for 
the  last  day's  session  was  the  enthusiasm  which  attended  the  nomi 
nation  of  two  men  whose  popularity  has  seldom  been  exceeded  in 
American  history,  and  equaled  only  by  the  popularity  which  sur 
rounded  the  name  of  James  G.  Elaine,  the  "Plumed  Knight"  of 
more  than  one  campaign. 

The  Convention  Hall  was  gay  with  colors  of  bunting,  with 
badges  of  delegates  and  spectators,  with  the  bright-colored  dresses 
and  hats  of  the  ladies,  and  the  beautiful  flowers  which  were  banked 
upon  the  platform.  As  the  crowds  assembled,  the  bands  discoursed 
popular  airs.  A  band  from  Canton,  Ohio,  known  as  McKinley's  Band, 
was  again  in  attendance  and  very  popular  with  the  convention. 
Everyone  felt,  when  Chairman  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  rapped  with  his 
gavel  upon  the  table,  that  this  was  to  be  the  day  for  the  Republican 
party.  More  than  20,000  people  were  present  to  witness  it.  Before 
this  audience  were  the  grandeur  of  peaceful  symbolism,  the  splen 
dors  of  ecclesiastical  vestment,  and  the  exciting  influence  of  dramatic 


28®  THE  CAMPAIGN  OP  i9oo 

climaxes,  set  as  it  were  upon  a  stage,  all  to  yield  to  the  enthral- 
ment  of  fervent  oratory,  and  the  delirium,  of  unrestrained  enthus 
iasm. 

The  chairman  introduced  Archbishop  Ryan,  who  came  forward 
in  the  purple  vestments  of  his  office  to  offer  prayer.  The  vast  audi 
ence  arose,  as  the  venerable  prelate  stepped  forward,  and  stood 
with  bowed  heads,  hearing  in  the  silence  which  ensued  the  strong 
voice  and  the  fervent  and  solemn  invocation.  After  a  few  moments 
for  announcements  and  preliminary  business,  the  chairman  declared 
that  it  was  now  in  order  to  proceed  with  the  nominations,  and 
ordered  the  States  to  be  called  in  alphabetical  order. 

ROLL-CALL    OF    THE    STATES 

Alabama,  being  the  first  called  upon,  responded  that  it  would 
yield  its  place  to  Ohio,  and  immediately  a  gray-haired  man  with 
whitening  moustache  came  down  the  aisle,  and  was  recognized  in 
an  instant  as  Senator  Foraker,  of  Ohio.  Everyone  seemed  to  be 
aware  of  the  task  which  had  been  set  for  the  venerable  Senator, 
and  knew  well  who  was  the  incomparable  statesman  that  the 
speaker  so  eloquently  portrayed  without  naming  him,  yet  from 
ancient  custom  his  hearers  pretended  to  be  ignorant.  When  Mr. 
Foraker,  in  closing,  thundered,  "  William  McKinley,"  the  assembly 
arose  to  its  feet  as  one  man,  and  gave  forth  a  shout  of  approval 
which  seemed  to  have  been  stored  up  for  three  days.  A  thousand 
hands  among  the  delegates  were  uplifted  and  ten  thousand  hand 
kerchiefs  among  the  spectators  fluttered,  and  here  and  there  tri- 
colored  bunches  of  pampas  plumes  waved  back  and  forth  ;  then 
another  and  another,  like  magic,  sprang  into  view,  and  the  pit 
occupied  by  the  delegates  seemed  one  mass  of  waving  color.  The 
band  in  the  gallery  began  playing,  but  nobody  could  recognize  the 
air.  The  cornet  and  bass-drum  only  were  recognizable.  Even  the 
dignified  officials  arid  guests  on  the  platform  seemed  to  forget 
themselves  and  join  in  the  pandemonium.  Mark  Hanna  could 
restrain  himself  no  longer,  but  jumped  to  his  feet  and,  seizing  a 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900  283 

bunch  of  brilliant  plumes,  dropped  his  handkerchief  and  fan  and  led 
the  audience,  waving  his  plumes  like  a  baton.  Every  banner  of 
every  State  which  had  been  fastened  in  its  socket  to  mark  the  posi 
tion  of  the  delegates  was  torn  from  its  moorings,  and  soon  there 
was  a  procession  of  banners  moving  through  the  aisles.  Even  the 
banner  of  little  Hawaii  was  held  aloft  by  the  dark-skinned  native 
delegate.  This  sight  swept  the  audience  beyond  control. 

GOVERNOR    ROOSEVELT    SPEAKS 

For  nearly  twenty  minutes  this  popular  outburst  was  main 
tained,  until  from  pure  weariness  the  audience  finally  subsided  and 
the  sound  of  the  chairman's  gavel  was  heard.  On  the  whole  the 
great  demonstration  was  a  success.  It  was  loud,  it  was  long,  it  satis 
fied  the  convention  and  the  spectators.  When  the  chairman  could 
be  heard  he  recognized  a  delegate  from  New  York,  who  desired  to. 
second  the  nomination  of  William  McKinley.  Of  course,  it  was 
Governor  Theodore  Roosevelt,  the  rough  rider,  statesman  and  pop 
ular  hero,  who  spoke.  For  nearly  five  minutes  he  was  compelled  to 
face  this  vast  audience,  again  on  its  feet,  thundering  forth  applauses 
with  cheers  and  waving  of  banners.  In  vain  he  raised  his  hand  and 
motioned  for  silence.  Finally  the  strenuous  Governor  made  himself 
heard.  He  spoke  as  though  he  would  drive  every  sentence  home, 
and  expected  to  carry  conviction  with  it.  His  clenched  fist,  heavy- 
set  jaw,  and  poise  of  body  bespoke  a  kind  of  angry  conviction.  He 
praised  the  administration,  and  with  sharp  and  emphatic  sentences 
brought  down  the  house  with  his  description  of  the  Ice  Trust 
as  "  one  that  is  thoroughly  infamous  in  character  and  may  be 
criminal." 

He  was  followed  by  John  W.  Yerkes,  of  Kentucky,  and  by 
Senator  Thurston,  of  Nebraska,  who  without  much  effort  filled 
the  hall  with  the  volume  of  his  voice,  and  affirmed  that  "the 
steamships  which  plowed  the  main  took  up  the  glad  refrain, 
William  McKinley!  William  McKinley!  William  McKinley!" 
He  was  followed  by  George  A.  Knight,  of  California,  who  paid 


284  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900 

a  tribute  to  his  own  State  and  its  enthusiastic  opinion  of  Presi 
dent  McKinley's  policy.  Soon  there  began  to  be  heard  the  call, 
"  Vote  !  Vote  !  "  and  the  calling  of  the  roll  of  the  States  began  in  the 
usual  impressive  manner.  As  the  name  of  each  State  was  called, 
a  delegate  arose  and  answered,  with  the  number  of  votes  from  each 
State,  "  For  William  McKinley."  Little  Hawaii  again  became  the 
centre  of  attraction  when  she  cast  her  two  votes  for  the  President. 
In  this  way  there  were  930  votes,  and  they  were  unanimously  for 
William  McKinley  ;  and  upon  the  announcement  of  the  result  by 
the  chairman  there  was  another  grand  demonstration. 

NOMINATION    OF    VICE-PRESIDENT 

When  the  convention  could  be  brought  to  order,  the  nomina 
tion  for  Vice-President  became  the  order  of  the  day.  In  accord 
ance  with  a  prearranged  program,  Colonel  Lafe  Young,  of  Iowa, 
in  a  graceful  speech,  announced  that  his  State,  whose  first  choice 
had  been  one  of  her  own  sons,  William  Dolliver,  now  recognized 
that  there  was  one  man  more  than  all  others  demanded  by  the 
people  of  this  broad  country  for  second  place.  He  gracefully 
joined  in  the  popular  demand,  and  proposed  the  name  of  Gover 
nor  Roosevelt,  of  New  York,  as  the  people's  choice  for  Vice-Presi 
dent.  Upon  this  announcement,  the  audience  again  rose  to  their 
feet,  and  shouted  and  cheered  and  marched  with  an  enthusiasm 
almost  equal  to  that  displayed  upon  the  nomination  of  the  Presi 
dent.  The  roll  of  the  States  being  called,  the  choice  was  unani 
mous,  the  total  number  of  votes  cast  for  the  nominees  being  930 
for  President  and  929  for  Vice-President,  Theodore  Roosevelt  not 
voting  with  his  delegation  for  himself. 

The  interesting  fact,  that  the  candidates  for  both  President 
and  Vice-President  were  unanimously  nominated  on  the  first  ballot, 
is,  we  believe,  the  first  instance  of  the  kind  in  American  history. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention,  held  in  Kansas  City,  July 
4,  1900,  unanimously  chose  as  its  candidate  William  Jennings 
Bryan,  the  standard-bearer  of  the  party  four  years  before.  For 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  i9oo  285 

Vice-President,  Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  who  had  already  served 
one  term  in  the  office  during  Cleveland's  second  administration, 
triumphed  over  all  competitors.  Bryan  was  also  chosen,  as  previ 
ously,  by  the  People's  Party,  Charles  A.  Towne,  of  Minnesota, 
being  named  for  Vice-President.  Nominations  were  also  made  by 
the  Prohibition  and  several  other  organizations,  among  them  being 
a  Silver  Republican  faction,  by  which  the  Democratic  nominees 
were  endorsed. 

The  platforms  of  the  parties  were  significant  in  that  the  old 
party  war-cries  sank  into  the  background  and  new  principles  rose 
into  prominence.  The  tariff,  so  long  the  leading  issue,  practically 
vanished  from  sight.  The  question  of  free  silver  coinage,  so  promi 
nent  in  1896,  became  a  minor  issue.  The  new  points  in  debate  were 
the  trusts  and  the  policy  of  so-called  Imperialism.  It  was  not  easy, 
however,  to  make  the  trusts  a  leading  question.  Both  parties  con 
demned  them  in  their  platforms,  though  the  Democrats  maintained 
that  they  were  supported  by  the  existing  administration,  and  that 
the  Republican  party  was  the  sustainer  of  monopoly.  This  left  as 
the  most  prominent  issue  the  question  of  Imperialism  versus  Anti- 
Imperialism,  a  controversy  based  on  the  effort  of  the  administration 
to  subdue  and  control  the  people  of  the  Philippines.  The  per 
sons  opposed  to  this  policy,  at  first  comparatively  few,  had  grown  in 
numbers  until  Anti-Imperialism  was  taken  up  as  a  basic  principle  of 
the  Democratic  platform.  The  country  became  divided  upon  this 
great  question,  and  the  campaign  orators  fulminated  pro  and  con, 
with  all  their  eloquence,  upon  the  grand  problem  of  the  conquest  or 
the  independence  of  the  Filipinos. 

SENATOR  HANNA'S  IDEA  OF  CAMPAIGNING 

Senator  Hanna,  Chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Com 
mittee,  and  President  McKinley's  closest  friend  and  most  ardent 
supporter,  was  opposed  to  a  campaign  on  the  rostrum  of  the  usual 
rhetorical  kind.  Oratorical  fireworks  were  not  to  his  taste.  He 
was  content  to  let  the  other  party  deal  in  them,  and  proposed  that 


286  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900 

the  Republican  orators  and  pamphleteers  should  confine  themselves 
to  argument  instead  of  indulging  in  invective  and  recrimination. 
He  said : 

"  Let  the  other  fellows  have  the  fiddles  and  the  barbecues ! 
Our  argument  exists  per  se  at  the  bench,  in  the  workshop,  at  the 
desk,  in  the  counting-room,  at  the  chair  by  the  fireside.  Let  them 
do  the  shouting ;  we  will  do  the  showing.  They  may  have  the  hys 
terics  ;  we  have  the  conditions.  4  Let  well  enough  alone*  is  a 
mighty  good  saying,  if  it  is  well  enough,  as  it  is  now  for  a  good 
many  more  than  a  majority  of  the  voters  of  these  United  States. 
We  need  not  wave  the  flag.  If  they  force  it — the  people  of  our 
country  are  patriotic.  We  need  not  win  any  gory  victories  on  the 
stump,  nor  storm  any  Spanish  armies  from  wagon-ends.  The  war 
is  over,  and  over  with  the  utmost  credit  to  the  Republican  adminis 
tration.  The  people  know  that,  and  we  need  not  weary  them  by 
dwelling  upon  it.  Our  appeal,  and  it  need  not  be  an  appeal — still 
less  a  defense — is  to  sober  common-sense  as  against  visions ;  to 

o 

what  is,  and  is  satisfactory,  as  against  what  may  be,  and  may  be 
disastrous  ;  to  present  prosperity,  as  against  probable  panic  ;  to 
what  has  been  tried  and  found  true,  as  against  what  is  untried  and 
likely  to  be  found  wanting, — in  short,  to  the  sanity  of  the  nation." 
Mr.  Bryan  did  not  look  upon  it  in  this  way.  He  was,  above 
all  else,  an  orator,  with  a  remarkable  power  of  influencing  audi 
ences  and  with  extraordinary  energy  and  endurance.  While  the 
President  remained  quietly  at  home  in  Canton,  giving  his  views 
only  to  such  as  called  on  him  there,  Bryan  traversed  the  country 
from  end  to  end,  speaking  to  large  audiences,  and  vigorously 
promulgating  the  Democratic  political  doctrines. 

AN    ACTIVE    CAMPAIGN 

As  the  campaign  progressed,  the  Democrats  avoided  the  silver 
question  even  more  than  at  the  beginning;  and,  generally  speak 
ing,  they  seemed  to  find  the  Philippine  issue  less  profitable  than 
they  had  hoped  to  make  it.  Toward  the  middle  of  October  they 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  i9oo  287 

began  to  concentrate  their  oratory,  to  a  marked  extent,  upon  phases 
of  the  Trust  question  and  kindred  matters,  in  a  way  designed  to  stir  up 
the  prejudices  of  labor  against  capital.  They  sought  to  identify  the 
Republican  party  with  all  that  is  objectionable  in  the  rapid 
tendency  toward  the  amalgamation  of  industries,  and  claimed  for 
Mr.  Bryan  the  position  of  the  highest  special  authority  on  the 
whole  subject  of  trusts — their  causes,  their  development,  and 
especially  the  means  by  which  they  are  to  be  destroyed  or  rendered 
harmless.  This  was  the  favorite  therne  of  Mr.  Bryan's  many 
speeches  in  the  State  of  New  York. 

Mr.  Bryan,  indeed,  was  embarrassed  by  the  multiplicity  of  his 
issues.  He  found  himself  the  foremost  champion  on  too  many 
different  fields.  He  could  not  abdicate  his  place  as  head  and  fore 
front  of  the  great  free  silver  movement.  Nor  could  he  repudiate 
a  position  in  which  the  Olneys,  Schurzes,  and  Atkinsons  of  the 
anti-Imperialist  movement,  as  well  as  the  Kansas  City  Convention, 
had  recognized  him  as  the  leader  in  a  crusade  that  proposed  to 
preserve  the  republic  and  avert  the  "  empire."  But,  for  political 
purposes,  an  even  greater  question,  if  possible,  than  either  of  the 
others  became,  as  above  said,  that  involved  in  the  hue  and  cry 
against  trusts  and  plutocratic  tendencies  in  government. 

Here,  again,  he  found  practically  the  whole  work  of  saving  the 
country  thrown  upon  his  one  pair  of  sturdy  shoulders.  Single- 
handed,  he  fought  for  an  income  tax.  It  was  he,  moreover,  who 
was  selected  to  champion  the  cause  of  the  Boers  ;  to  denounce  the 
alleged  secret  alliance  of  Mr.  McKinley  and  Secretary  Hay  with 
Lord  Salisbury  ;  and  to  proclaim  the  grievances,  if  they  could  be 
found,  of  the  Porto  Ricans  and  the  Cubans  against  this  country. 
The  load  was  too  heavy  for  any  candidate  that  ever  lived.  The 
only  wonder  is  that  Mr.  Bryan  carried  it  so  well.  He  made  per 
haps  more  out  of  the  situation  than  any  one  else  could  have  done. 
Now,  as  four  years  before,  the  Democratic  and  Populist  standard- 
bearer  made  a  wonderful  speaking  campaign, 


288  777^  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900 

But  he  was  seeking  in  vain  to  talk  down  a  firmly  fixed  public 
opinion.  Despite  the  active  controversy  of  the  Anti-imperialists, 
their  lurid  pamphlets  and  overwrought  discourses,  the  great 
majority  of  the  people  favored  the  retention  of  the  islands.  Bishop 
Potter,  of  New  York,  after  a  visit  to  Manila,  expressed  what  was 
undoubtedly  a  widely  held  public  opinion  : 

"Whatever  we  might  have  done  a  year  or  more  back,  there  is 
but  one  thing  for  us  to  do  now,  and  that  is  to  hold  on  to  the 
islands  and  assume  the  responsibility  for  their  future.  One  thing 
is  evident,  and  that  is  that  the  Filipinos  are  in  no  condition  for 
self-government.  If  a  civil  government  were  imposed  it  would 
need  a  large  military  force  ti  maintain  it. 

"Several  friends  of  Aguinaldo  called  upon  me  in  Hong 
Kong,  and  they  told  me  that  they  were  satisfied  that  there  could 
be  no  success  for  his  undertaking.  The  better  class  of  Filipinos 
are  satisfied  that  American  occupation  means  increased  prosperity, 
and  are  not  raising  any  objections." 

The  Trust  issue  proved  of  little  more  cogency.  The  great 
combinations  of  capital,  which  were  increasing  with  alarming 
rapidity,  no  doubt  excited  widespread  dread  and  distrust.  But  the 
attempt  to  convert  the  Trust  question  into  a  political  one  could 
not  be  sustained.  It  was  a  business  issue,  pure  and  simple,  for 
which  neither  party  could  justly  be  held  responsible.  The  effort 
to  saddle  it  on  the  back  of  Republicanism  necessarily  failed.  The 
people  were  fully  conversant  with  the  subject,  and  were  unwilling 
to  have  it  injected  into  their  politics.  Both  parties  had  declared 
against  trusts  in  their  platforms.  Such  legislation  as  favored  them 
was  of  old  date,  and  had  been  framed  to  meet  other  conditions. 
There  had  been  recent  legislation  against  trusts,  and  on  this 
question  the  record  of  Republicanism  was  as  clear  as  that  of 
Democracy. 

When  the  November  election  came  on,  the  result  decisively 
showed  that  a  large  majority  of  the  people  were  in  favor  of  Wil 
liam  McKinley  and  his  party  principles.  He  was  re-elected  to 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1900  289 

office  by  a  popular  vote  of  7,206,777  against  a  vote  for  Bryan  of 
6,374,397.  The  electoral  vote  for  McKinley  and  Roosevelt  was 
292;  that  for  Bryan  and  Stevenson,  155,  yielding  the  very  large 
Republican  majority  of  137  electoral  votes.  McKinley's  popular 
majority  was  230,000,  his  electoral  majority  42,  greater  than  the 
large  majorities  of  1896. 

MCKINLEY    RE-ELECTED 

Thus  William  McKinley  was  qnce  more  chosen  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  went  on  without  a  break  in  the  duties  of  his 
great  office,  no  dream  of  fate  coming  to  warn  him  how  soon  and 
fatally  this  was  to  end.  Theodore  Roosevelt,  who  had  very 
reluctantly  accepted  the  nomination  for  Vice-President,  was  fully 
prepared  to  spend  four  years  as  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate, 
similarly  without  a  dream  of  the  great  future  fate  was  preparing 
for  him.  Thus  events  move  on  in  the  progress  of  human  life.  The 
past  lies  behind  us  like  an  open  scroll ;  the  face  of  the  future  is 
deeply  veiled.  None  can  say  whether  sunshine  or  cloud,  sorrow  or 
joy,  life  or  death,  awaits  any  man  in  the  coming  days  or  years. 


CHAPTER    XVII 

Nearing    the    End 

ON  the  ist  of  January,  1901,  the  United  States  entered  a  new 
century  admirably  equipped  for  the  journey  that  lay  before 
it.  In  wealth  and  promise  of  prosperity  it  had  become  the 
foremost  nation  of  the  world.  In  commercial  development  it  stood 
supreme  ;  not  in  the  sum  of  its  exports  and  imports,  in  which  it 
was  surpassed  by  Great  Britain,  but  in  the  enormous  balance  of 
trade  in  its  favor,  in  which  it  far  exceeded  all  the  other  nations 
of  the  world.  In  manufacturing  activity  and  the  value  of  its 
annual  products,  and  in  the  superabundant  yield  of  its  farms  and 
pastures,  it  similarly  had  attained  a  foremost  place,  while  its  work 
ing  classes  enjoyed  a  degree  of  comfort  and  prosperity  nowhere 
else  approached.  It  was  capable  not  only  of  feeding  its  own 
people,  but  had  become  the  granary  of  Europe,  which  trusted  to 
the  United  States  to  save  it  from  possible  starvation.  And  its  sur 
plus  of  manufactured  goods  was  sent  abroad  in  similar  profusion. 
In  a  word,  the  great  republic  had  become  the  grand  almoner  of 
mankind,  the  "  Lady  Bountiful  "whose  generous  hand  gave  freely 
from  its  abundance  to  the  crowding  millions  of  the  outer  world. 

Its  progress  was  not  alone  in  material  things.  The  mental 
wealth  of  its  people  was  expanding  equally  with  their  physical  con 
ditions.  Within  its  broad  domain  there  was  no  privileged  class,  no 
pampered  and  idle  aristocracy,  no  political  magnates  with  hereditary 
power  and  authority ;  all  were  equal,  all  sovereign  citizens,  the 
poorest  in  the  land  being  equal  before  the  laws  and  in  political 
opportunities  with-  the  richest  and  highest.  Education  was  the 
privilege  of  all,  rich  and  poor  alike.  In  art,  in  music,  in  literature, 
in  science,  in  invention,  the  West  had  attained  the  level  of  the 
290 


OF  THE 

UNIVERS 


N EARING  THE  END 

East,  and  spiritually  as  well  as  materially  the  United  States  recog 
nized  no  superior  upon  the  earth. 

In  respect  to  power  and  influence,  its  development  had  been 
equally  great.  It  began  the  new  century  with  a  population  of 
76,304,799,  the  greatest  of  any  justly  entitled  civilized  nation  of  the 
world — for  though  Russia  surpassed  it  in  mere  numbers,  it  did  so  by 
including  a  vast  host  of  people  to  whom  the  term  civilized  could  not 
properly  be  applied.  In  wealth  and  financial  resources  it  stood 
supreme,  while  its  debt  was  the  smallest  among  those  of  the  leading 
nations.  Removed  by  two  great  oceans  from  warlike  peoples,  it 
was  free  from  the  incubus  of  a  great  standing  army,  trusting  to  its 
patriotic  people  and  to  its  naval  resources  for  ample  protection 
should  hostile  relations  arise. 

Such  was  the  great  and  commanding  nation  of  which  William 
McKinley  had  a  second  time  been  elected  President,  and  into  whose 
highest  official  position  he  was  re-inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1901.  We  speak  of  this  growing  supremacy  of  the  United  States 
not  without  purpose,  since  much  of  it  had  been  gained  after 
McKinley  was  first  inaugurated  President,  four  years  before. 

FROM    PANIC    TO    PROSPERITY 

He  first  became  chief  ruler  of  the  country  when  at  a  low  level 
in  its  financial  and  business  conditions.  For  years  the  shadow  of 
ruin  had  lain  upon  the  land.  Its  business  was  depressed,  its  people 
were  despairing,  its  finances  were  disorganized,  its  debt  was  increas 
ing,  its  expenses  surpassed  its  income,  in  every  respect  its  condition 
was  discouraging,  its  outlook  the  reverse  of  hopeful. 

Four  years  of  a  McKinley  administration  had  passed,  and  an 
extraordinary  change  had  come  upon  the  land.  The  clouds  of  dis 
couragement  had  broken  and  rolled  like  a  scroll  away,  and  the  full 
sunshine  of  prosperity  poured  down  upon  our  cities,  homes,  and 
fields.  Business  depression  was  replaced  by  a  magnificent  activity, 
despair  had  been  swept  away  by  hopefulness,  money  poured  into 
our  treasury  far  more  rapidly  than  it  flowed  out,  the  country  had, 


294  NEARING  THE  END 

metaphorically,  thrown  off  its  coat  and  grasped  its  tools,  and  in  city 
and  country  alike  an  extraordinary  energy  manifested  itself,  while 
on  every  sea  a  great  fleet  of  merchantmen  bore  the  products  of 
our  factories  and  fields  to  all  quarters  of  the  earth. 

In  political  importance  the  progress  had  been  no  less  stupen 
dous.  Not  many  years  had  passed  since  Europe  looked  upon 
our  country  with  disdain,  as  a  nation  of  shopkeepers,  without  ambi 
tion  for  aught  but  coin,  and  unworthy  of  being  considered  in  the 
great  national  movements  of  mankind.  Even  in  1896,  when 
McKinley  was  first  elected,  this  sentiment  had  by  no  means  passed 
away.  Europe  had  begun  to  look  with  distrust  upon  the  growing 
giant  of  the  West,  but  viewed  it  still  as  limited  to  the  interests  of 
its  own  continent  and  not  worthy  of  consideration  in  world  affairs. 

DAWN    OF    A    NEW    ERA 

A  new  era  had  dawned  and  how  great  the  change  !  The  giant 
had  broken  its  bonds  and  for  the  first  time  stood  before  mankind 
in  its  true  proportions.  In  a  single  leap  it  had  sprung  into  the 
position  of  a  world  power,  one  of  the  great  national  magnates  of 
the  earth,  and  the  nations  gazed  askance  upon  this  mighty  form  in 
their  midst,  destined,  hereafter,  to  have  a  voice  in  the  councils  of 
the  world,  to  aid  in  moving  the  pieces  which  settled  the  destinies 
of  mankind. 

In  this  grand  form  it  was  that  the  United  States  entered  the 
twentieth  century.  We  cannot  give  William  McKinley  the  credit 
of  setting  in  train  this  mighty  and  rapid  change.  Most  of  it  was 
inevitable,  the  result  of  causes  which  had  been  developing  for 
many  years.  But  in  the  final  days  of  the  voyage  he  stood  at  the 
helm  and  aided  the  great  craft  to  weather  the  dangerous  storms 
through  which  it  passed,  to  avoid  the  rocks  which  threatened  it 
with  wreck,  and  to  bring  it  safely  at  last  into  the  port  for  whicrTlts 
course  was  laid. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1901,  our  well  proved  and  tried  Presi 
dent  entered  upon  a  new  four-year  term  in  our  national  career 


N EARING  THE  END  295 

with  every  promise  before  him  of  guiding  the  ship  of  state  safely 
onward  in  the  great  voyage  upon  which  it  had  once  more  set  sail. 
Sadly  enough,  it  was  for  the  pilot  now  that  the  rocks  of  peril 
arose,  not  for  the  mighty  ship.  In  the  most  hopeful  days  of  the 
voyage  his  hand  was  snatched  from  the  helm,  death  fell  upon  him  at 
his  post,  and  nothing  was  left  of  hLn  to  his  people  but  the  beloved 
memory  of  one  of  their  noblest  and  greatest  men.  Fortunately 
there  was  a  new  and  strong  hand  ready  to  seize  the  helm,  and  still 
the  Ship  of  State  sailed  grandly  on. 

Like  Lincoln  and  Garfield  before  him,  he  was  stricken  down  in 
the  year  of  his  inauguration.  Lincoln  had  fallen  in  the  month 
after  he  a^ain  took  the  chair  of  office.  The  hand  of  the  assassin 

o 

struck  Garneld  in  the  fourth  month  of  his  term.  Six  months  of 
his  new  administration  passed  ere  McKinley  fell.  The  events  of 
these  few  months  it  is  our  purpose  here  to  briefly  relate.  They 
were  of  no  great  political  importance.  The  country  was  for  the 
time  at  rest  after  the  years  of  struggle  and  excitement  it  had  just 
passed  through.  It  was  a  brief  breathing  time  before  new  ques 
tions  of  moment  should  arise,  and  its  few  events  may  quickly  be 
told. 

THE    PHILIPPINE    WAR 

After  two  years  of  more  or  less  active  warfare  the  struggle  in 
the  Philippines  was  practically  at  an  end.  There  were  still  some 
bands  of  brigands  in  the  mountains,  as  there  had  been  for  centuries, 
and  a  rapidly  expiring  guerrilla  contest,  but  the  leading  revolu 
tionists  had  ceased  their  opposition,  and  the  Taft  Commission, 
appointed  by  President  McKinley  to  establish  a  liberal  form  of 
government  in  the  islands,  met  with  the  greatest  success  in  its 
work.  At  the  same  time  a  large  number  of  teachers  were  sent 
out  from  the  United  States  to  establish  schools  in  the  islands,  and 
thus  confer  upon  their  people  the  highest  boon  which  this  country 
was  able  to  bestow — that  of  education  on  liberal  principles. 

Among  the  events  of  the  opening  year  of  the  twentieth  cen 
tury  one  of  the  most  interesting  was  the  Pan-American  Exposition, 


296  HEARING  THE  END 

held  in  the  city  of  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  from  May  ist  to  November  ist. 
This  project  was  first  planned  in  1897,  t^e  exposition  to  be  held  on 
a  small  scale,  in  1899,  on  Cayuga  Island,  near  Niagara  Falls.  The 
Spanish-American  War,  however,  checked  the  project,  and  when  it 
was  revived  it  was  on  a  more  ambitious  scale.  Buffalo  was  chosen 
as  the  site,  and  the  original  fifty  acres  were  expanded  into  330  acres, 
the  ground  chosen  including  the  most  beautiful  portions  of  Dela 
ware  Park.  A  fund  of  $5,000,000  was  provided  by  the  city  and 
citizens  of  Buffalo,  appropriations  were  made  by  the  State  of  New 
York  and  the  Federal  Government,  and  the  work  was  begun  on  an 
estimate  of  $10,000,000  of  expenditures. 

PAN-AMERICAN    EXPOSITION 

The  purpose  of  this  Exposition  is  clearly  indicated  in  its  name. 
It  concerned  itself  solely  with  the  countries  of  the  two  Americas 
and  the  new  possessions  of  the  United  States,  of  which  it  was  pro 
posed  to  show  the  progress  during  the  nineteenth  century,  a  lead 
ing  object  of  the  enterprise  being  to  bring  into  closer  relations, 
commercially  and  socially,  the  republics  and  colonies  of  the  West 
ern  Hemisphere  and  promote  intercourse  between  their  peoples. 
The  Department  of  State,  in  June,  1899,  invited  the  various  govern 
ments  of  the  American  Continents  to  take  part  in  the  enterprise, 
and  acceptances  were  very  generally  received. 

The  preparations  made  for  the  Exposition  were  of  the  most 
admirable  character,  and,  when  completed,  the  grounds  and  build 
ings  presented  a  magnificent  scene.  While  on  a  smaller  scale  than 
the  Philadelphia  and  Chicago  World's  Fairs,  the  Buffalo  Fair 
surpassed  all  previous  ones  in  architectural  beauty.  Instead  of  pre 
senting  the  pure  white  of  the  Columbian  Exposition,  there  was  a 
generous  use  of  brilliant  colors  and  rich  tints,  which  gave  a  glowing 
rainbow  effect  to  the  artistically  grouped  buildings ;  the  general 
style  of  architecture  being  a  free  treatment  of  the  Spanish  Renais 
sance,  in  compliment  to  the  Latin  American  countries  taking 
part  The  elaborate  hydraulic  and  fountain  arrangements,  the 


N EARING  THE  END  297 

horticultural  and  floral  settings,  and  the  sculptural  ornamentation, 
added  greatly  to  the  general  effect. 

Of  the  varied  elements  of  the  display,  that  of  electricity  stood 
first,  the  enormous  electrical  plant  at  Niagara  and  its  connection  by 
wire  with  Buffalo  affording  unequalled  facilities  in  this  direction. 
The  Electric  Tower,  375  feet  high,  was  the  centre-piece  of  the 
Exposition,  the  edifice  itself  being  stately  and  beautiful  and  its  elec 
tric  display  on  the  grandest  scale.  The  vari-colored  electrical  foun 
tain  was  strikingly  beautiful.  There  were  winding  canals,  caverns, 
and  grottoes,  water  cascades,  towers,  domes  and  pinnacles,  and 
other  objects  of  attraction,  not  the  least  of  them  the  Midway,  with 
its  diversified  display,  a  feature  which  has  become  indispensable  to  all 
recent  enterprises  of  this  character.  We  have  spoken  especially  of 
this  superb  Fair  from  the  sad  relations  which  President  McKinley 
was  to  hold  to  it — a  subject  of  national  grief  which  we  reserve  for 
later  treatment. 

TRANS-CONTINENTAL    TOUR    OF    THE    PRESIDENT 

Another  event  of  much  public  interest  which  marked  the  year 
1901  was  a  grand  tour  of  the  entire  country  projected  by  President 
McKinley,  on  a  scale  far  surpassing  those  undertaken  by  preceding 
Presidents,  its  limits  being  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  in  the  East  and 
West,  and  the  Gulf  and  Lake  States  in  the  North  and  South. 
Leaving  Washington  on  April  29th,  in  a  special  train,  whose  cars 
were  provided  with  every  convenience  and  luxury  which  art  could 
devise  and  skill  provide,  and  following  roads  where  the  utmost  care 
and  precaution  were  taken  to  insure  ease,  safety  and  comfort  of 
travel,  the  party  proceeded  through  the  southern  portion  of  its 
route,  the  President  being  received  in  all  the  large  cities  and  towns 
with  a  generous  enthusiasm  which  spoke  volumes  for  the  unity  of 
sentiment  throughout  the  country.  His  appreciative  remarks  and 
well-chosen  responses  to  addresses  of  welcome  added  greatly  to  the 
kindly  feeling  with  which  he  was  everywhere  received.  Unfortu 
nately  the  severe  illness  of  Mrs.  McKinley,  after  San  Francisco  had 
17 


298  NEARING  THE  END 

been  reached,  put  an  end  to  the  tour  when  half  completed.  The 
life  of  the  "  Lady  of  the  White  House"  was  despaired  of,  but  she 
recovered  sufficiently  to  be  brought  back  by  the  shortest  route  to 
Washington,  attended  at  every  point  by  her  loving  husband  with 
the  most  assiduous  and  anxious  care. 

THE    SUPREME    COURT    AND    INSULAR    COMMERCE 

The  presence  of  the  President  in  Washington  was  needed,  for 
important  political  questions  had  arisen  which  demanded  his  imme 
diate  attention  and  extended  consultation  with  the  members  of  his 
Cabinet.  These  arose  in  consequence  of  a  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  fixing  the  status  of  our  insular  posses 
sions.  In  a  number  of  instances  duties  had  been  collected  on 
goods  imported  from  Porto  Rico  and  Hawaii  to  this  country,  and 
in  one  instance  fourteen  diamonds  brought  by  a  soldier  from  the 
Philippine  Islands  had  been  seized  for  non-payment  of  duty.  Sev 
eral  lawsuits  brought  for  the  recovery  of  these  duties,  on  the  claim 
that  they  had  been  illegally  exacted,  were  decided  adversely  to  the 
claimants  by  the  lower  courts,  and  appeals  were  taken  to  the 
Supreme  Court.  A  decision  was  rendered  by  this  court  on  May 
28,  1901,  in  the  suit  of  De  Lima  &  Co.,  merchants  of  New  York, 
which  covered  all  the  cases  involved  except  the  Philippine  one, 
which  was  left  in  doubt.  This  opinion,  announced  by  Justice 
Brown,  was  concurred  in  by  five  members  of  the  court,  Chief  Jus 
tice  Fuller  and  Associate  Justices  Brown,  Brewer,  Harlan  and 
Peckham,  and  dissented  from  by  Justices  Gray,  Shiras,  White  and 
McKenna. 

The  decision  was  to  the  effect,  that  before  the  Treaty  of  Paris 
Porto  Rico  was  a  foreign  country,  and  its  exports  were  subject  to 
full  duties.  After  that  treaty  it  became  a  domestic  territory,  and, 
as  such,  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Congress  while  it  continued 
a  territorial  possession,  the  decision  being  that  Congress  has  the 
right  to  administer  the  government  of  a  territory  and  to  lay  such 
duties  upon  its  commerce  as  it  deems  suitable.  The  effect  of  this 


NEARING  THE  END  299 

decision  was  that,  from  the  signing  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris  till  the 
passage  of  the  Foraker  act,  fixing  the  duties  at  15  per  cent,  no 
duties  could  legally  be  collected  on  Porto  Rican  goods.  After  that 
act  was  passed  the  duties  designated  by  it  could  be  exacted. 

This  crucial  decision  fixes  the  status  of  all  our  insular  posses 
sions  under  civil  control.  But  the  court  adjourned  without  render 
ing  an  opinion  on  the  Philippine  case,  and  as  the  Philippine 
Islands  differed  from  Porto  Rico  in  being  under  military  control, 
the  question  as  to  the  right  of  government  to  collect  duties  upon 
Philippine  goods  remained  unsettled.  Many  held  that  the  Presi 
dent  had  no  authority  to  exact  duties,  and  that  it  would  be  neces 
sary  to  call  an  extra  session  of  Congress  in  order  to  pass  a  law 
governing  the  Philippine  customs  ;  but  the  President  decided  that 
this  was  not  needed,  and  that  existing  acts  of  Congress  governed 
this  special  case. 

The  decisions  of  the  Court,  so  far  as  they  went,  made  necessary 
some  slight  alterations  in  the  plan  which  President  McKinley  had 
formed  for  proclaiming  a  full  system  of  civil  government  in  the 
Philippines  on  July  4th,  but  a  partial  system  was  put  in  operation 
on  that  date.  Late  in  July,  on  notice  from  the  Porto  Rican  Legis 
lature  that  a  system  of  local  taxation  had  been  established  in  the 
island  which  would  yield  revenue  sufficient  for  the  support  of  its 
government,  the  President  issued  a  proclamation  declaring  the 
abolition  of  the  import  and  export  duties  on  the  trade  of  Porto  Rico 
with  the  United  States  which  had  been  imposed  by  the  Foraker 
act,  which  provided  a  form  of  civil  government  for  the  island. 

AFFAIRS    IN    CUBA    AND    CHINA 

The  above  mentioned  was  one  of  the  questions  which  con 
fronted  PresidentMcKinley  on  his  return  to  Washington  from  his 
long  journey  through  the  States.  Another  had  to  do  with  Cuban 
affairs.  The  Cuban  Constitutional  Convention  had  accepted  the 
Act  of  Congress  fixing  the  relations  between  the  United  States 
and  Cuba,  and  establishing  what  might  be  called  a  mild  form  of 


3oo  HEARING  THE  END 

protectorate  over  the  island  ;  but  its  acceptance  was  vitiated  by 
conditions  which  the  President  declined  to  accept,  and  the  question 
was  returned  to  the  convention  with  the  decisive  understanding 
that  the  Platt  amendment,  fixing  the  relations  between  the  United 
States  and  Cuba,  must  be  accepted  in  its  entirety,  or  the  military 
occupation  of  Cuba  would  necessarily  continue.  On  June  12, 
1901,  the  Cuban  Convention  accepted  this  amendment  in  its 
original  form,  and  the  sole  obstacle  to  Cuban  independence  was 
removed. 

Meanwhile  the  Chinese  situation  had  been  modified  by  the 
withdrawal  of  the  American  troops,  except  a  legation  guard  ;  other 
nations  also  ordering  the  withdrawal  of  their  troops  and  restoring 
the  government  to  the  Chinese.  The  indemnity  demanded  from 
and  accepted  by  China  amounted  to  $237,000,000,  with  interest  at 
not  over  4  per  cent.  This  large  sum  was  objected  to  by  the 
United  States  Government,  but  was  adopted  on  the  demand  of  the 
other  nations  concerned. 

OTHER    EVENTS    OF    NATIONAL    IMPORTANCE 

Among  other  events  of  national  importance  was  the  settle 
ment  of  the  vexed  question  of  the  number  of  soldiers  in  the 
army.  The  provision  to  make  it  100,000  men  was  modified  on 
suggestion  of  General  Miles,  and  the  number  fixed  at  76,000, 
making  one  soldier  for  every  1,000  of  the  population. 

In  the  spring  of  1901,  a  signal  discovery  of  petroleum  was 
made  in  the  Southwest,  a  well  being  opened  at  Beaumont,  Texas, 
which  threw  a  six-inch  stream  of  oil  a  hundred  feet  into  the  air. 
Other  rich  wells  were  subsequently  opened,  in  that  and  neighbor 
ing  States,  and  great  excitement  prevailed  in  the  speculative  world. 
The  oil  differed  essentially  from  that  of  Pennsylvania,  being  ill- 
adapted  to  refining  and  principally  suitable  for  fuel. 

One  of  the  most  striking  events  of  the  year  was  the  formation 
of  an  industrial  combination  on  an  unprecedented  scale,  a  gigantic 
union  of  the  steel  manufacturing  interests  of  the  country,  with  the 


N EARING  THE  END  301 

immense  capital  of  $1,100,000,000.  A  line  of  steamships  was  pur 
chased  in  the  interest  of  this  concern,  the  railroad  magnates  of  the 
country  added  to  their  holdings,  and  showed  indications  of  an 
eventual  general  combination  of  transportation  facilities,  and  the 
public  stood  aghast  at  these  vast  operations,  in  doubt  as  to  where 
they  would  end,  or  how  the  interests  of  the  great  multitude  would 
be  affected.  It  was  with  such  stupendous  financial  and  industrial 
operations  that  the  new  century  began  its  career,  and  that  the  wise 
and  beneficent  executive  rule  of  President  McKinley  neared  its  end. 


CHAPTER    XVIII 

The  President's  Last  Speech 

Pan-American  Exposition  which  was  formally  opened  ac 
Buffalo  May  i,  1901,  had,  from  the  first,  President  McKin- 
ley's  earnest  support  and  enthusiastic  encouragement.  He 
truly  saw  that  this  great  exposition  would  weld  together  more 
closely  the  peoples  of  North  and  South  America  by  facilitating 
trade  and  commerce  and  making  known  to  each  the  resources  of 
the  other.  It  was  fitting,  therefore,  that  there  should  be  a  Presi 
dent's  Day  and  that  he  should  honor  the  Exposition  with  his  pres 
ence.  Therefore  he  journeyed  from  his  beautiful  hom^  at  Canton 
to  Buffalo  accompanied  by  his  wife,  relatives  and  friends. 

President's  Day,  September  5,  1901,  at  the  Pan-American 
Exposition,  dawned  bright  and  clear,  with  the  temperature  suffi 
ciently  low  to  make  the  day  all  that  could  be  desired.  Business 
houses  and  private  residences  were  gayly  decorated  with  flags  and 
bunting,  and  banners  were  stretched  from  windows  and  across 
streets,  bearing  words  of  welcome  to  the  President  and  expressive 
of  the  sentiment  which  the  great  fair  was  designed  to  foster,"  Peace 
to  Pan-America." 

The  time  announced  for  the  departure  of  the  President  from 
the  house  of  Mr.  Milburn,  in  Delaware  Avenue,  where  he 
made  his  home  and  was  most  hospitably  entertained  in  Buffalo, was 
10  o'clock.  Crowds  had  alfeady  begun  to  assemble  in  front  of  the 
house  as  early  as  9  o'clock.  A  detail  of  police  kept  the  crowd 
back  from  the  sidewalk  in  front  of  the  house  ;  but  those  most  eager 
to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  President  and  Mrs.  McKinley  indiscrimi 
nately  invaded  the  beautiful  lawns  of  the  adjoining  residences,  and 
some  even  went  so  far  as  to  climb  upon  the  verandas. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  LAST  SPEECH  303 

Promptly  at  10  o'clock  the  President  emerged  from  the  home 
of  Mr.  Milburn,  Mrs.  McKinley  accompanying  him,  walking  by  his 
side  without  assistance.  A  great  burst  of  cheers  greeted  them, 
which  the  President  acknowledged  by  bowing  and  raising  his  hat. 
The  President  and  Mrs.  McKinley  entered  the  first  carriage,  and 
Mr.  Milburn,  President  of  the  Exposition,  and  Mrs.  William  Ham- 
lin,  of  the  Board  of  Women  Managers,  the  second. 

GREETED    BY    A    GREAT    THRONG 

An  escort  of  twenty  mounted  police  and  twenty  members  of 
the  Signal  Corps  surrounded  the  two  carriages,  and  the  cavalcade 
set  out  at  a  brisk  trot  for  the  Lincoln  Parkway  entrance  to  the 
Exposition  grounds.  The  two  carriages  were  followed  by  a  num 
ber  of  other  carriages  and  tallyhos,  their  occupants  blowing  fan 
fares  and  adding  animation  to  the  scene. 

o 

At  the  entrance  to  the  Exposition  grounds  the  President  was 
met  by  detachments  of  the  United  States  Marines  and  the  Sea 
Coast  Artillery,  and  the  65th  and  ;4th  N.  G.  S.  N.  Y.  Regiments 
under  General  S.  M.  \Velch.  A  President's  salute  of  twenty-one 
guns  was  fired.  The  President  was  escorted  to  the  stand  erected 
in  the  esplanade, where  probably  the  greatest  crowd  ever  assem 
bled  there  greeted  him  with  ringing  cheers.  The  vast  assemblage 
overflowed  to  the  Court  of  Fountains.  In  the  stands  on  each  side  of 
the  President  were  seated  many  distinguished  men  and  women,  among 
them  representatives  of  most  of  the  South  American  Republics. 

There  was  a  most  absolute  quiet  when  President  Milburn  arose 
and  introduced  the  President  as  follows  : 

"  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  :  The  President." 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  SPEECH 

The  great  audience  then  broke  out  with  a  mighty  cheer,  which 
continued  as  President  McKinley  rose,  and  it  was  some  minutes 
before  he  was  able  to  proceed.  When  quiet  was  restored  the  Presi 
dent  spoke  as  follows  : 


3o4  THE  PRESIDENT 'S  LAST  SPEECH 

"  President  Milburn,  Director-General  Buchanan,  commission 
ers,  ladies  and  gentlemen  : 

4<  I  am  glad  to  be  again  in  the  city  of  Buffalo  and  exchange 
greetings  with  her  people,  to  whose  generous  hospitality  I  am  not 
a  stranger  and  with  whose  good  will  I  have  been  repeatedly  and 
signally  honored.  To-day  I  have  additional  satisfaction  in  meeting 
and  giving  welcome  to  the  foreign  representatives  assembled  here, 
whose  presence  and  participation  in  this  Exposition  have  contribu 
ted  in  so  marked  a  degree  to  its  interest  and  success. 

"  To  the  Commissioners  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada  and  the 
British  Colonies,  the  French  Colonies,  the  Republics  of  Mexico 
and  of  Central  and  South  America,  and  the  Commissioners  of 
Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,  who  share  with  us  in  this  undertaking,  we 
give  the  hand  of  fellowship,  and  felicitate  with  them  upon  the 
triumphs  of  art,  science,  education  and  manufacture  which  the  old 
has  bequeathed  to  the  new  century. 

TIMEKEEPERS    OF    PROGRESS 

"  Expositions  are  the  timekeepers  of  progress.  They  record 
the  world's  advancement.  They  stimulate  the  energy,  enterprise 
and  intellect  of  the  people,  and  quicken  human  genius.  They  go 
into  the  home.  They  broaden  and  brighten  the  daily  life  of  the 
people.  They  open  mighty  storehouses  of  information  to  the  stu 
dent.  Every  exposition,  great  or  small,  has  helped  to  some  onward 
step.  Comparison  of  ideas  is  always  educational,  and  as  such  in 
structs  the  brain  and  hand  of  man.  Friendly  rivalry  follows,  which 
is  the  spur  to  industrial  improvement,  the  inspiration  to  useful  in 
vention  and  to  high  endeavor  in  all  departments  of  human  activity. 
It  exacts  a  study  of  the  wants',  comforts,  and  even  the  whims  of  the 
people,  and  recognizes  the  efficacy  of  high  quality  and  new  prices 
to  win  their  favor. 

"  The  quest  for  trade  is  an  incentive  to  men  of  business  to 
devise,  invent,  improve  and  economize  in  the  cost  of  production. 
Business  life,  whether  among  ourselves,  or  with  other  people,  is 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  LAST  SPEECH  305 

ever  a  sharp  struggle  for  success.  It  will  be  none  the  less  so  in 
the  future.  Without  competition  we  would  be  clinging  to  the 
clumsy  and  antiquated  processes  of  farming  and  manufacture  and 
the  methods  of  business  of  long  ago,  and  the  twentieth  would  be 
no  further  advanced  than  the  eighteenth  century.  But,  though 
commercial  competitors  we  are,  commercial  enemies  we  must  not  be. 

THE  EXPOSITION'S  WORK 

"  The  Pan-American  Exposition  has  done  its  work  thoroughly, 
presenting  in  its  exhibits  evidences  of  the  highest  skill  and  illus 
trating  the  progress  of  the  human  family  in  the  Western  Hemis 
phere.  This  portion  of  the  earth  has  no  cause  for  humiliation  for 
the  part  it  has  performed  in  the  march  of  civilization.  It  has  not 
accomplished  everything;  far  from  it.  It  has  simply  done  its  best, 
and  without  vanity  or  boastfulness,  and  recognizing  the  manifold 
achievements  of  others,  it  invites  the  friendly  rivalry  of  all  the 
powers  in  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  trade  and  commerce,  and  will 
co-operate  with  all  in  advancing  the  highest  and  best  interests  of 
humanity.  T.he  wisdom  and  energy  of  all  the  nations  are  none  too 
great  for  the  world's  work.  The  success  of  art,  science,  industry 
and  invention  is  an  international  asset  and  a  common  glory. 

"  After  all,  how  near  one  to  the  other  is  every  part  of  the 
world.  Modern  inventions  have  brought  into  close  relation  widely 
separated  peoples  and  made  them  better  acquainted.  Geographic 
and  political  divisions  will  continue  to  exist  but  distances  have  been 
effaced.  Swift  ships  and  fast  trains  are  becoming  cosmopolitan. 
They  invade  fields  which  a  few  years  ago  were  impenetrable.  The 
world's  products  are  exchanged  as  never  before,  and  with  increas- 
*ng  transportation  facilities  come  increasing  knowledge  and  larger 
trade.  Prices  are  fixed  with  mathematical  precision  by  supply  and 
demand.  The  world's  selling  prices  are  regulated  by  market  and 
crop  reports.  We  travel  greater  distances  in  a  shorter  space  of 
time,  and  with  more  ease,  than  was  ever  dreamed  of  by  the 
fathers. 


306  THE  PRESIDENT'S  LAST  SPEECH 

11  Isolation  is  no  longer  possible  or  desirable.  The  same  im 
portant  news  is  read,  though  in  different  languages,  the  same  day 
in  all  Christendom.  The  telegraph  keeps  us  advised  of  what  is 
occurring  everywhere  and  the  press  fore-shadows,  with  more  or  less 
accuracy,  the  plans. and  purposes  of  the  nations.  Market  prices  of 
products  and  of  securities  are  hourly  known  in  every  commercial 
mart,  and  the  investments  of  the  people  extend  beyond  their  own 
national  boundaries  into  the  remotest  parts  of  the  earth.  Vast 
transactions  are  conducted  and  international  exchanges  are  made 
by  the  tick  of  the  cable.  Every  event  of  interest  is  immediately 
bulletined. 

"  The  quick  gathering  and  transmission  of  news,  like  rapid 
transit,  are  of  recent  origin,  and  are  only  made  possible  by  the 
genius  of  the  inventor  and  the  courage  of  the  investor.  It  took  a 
special  messenger  of  the  Government,  with  every  facility  known 
at  the  time  for  rapid  travel,  nineteen  days  to  go  from  the  city  of 
Washington  to  New  Orleans  with  a  message  to  General  Jackson 
that  the  war  with  England  had  ceased  and  a  treaty  of  peace  had 
been  signed.  How  different  now! 

o 

THE    TELEGRAPH    IN    WAR 

"  We  reached  General  Miles  in  Porto  Rico  by  cable,  and  he 
was  able  through  the  military  telegraph  to  stop  his  army  on  the 
firing  line  with  the  message  that  the  United  States  and  Spain  had 
signed  a  protocol  suspending  hostilities.  We  knew  almost  instantly 
of  the  first  shots  fired  at  Santiago,  and  the  subsequent  surrender  of 
the  Spanish  forces  was  known  at  Washington  within  less  than  an 
hour  of  its  consummation. 

"  The  first  ship  of  Cervera's  fleet  had  hardly  emerged  from  that 
historic  harbor  when  the  fact  was  flashed  to  our  capital,  and  the 
swift  destruction  that  followed  was  announced  immediately  through 
the  wonderful  medium  of  telegraphy. 

"  So  accustomed  are  we  to  safe  and  easy  communication  with 
distant  lands  that  its  temporary  interruption,  even  in  ordinary 


THE  PRESIDENT'' S  LAST  SPEECH  307 

times,  results  in  loss  and  inconvenience.  We  shall  never  forget  the 
days  of  anxious  waiting  and  awful  suspense  when  no  information 
was  permitted  to  be  sent  from  Peking,  and  the  diplomatic  repre 
sentatives  of  the  nations  in  China,  cut  off  from  all  communication, 
inside  and  outside  of  the  walled  capital,  were  surrounded  by  an 
angry  and  misguided  mob  that  threatened  their  lives,  nor  the  joy 
that  thrilled  the  world  when  a  single  message  from  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  brought  through  ou-r  Minister  the  first  news 
of  the  safety  of  the  besieged  diplomats. 

A    WORD    FOR    ARBITRATION 

"  At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  was  not  a 
mile  of  steam  railroad  on  the  globe.  Now  there  are  enough  miles 
to  make  its  circuit  many  times.  Then  there  was  not  a  line  of  elec 
tric  telegraph  ;  now  we  have  a  vast  mileage  traversing  all  lands  and 
all  seas.  God  and  man  have  linked  the  nations  together.  No 
nation  can  longer  be  indifferent  to  any  other.  And,  as  we  are 
brought  more  and  more  in  touch  with  each  other,  the  less  occasion 

o 

is  there  for  misunderstanding  and  the  stronger  the  disposition 
when  we  have  differences  to  adjust  them  in  the  court  of  arbitra 
tion,  the  noblest  form  for  the  settlement  of  international  disputes. 
"  My  fellow-citizens,  trade  statistics  indicate  that  this  country 
is  in  a  state  of  unexampled  prosperity.  The  figures  are  almost 
appalling.  They  show  that  we  are  utilizing  our  fields  and  forests 
and  mines,  and  that  we  are  furnishing  profitable  employment  to 
the  millions  of  workingmen  throughout  the  United  States,  bring 
ing  comfort  and  happiness  to  their  homes  and  making  it  possible 
to  lay  by  savings  for  old  age  and  disability. 

/fT'v  That  all  the  people  are  participating  in  this  great  prosperity  is 
seen  in  every  American  community,  and  shown  by  the  enormous 
and  unprecedented  deposits  in  our  savings  banks.  Our  duty  is  the 
care  and  security  of  these  deposits,  and  their  safe  investment  de 
mands  the  highest  integrity  and  the  best  business  capacity  of  those 
in  charge  of  these  depositories  of  the  people's  earnings. 


308  THE  PRESIDENT  'S  LAST  SPEECH 

"  We  have  a  vast  and  intricate  business,  built  up  through  years 
of  toil  and  struggle,  in  which  every  part  of  the  country  has  its 
stake,  which  will  not  permit  of  either  neglect  or  undue  selfishness. 
No  narrow,  sordid  policy  will  subserve  it.  The  greatest  skill 
and  wisdom  on  the  part  of  manufacturers  and  producers  will 
be  required  to  hold  and  increase  it.  Our  industrial  enterprises, 
which  have  grown  to  such  great  proportions,  affect  the  homes  and 
occupations  of  the  people  and  the  welfare  of  the  country. 

"  Our  capacity  to  produce  has  developed  so  enormously,  and 
our  products  have  so  multiplied,  that  the  problem  of  more  markets 
requires  our  urgent  and  immediate  attention.  Only  a  broad  and 
enlightened  policy  will  keep  what  we  have.  No  other  policy  will 
get  more.  In  these  times  of  marvelous  business  energy  and  gain 
we  ought  to  be  looking  to  the  future,  strengthening  the  weak  places 
in  our  industrial  and  commercial  systems,  that  we  may  be  ready  for 
any  storm  or  strain. 

RECIPROCITY    FAVORED 

"  By  sensible  trade  arrangements  which  will  not  interrupt  our 
home  production  we  shall  extend  the  outlet  for  our  increasing  sur 
plus.  A  system  which  provides  a  mutual  exchange  of  commodi 
ties  is  manifestly  essential  to  the  continued  and  healthful  growth  of 
our  export  trade.  We  must  not  repose  in  fancied  security  that 
we  can  forever  sell  everything  and  buy  little  or  nothing.  If  such  a 
thing  were  possible  it  would  not  be  best  for  us,  or  for  those  with 
whom  we  deal.  We  should  take  from  our  customers  such  of  their 
products  as  we  can  use  without  harm  to  our  industries  and  labor. 

"  Reciprocity  is  the  natural  outgrowth  of  our  wonderful  indus 
trial  development  under  the  domestic  policy  now  firmly  established. 
What  we  produce  beyond  our  domestic  consumption  must  have  a 
vent  abroad.  The  excess  must  be  relieved  through  a  foreign  out 
let,  and  we  should  sell  everywhere  we  can  and  buy  wherever  the 
buying  will  enlarge  our  sales  and  productions,  and  thereby  make  a 
greater  demand  for  home  labor. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  LAST  SPEECH  309 

"The  period  of  exclusiveness  is  past.  The  expansion  of  our 
trade  and  commerce  is  the  pressing  problem.  Commercial  wars 
are  unprofitable.  A  policy  of  good  will  and  friendly  trade  relations 
will  prevent  reprisals.  Reciprocity  treaties  are  in  harmony  with 
the  spirit  of  the  times  ;  measures  of  retaliation  are  not. 

MORE    STEAMERS    NEEDED 

"  If,  perchance,  some  of  our  tariffs  are  no  longer  needed  for 
revenue  or  to  encourage  and  protect  our  industries  at  home,  why 
should  they  not  be  employed  to  extend  and  promote  our  markets 
abroad  ?  Then,  too,  we  have  inadequate  steamship  service.  New 
lines  of  steamers  have  already  been  put  in  commission  between 
the  Pacific  Coast  ports  of  the  United  States  and  those  on  the 
western  coasts  of  Mexico  and  Central  and  South  America.  These 
should  be  followed  up  with  direct  steamship  lines  between  the 
eastern  coast  of  the  United  States  and  South  American  ports. 

"  One  of  the  needs  of  the  times  is  direct  commercial  lines 
from  our  vast  fields  of  production  to  the  fields  of  consumption  that 
we  have  but  barely  touched.  Next  in  advantage  to  having  the 
thing  to  sell  is  to  have  the  convenience  to  carry  it  to  the  buyer. 
We  must  encourage  our  merchant  marine.  We  must  have  more 

o 

ships.  They  must  be  under  the  American  flag,  built  and  manned 
and  owned  by  Americans.  These  will  not  only  be  profitable  in  a 
commercial  sense  ;  they  will  be  messengers  of  peace  and  amity 
wherever  they  go. 

"  We  must  build  the  Isthmian  Canal,  which  will  unite  the  two 
oceans  and  give  a  straight  line  of  water  communication  with  the 

o  o 

western  coasts  of  Central  and  South  America  and  Mexico.  The 
construction  of  a  Pacific  cable  cannot  be  longer  postponed. 

TRIBUTE    TO    ELAINE 

"In  the  furtherance  of  these  objects  of  national  interest  and 
concern,  you  are  performing  an  important  part.  This  Exposition 
would  have  touched  the  heart  of  that  American  statesman  whose 


310  THE  PRESIDENT'S  LAST  SPEECH 

mind  was  ever   alert    and  thought  ever  constant  for  a  larger  com 
merce  and  a  truer  fraternity  of  the  republics  of  the  New  World. 

"  His  broad  American  spirit  is  felt  and  manifested  here.  He 
needs  no  identification  to  an  assemblage  of  Americans  anywhere, 
for  the  name  of  Elaine  is  inseparably  associated  with  the  Pan- 
American  movement  which  finds  this  practical  and  substantial 
expression,  and  which  we  all  hope  will  be  firmly  advanced  by  the 
Pan-American  Congress  that  assembles  this  Autumn  in  the  capital 
of  Mexico.  The  good  work  will  go  on.  It  cannot  be  stopped. 
These  buildings  will  disappear  ;  this  creation  of  art  and  beauty  and 
industry  will  perish  from  sight,  but  their  influence  will  remain  to 


<j 

Make  it  live  beyond  its  too  short  living, 
With  praises  and  thanksgiving. 


RESULTS    OF    THE    EXPOSITION 

"  Who  can  tell  the  new  thoughts  that  have  been  awakened, 
the  ambitions  fired  and  the  high  achievements  that  will  be  wrought 
through  this  Exposition  ?  Gentlemen,  let  us  ever  remember  that 
our  interest  is  in  accord,  not  conflict,  and  that  our  real  eminence 
rests  in  the  victories  of  peace,  not  those  of  war.  We  hope  that  all 
who  are  represented  here  may  be  moved  to  higher  and  nobler  effort 
for  their  own  and  the  world's  good,  and  that  out  of  this  city  may 
come,  not  only  greater  commerce  and  trade  for  us  all,  but,  more 
essential  than  these,  relations  of  mutual  respect,  confidence  and 
friendship  which  will  deepen  and  endure. 

''Our  earnest  prayer  is  that  God  will  graciously  voachsafe 
prosperity,  happiness  and  peace  to  all  our  neighbors,  and  like 
blessings  to  all  the  peoples  and  powers  of  earth." 

HOW    THE    SPEECH    WAS    RECEIVED 

President  McKinley's  speech  was  frequently  interrupted  with 
applause,  his  words  referring  to  the  establishment  of  reciprocal 
treaties  with  other  countries,  the  necessity  of  the  American  people 
building  an  isthmian  canal  and  a  Pacific  cable,  and  his  reference  to 


THE  PRESIDENT '  S  LAST  SPEECH  3 1 1 

the  work  of  Elaine  in  developing  the  Pan-American  idea  bringing 
forth  especially  enthusiastic  cheers.  Upon  the  conclusion  of  his 
address  a  large  number  of  persons  broke  through  the  lines  around 
the  stand  and  the  President  held  an  impromptu  reception  for  fifteen 
minutes,  shaking  hands  with  thousands. 

Throughout  the  country  papers  of  all  parties  editorially  com 
mented  most  favorably  upon  the  speech,  many  predicting  that  it 
would  become  to  the  present  generation  what  Washington's  Fare 
well  Address  was  to  his.  It  is  fitting  to  record  here  a  few  of  the 
many  expressions  which  appeared  immediately  after  the  speech— 
as  showing  the  tenor  of  all  of  them. 

The  Philadelphia  Ledger  (Rep.)  says : 

"Among  the  many  able  addresses  the  President  has  delivered 
in  recent  years,  none  will  take  higher  rank  than  the  one  spoken 
yesterday  at  the  Pan-American  Exposition.  The  theme  was 
inspiring  and  the  President  in  a  happy  mood  to  make  use  of  the 
lessons  taught. 

"As  'timekeepers  of  progress  the  President  bore  high  and 
deserving  tribute  to  the  value  of  such  expositions.  Past  experience 
leaves  no  room  for  doubt  on  that  point.  The  friendly  rivalry  they 
bring  about  and  the  unexampled  prosperity  of  the  nation,  with  the 
increasing  necessity  for  wider  markets,  led  the  President  into  some 
expressions  of  opinion  that  will  unquestionably  be  the  keynote  of 
the  policy  of  the  nation  for  the  immediate  future.  Above  all 
things,  he  wants  peace  and  good  will — competition,  but  not  enmity. 
The  struggle  for  success  will,  in  his  opinion,  be  no  less  sharp  in 
the  future  than  in  the  past,  and  he  hopes  to  see  it  conducted  on 
friendly  lines. 

"  Our  great  problem  is  that  of  securing  more  markets  for  our 
increasing  surplus  of  products.  One  way  to  accomplish  that  is  by 
reciprocity  treaties,  *  sensible  trade  arrangements  which  will  not 
interrupt  our  home  production.'  Reciprocity  on  the  President's 
lines  should  meet  with  no  opposition  in  the  Republican  party  or 
from  any  friend  of  the  protective  tariff.  It  would  be  highly 


3i2  THE  PRESIDENT'S  LAST  SPEECH 

advantageous  to  the  nation,  and  the  sooner  it  can  be  carried  into 
effect  the  better. 

"In  connection  with  reciprocity  treaties,  proper  encouragement 
to  the  merchant  marine  in  the  foreign  trade  and  a  broad  policy  of 
peace  and  amity  toward  all  nations,  the  President  outlines  a  policy 
under  which  the  United  States  will  be  certain  to  go  forward  with 
the  same  unexampled  prosperity  and  contentment  that  have  been 
the  distinguishing  characteristics  of  the  McKinley  Administration 
from  the  beginning." 

New  York  World  (Dem.)  : 

"  These  are  the  words  of  a  statesman  and  a  wise  party  leader. 
They  are  economically  sound  as  applied  to  a  palpable  trade  condi 
tion.  They  are  politically  sagacious  in  responding  to  and  leading 
a  popular  demand  which  is  certain  to  extend  and  grow  more 
insistent  with  the  passing  of  time.  They  are  logically  and  effec 
tively  supplemented  by  the  President's  argument  for  more  ships, 
for  an  Isthmian  canal  and  for  a  Pacific  cable.  Mr.  McKinley, 
always  felicitous  in  his  public  addresses,  has  never  appeared  to 
better  advantage  either  as  an  orator  or  a  leader  than  he  does  in 
this  admirable  speech  at  the  Pan-American  Exposition." 

MCKINLEY'S  LAST  MESSAGE 

Philadelphia  Times  (Dem.) : 

"There  will  be  some  dispute  as  to  what  were  the  exact  words 
last  spoken  by  the  President  who  yesterday  morning  answered  to 
the  final  roll-call  and  was  summoned  from  the  midst  of  a  sorrowing 
nation.  But  it  may  be  taken  to  be  a  small  matter  so  long  as  we 
remember  the  hopeful,  prophetic  message  which  he  delivered  to  the 
American  people  only  the  day  before  he  was  stricken  down  by  the 
assassin's  bullet.  This  speech  has  become  a  dying  message.  It 
should  linger  with  us  to  guide  our  future  policy. 

"Mr.  McKinley  earlier  did  not  hold  the  liberal  economic  views 
of  which  he  had  come  to  be  a  representative  just  before  his  death. 
The  industrial  potentiality  of  the  country  has  increased  rapidly 


777.fi1  PRESIDENT'S  LAST  SPEECH  313 

within  a  few  years.  From  his  conning-tower  at  the  head. of  the 
government  he  gained  a  broader  outlook.  With  experience  and 
greater  opportunities  he  surveyed  a  wider  field  and  was  honest  and 
manly  enough  to  change  his  opinions  when  he  was  convinced  that 
those  which  he  had  formerly  held  were  no  longer  for  his  country's 
highest  good.  We  honor  him  for  the  truth  of  his  character,  no  less 
than  for  the  clearness  of  his  sight  in  regard  to  questions  upon  whose 
correct  solution  depends  the  future  prosperity  of  the  United 
States. 

"  Mr.  McKinley  has  left  his  message  to  those  who  shall  come 
after  him.  It  is  to  cultivate  friendship  with  all  the  peoples  of  the 
earth,  to  recognize  the  changes  which  modern  invention  have  intro 
duced  into  modern  international  relationships,  to  cast  aside  ancient 
sentiments  of  selfishness  and  sordidness,  and  pass  out  into  the  sun 
shine  where  the  nations  may  buy  and  sell  to  each  other  much  more 
freely.  Mr.  McKinley  was  a  true  friend  and  advocate  of  commer 
cial  expansion.  Some  sententious  maxims  in  this  farewell  address 
must  be  remembered  : 

"  'Our  capacity  to  produce  has  developed  so  enormously  and 
our  products  have  so  multiplied  that  the  problem  of  more  markets 
requires  our  urgent  and  immediate  attention.  Only  a  broad  and 
enlightened  policy  will  keep  what  we  have.  No  other  policy  will 
get  more.' 

"  *  We  must  not  repose  in  fancied  security  that  we  can  forever 
sell  everything  and  buy  little  or  nothing/ 

"'What  we  produce  beyond  our  domestic  consumption  must 
have  a  vent  abroad.' 

"  *  The  period  of  exclusiveness  is  past/ 

"  Commercial  wars  are  unprofitable/ 

"'If,  perchance,  some  of  our  tariffs  are  no  longer  needed  for 
revenue  or  to  encourage  and  protect  our  industries  at  home,  why 
should  they  not  be  employed  to  extend  and  promote  our  markets 
abroad  ? ' " 

18 


3i4  THE  PRESIDENT'S  LAST  SPEECH 

It  is  useful  to  recall  these  words  in  connection  with  President 
Roosevelt's  promise  "  to  continue  absolutely  unbroken  the  policy 
of  President  McKinley  for  the  peace  and  prosperity  and  honor  of 
our  beloved  country."  We  can  now  but  echo  the  late  President's 
own  words  in  his  last  speech,  when  he  did  not  yet  foresee  the 
interruption  of  his  earthly  term  :  "  The  good  work  will  go  on. 
It  cannot  be  stopped."  It  is  for  us  now  to  remember  his  influence 
as  we  remember  his  words  and — 

"  Make  it  live  beyond  its  too  short  living, 
With  praises  and  thanksgiving. ' ' 


CHAPTER  XIX 

The    Assassin's    Fatal    Shot 

IT  was  just  after  the  daily  organ  recitals  in  the  Temple  of  Music 
on  Friday,  September  6th,  a  day  long  to  be  remembered  and 

deplored,  that  the  attempt  was  made  upon  President  McKinley's 
life  which  led  to  his  death.  Planned  with  all  the  ingenuity  and 
finesse  of  which  anarchy  or  nihilism  are  capable,  the  murderous 
assassin  carried  out  the  work  without  a  hitch.  The  President, 
though  well  guarded  by  United  States  secret  service  detectives, 
was  fully  exposed  to  the  attack.  He  stood  at  the  edge  of  the 
raised  dais,  upon  which  stands  the  great  pipe  organ,  at  the  east  side 
of  the  structure.  Throngs  of  people  crowded  in  at  the  various 
entrances  to  see  the  chief  executive,  and,  if  possible,  clasp  his  hand. 
The  good-natured  mob  every  minute  swelled  and  multiplied  at  the 
points  of  ingress  and  egress  to  the  building.  The  President  was 
in  a  cheerful  mood,  and  was  enjoying  to  the  full  the  evidences  of 
good-will  which  everywhere  met  his  gaze.  At  his  right  stood  John 
G.  Milburn  of  Buffalo,  President  of  the  Pan-American  Exposition, 
who  was  introducing  to  him  persons  of  note  who  approached. 
Upon  the  President's  left  stood  his  secretary,  Mr.  Cortelyou. 

It  was  soon  after  4  o'clock  when  one  of  the  throng  which  sur 
rounded  the  Presidential  party,  a  medium-sized  man  of  ordinary  ap 
pearance  and  plainly  dressed  in  black,  approached  as  if  to  greet  the 
President.  Both  Secretary  Cortelyou  and  President  Milburn  noticed 
that  the  man's  right  hand  was  swathed  in  a  bandage  or  handker 
chief.  He  worked  his  way  to  the  edge  of  the  dais  until  he  was 
within  two  feet  of  the  President.  President  McKinley  smiled, 
bowed  and  extended  his  hand  in  that  spirit  of  geniality  the 
American  people  so  well  know,  when  suddenly  the  sharp  crack  of  a 


316  THE  ASSASSIN'S  FATAL  SHOT 

revolver  rang  out  loud  and  clear  above  the  hum  of  voices,  the 
shuffling  of  feet  and  vibrating  waves  of  applause  that  ever  and 
anon  swept  here  and  there  over  the  assemblage. 

There  was  an  instant  of  almost  complete  silence,  like  the  hush 
that  follows  a  clap  of  thunder,  or  the  momentary  lull  that  comes 
after  the  discharge  of  a  bombshell.  The  President  stood  stock 
still,  a  look  of  hesitance,  almost  of  bewilderment,  on  his  face. 
Then  he  retreated  a  step,  while  a  pallor  began  to  steal  over  his 
features.  The  multitude,  only  partly  aware  that  something  serious 
had  happened,  paused  in  the  silence  of  surprise,  while  necks  were 
craned  and  all  eyes  turned  as  one  toward  the  rostrum  where  a  great 
tragedy  was  being  enacted. 

A    GREAT    COMMOTION 

Then  came  a  commotion.  Several  men  instantly  threw  them 
selves  forward  as  with  one  impulse  and  sprang  toward  the  assassin. 
Two  of  them  were  United  States  secret  service  men,  who  were 
on  the  lookout  and  whose  duty  it  was  to  guard  against  just  such 
a  calamity.  A  negro  named  Parker,  who  was  near  in  the  line,  was 
said  to  have  instantly  struck  the  assailant  and  grasped  his  pistol- 
hand,  but  the  evidence  at  the  assassin's  trial  discredited  this  story. 
In  truth,  there  was  a  struggle  which  rendered  the  exact  facts  diffi 
cult  to  obtain.  The  assailant  was  hurled  to  the  floor,  the  pistol 
struck  from  his  hand,  and  blows  rained  upon  him  by  the  infuriated 
detectives  and  soldiers. 

Only  now  did  the  multitude  that  thronged  the  auditorium 
begin  to  come  to  a  realizing  sense  of  the  dreadful  tragedy  which 
had  just  been  enacted  before  them.  A  moment  before  they  had 
stood  mute  and  motionless,  not  comprehending  the  terrible  event ; 
but  now,  as  by  a  single  impulse,  they  surged  towards  the  stage  of 
the  horrid  drama,  while  a  cry  went  up  from  a  thousand  throats  and 
a  thousand  men  charged  forward  to  lay  hands  upon  the  murderous 
wretch,  then  helpless  in  the  hands  of  his  captors.  For  an  interval 
the  confusion  was  terrible.  Men  shouted,  women  screamed. 


THE  ASSASSIN'S  FATAL  SHOT  319 

and  children  cried.  Some  of  those  nearest  the  doors  fled  from  the 
edifice  in  fear  of  a  stampede,  while  hundreds  of  others  outside 
struggled  blindly  forward  in  the  effort  to  penetrate  the  crowded 
building  and  solve  the  mystery  of  excitement  and  panic  which 
every  moment  grew  and  swelled  within  the  congested  interior  of 
the  edifice. 

Inside  on  the  slightly  raised  dais  was  enacted  within  those  few 
feverish  moments  a  tragedy  so  dramatic  in  character,  so  thrilling  in 
its  intensity,  that  few  who  looked  on  will  ever  be  able  10  give  a 
good  account  of  what  really  did  transpire.  Even  the  actors  who 
were  playing  the  principal  roles  came  out  of  it  with  blanched  faces, 
trembling  limbs  and  beating  hearts,  while  their  brains  throbbed 
with  a  tumult  of  conflicting  emotions,  which  left  behind  only  a 
chaotic  jumble  of  impressions  which  could  not  be  clarified  into  a 
lucid  narrative  of  the  events  as  they  really  transpired. 

THE    EXALTED    VICTIM 

Meanwhile,  the  President,  was  assisted  to  a  chair.  His  face 
was  deathly  white.  He  made  no  outcry,  but  sank  back,  with  one 
hand  holding  his  abdomen,  the  other  fumbling  at  his  breast.  His 
eyes  were  open,  and  he  was  clearly  conscious  of  all  that  happened. 
He  looked  up  into  President  Milburn's  face  and  gasped  the  name 
of  his  secretary,  Cortelyou. 

Mr.  Cortelyou  bent  over  the  President,  who  gasped  brokenly : 
"  Be  careful  about  my  wife.  Do  not  tell  her/' 

Then  moved  by  a  paroxysm  of  pain,  he  writhed  to  the  left,  and 
his  eyes  fell  upon  the  prostrate  form  of  his  murderer  lying  on  the 
floor,  blood-stained  and  helpless  beneath  the  blows  of  the  guard. 
The  President  raised  his  right  hand,  stained  with  his  own  blood, 
and  placed  it  on  the  shoulder  of  his  secretary. 

"  Let  no  one  hurt  him,"  he  gasped,  and  sank  back  as  his  secre 
tary  ordered  the  guard  to  bear  the  murderer  cut  of  the  President  s 
sight     The   outer  garments   of    the   President   were    hastily  loos 
ened,  and  when    a    trickling  stream  of   blood   was   seen   to  wind 


320  THE  ASSASSIN'S  FATAL  SHO7 

its  way  down  his  breast,  spreading  its  tell-tale  stain  over  the  white 
surface  of  the  linen,  their  worst  fears  were  confirmed. 

A  force  of  Exposition  guards  were  on  the  scene  by  this  time, 
and  an  effort  was  made  to  clear  the  building.  The  crush  was  ter 
rific.  Spectators  crowded  down  the  stairways  from  the  galleries, 
the  crowd  on  the  floor  surged  forward  toward  the  rostrum,  while, 
despite  the  strenuous  efforts  of  police  and  guards,  the  throng  with 
out  struggled  madly  to  obtain  admission.  The  President's  assailant 
in  the  meantime  had  been  hustled  to  the  rear  of  the  building  by 
Exposition  Guards  McCauley  and  James,  where  he  was  held  while 
the  building  was  cleared  and  later  turned  over  to  Superintendent 
Bull,  of  the  Buffalo  police  department,  who  took  the  prisoner  to 
the  police  station,  and  later  to  police  headquarters.  As  soon  as 
the  crowd  in  the  Temple  of  Music  had  been  dispersed  sufficiently, 
the  President  was  removed  in  the  automobile  ambulance  and  taken 
to  the  exposition  hospital,  where  an  examination  was  made.  The 
best  medical  skill  was  summoned,  and  within  a  brief  period  several 
of  Buffalo's  best  known  practitioners  were  at  the  patient's  side. 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  WOUNDS 

The  President  retained  the  full  use  of  his  faculties  while  the 
physicians  were  consulting  about  what  course  to  pursue.  An  exami 
nation  had  revealed  the  fact  that  one  bullet  had  grazed  the  left 
breast,  causing  only  an  unimportant  wound.  The  second  bullet 
had  penetrated  the  abdomen,  striking  five  and  a  half  inches  below 
the  left  nipple.  The  abnormally  high  pulse  of  the  patient  indi 
cated  that  he  was  dangerously  wounded,  and  the  doctors  felt  that 
an  immediate  operation  was  imperative.  One  of  them  told  the 
President  this  decision.  "Gentlemen,"  he  replied,  in  a  low,  quiet 
tone,  "  I  want  you  to  do  whatever  in  your  judgment  you  think  is 
necessary." 

Dr.  Mann  then  took  charge,  and  the  President  was  put  under 
the  influence  of  anaesthetics.  An  incision  was  made  in  the  abdomen, 
through  the  aperture  made  by  the  bullet,  and  the  stomach  drawn 


THE  ASSASSIN'S  FATAL  SHOT  321 

through  it.  On  examination  it  was  found  that  the  bullet  had 
passed  straight  through  this  organ. 

The  bullet  could  not  be  found.  The  holes  in  the  stomach 
were  ugly  ones,  the  posterior  hole  being  much  more  jagged  and 
torn  than  the  one  in  front,  through  which  the  bullet  passed  first. 
The  missile  had  spent  some  of  its  force  by  the  time  it  had  traversed 
the  stomach,  and  thus  tore  rather  than  pierced  its  way  through. 

After  repeated  bathing  of  the  wounded  parts  with  antiseptic 
lotions  the  apertures  in  the  stomach  were  sewed  up  with  silk 
sutures,  and  the  abdominal  cut  was  sewed  together  with  silk-worm 
gut  sutures. 

The  external  wound  was  then  carefully  dressed  with  an  anti 
septic  bath,  and  a  wide  abdominal  binding  was  applied.  This  done, 
the  body  was  wrapped  in  sheets,  around  which  blankets  were 
folded,  and  the  President  was  placed  in  the  ambulance  which  con 
veyed  him  to  the  residence  of  Mr.  Milburn.  Hardly  two  hours 
had  passed  since  the  firing  of  the  deadly  shot. 

When  it  was  decided  to  remove  the  President  from  the  expo 
sition  hospital  to  the  Milburn  residence,  the  news  was  broken  to 
Mrs.  McKinley  as  gently  as  might  be.  She  bore  the  shock  remark 
ably  well,  and  displayed  the  utmost  fortitude.  As  early  as  possible 
in  the  evening  a  representative  of  the  press  was  admitted  to  the 
Milburn  mansion,  where  Secretary  Cortelyou  gave  him  the  official 
bulletin  prepared  by  the  physicians.  Secretary  Cortelyou  arranged 
for  a  telegraph  office  to  be  established  at  once  in  the  Milburn  resi 
dence,  and  that  bulletins,  giving  the  public  the  fullest  information 
possible,  be  issued  at  short  intervals.  Telegrams  poured  in  by  the 
hundreds,  and  Secretary  Cortelyou  was  kept  busy  replying  to  them. 
Two  stenographers  with  their  typewriters  were  placed  in  the  parlor, 
which  was  quickly  transformed  into  a  bustling  room. 

While  the  wounded  President  was  being  borne  from  the  expo 
sition  to  the  Milburn  residence  between  rows  of  onlookers  with 
bared  heads,  a  far  different  spectacle  was  being  witnessed  along 


322  THE  ASSASSIN'S  FATAL  SHOT 

the  route  of  his  assailant's  journey  from  the  scene  of  his  crime  to 
police  headquarters.  The  trip  was  made  so  quickly  that  the  pris 
oner  was  safely  landed  within  the  wide  portals  of  the  police  station 
and  the  doors  closed  before  anyone  was  aware  of  his  presence. 

The  news  of  the  attempted  assassination  had  in  the  meanwhile 
been  spread  broadcast  by  the  newspapers.  Like  wildfire,  it  spread 
from  mouth  to  mouth.  Then  bulletins  began  to  appear  on  the 
boards,  and  when  the  announcement  was  made  that  the  prisoner 
had  been  taken  to  police  headquarters,  the  crowds  surged  down 
toward  the  terrace,  eager  for  a  glimpse  of  the  prisoner.  At  police 
headquarters  they  were  met  by  a  strong  cordon  of  police,  which 
denied  admittance  to  all  but  officials  authorized  to  take  part  in  the 
examination  of  the  prisoner.  In  a  few  minutes  the  crowd  had 
grown  from  tens  to  hundreds,  and  those  in  turn  quickly  swelled  into 
thousands,  until  the  street  was  completely  blocked  with  a  surging 
crowd  of  eager  humanity.  It  was  at  this  juncture  that  some  one 
raised  the  cry  of  "  Lynch  him  !" 

Like  a  flash  the  cry  was  taken  up.  Closer  the  crowd  surged 
forward.  Denser  the  throng  became  as  new  arrivals  swelled 
each  moment  the  swarming  multitude.  The  situation  was  becom 
ing  critical,  when  suddenly  the  big  doors  were  flung  open  and  a 
squad  of  reserves  advanced  with  solid  front,  drove  the  crowd  back 
from  the  curb,  then  across  the  street,  and  gradually  succeeded  in 
dispersing  them  from  about  the  entrance  to  the  station. 


CHAPTER     XX 

The  Last  Sad  Hours 

AS   the   morning    of  Friday,  September   I3th,  dawned,  and   as 
the  eager  resident  of  city  and  hamlet  glanced  at  the  morning 
bulletins  to  see  the  latest  reports,  hitherto  favorable,  from  the 
sick  room  of  the  President,  a  great  surprise  and  shock  was  in  store 
for  him.     The  news  was  ominous  and  the  history  of  Thursday  and 
Friday,  September  I2th  and  I3th,  1901,  is  interesting. 

On  Wednesday  the  President  had  a  restful  night,  and  the 
beef  juice  which  the  doctors  had  given  him  had  been  relished  so 
keenly  that  he  was  given  solid  food  for  the  first  time.  He  was 
bathed  and  then  he  enjoyed  a  breakfast  of  chicken  broth,  toast  and 
coffee.  He  felt  so  good  after  this  somewhat  substantial  meal  that 
he  asked  for  a  mild  cigar,  which  the  doctors  could  not  allow  him 
to  have.  Dr.  McBurney,  the  dean  of  the  corps  of  attending  phy 
sicians  and  surgeons,  was  thoroughly  satisfied  with  the  patient's 
condition,  and  went  to  New  York.  His  intention  was  to  return 
in  a  few  days.  Meantime  he  and  all  the  physicians  kept  within  caK 
by  telephone  or  telegraph,  and  were  prepared  to  come  back  at  a 
moment's  notice.  Secretary  Root  also  left  on  the  same  train,  show 
ing  his  confidence  in  the  recovery  of  the  President. 

A    SLIGHT    REACTION 

A  slight  reaction,  however,  followed  the  buoyancy  of  the 
morning.  The  President  complained  of  being  tired.  The  attend 
ing  physicians  at  the  afternoon  consultation,  true  to  their  promise 
to  take  the  public  into  their  confidence,  chronicled  this  fact  with 
scrupulous  care,  but  they  displayed  no  alarm.  The  doctors  said 
the  President's  restlessness  was  only  natural  and  what  might  be 
expected. 

323 


324  THE  LAST  SAD  HOURS 

The  slight  alarm  which  was  felt  when  the  afternoon  bulletin 
appeared  was  greatly  increased  when  the  physicians  hurridly 
assembled  for  their  evening  consultation  about  an  hour  earlier 
than  usual.  The  cheeriness  of  the  morning  was  succeeded  by 
apprehension,  and  a  dreary  rain  which  began  to  fall  added  to  the 
gloomy  feeling  which  prevailed.  The  bulletin  was  personally 
delivered  to  the  members  of  the  press  by  Secretary  Cortelyou,  and 
the  frankness  with  which  the  physicians  announced  that  the  Presi 
dent's  condition  was  not  so  good,  disquieting  as  it  was,  was  a  relief. 
It  was  felt  to  be  a  proof  that  nothing  was  being  concealed. 

It  was  explained  that  the  trouble  that  existed  was  due  to  the 
fact  that  the  solid  food  taken  in  the  morning  had  not  agreed  with 

o  o 

the  President.  It  had  not  been  disposed  of,  and  the  rise  in  his  pulse 
was  attributed  to  that  fact.  It  was  stated  quite  positively  that  the 
consulting  physicians  did  not  believe  that  the  failure  to  digest  the 
food  was  due  to  the  condition  of  the  wounds  in  the  sides  of  the 
stomach,  which  were  believed  to  be  practically  healed,  and  so  pro 
nounced  by  Dr.  McBurney  and  his  associates.  The  fact  that  the 
food  would  not  agree  with  the  patient  could  not  have  been  antici 
pated,  so  it  was  stated,  but  as  soon  as  it  was  found  that  it  had 
not,  the  administration  of  food  by  the  mouth  was  discontinued. 
Evidently  the  surgeons  and  doctors  in  attendance  were  much 
puzzled  by  the  conditions,  which  were  constantly  changing.  They 
were  doing  their  very  best  for  their  patient.  This  was  made  clear 
later  when,  after  the  lamented  President's  death,  an  autopsy  was 
held,  and  it  was  found  that  their's  was  a  hopeless  fight.  Meanwhile 
they  summoned  other  doctors. 

Dr.  Charles  D.  Stockton,  who  has  a  fine  reputation  as  a 
general  practitioner  in  Western  New  York,  was  called  in  at  the 
evening  conference.  The  problem  now  was  one  for  the  physicians 
rather  than  the  surgeons,  and  the  advice  and  counsel  of  Dr.  Stock 
ton  were  considered  advisable. 

Secretaries  Wilson  and  Hitchcock  reached  the  Milburn  House 
at  9.35  P.M.  They  seemed  anxious  for  personal  assurances  as  to 


THE  LAST  SAD  HOURS  325 

the  condition   of  the  President,  and,  when  they  left  their  carriage, 
hurried  into  the  house. 

The  spirits  of  the  little  coterie  which  Secretaries  Hitchcock 
and  Wilson  joined  in  the  drawing  room  of  the  Milburn  House 
were  visibly  depressed,  although  the  assurances  of  Dr.  Mann  that 
the  President's  condition  would  be  better  in  the  morning  did  some- 

o 

thing  toward  offsetting  the  apprehension  they  could  not  conceal. 

During  the  evening  the  President's  pulse  increased  to  128. 
This  was  too  high  for  his  temperature.  One  of  the  consulting 
physicians  said  that,  judged  by  medical  records,  his  pulse  should  be 
96.  The  acceleration  of  the  pulse  was  attributed  partly  to  the 
revulsion  of  the  stomach  against  the  food,  and  Dr.  Mann  privately 
assured  Secretaries  Hitchcock  and  Wilson,  the  President's  brother, 
Abner  McKinley,  and  others  assembled  below  stairs  in  the  Mil- 
burn  House  that  the  undigested  food  would  probably  pass  away 
during  the  night,  and  that  the  President  would  be  better  in  the 
morning. 

For  hours  the  President  failed  to  respond  to  the  treatment  to 
which  he  was  subjected  to  relieve  him  of  the  difficulty  occasioned 
by  the  failure  of  the  organs  of  digestion  and  assimilation.  Non- 
success  of  the  treatment  added  to  the  depression  that  existed,  but 
just  at  midnight  the  relief  so  much  desired  came.  This  gave  great 
encouragement  and  changed  the  character  of  the  bulletin,  which  the 
physicians  were  even  then  preparing.  In  it  they  announced  that 
all  the  unfavorable  symptoms  had  improved  since  the  last  bulletin. 
The  decreased  rapidity  of  the  pulse,  from  128  to  120,  which  fol 
lowed  the  bowel  movement,  was  also  exceedingly  gratifying. 

The  physicians  were  really  alarmed  about  the  President's 
heart.  Still  the  pulse  remained  much  higher  than  it  should  be 
with  the  temperature  at  100.2.  The  normal  pulse  for  that  tem 
perature  is  about  96. 

About  midnight  the  cheering  news  came  from  the  sick-room 
that  the  medical  treatment  had  been  effective,  and  that  the 
unfavorable  symptoms  of  the  early  evening  were  all  improved. 


326  THE  LAST  SAD  HOURS 

Abner  McKinley,  Colonel  Brown,  his  business  partner,  and 
Lieutenant  James  McKinley,  the  President's  nephew,  remained  at 
the  house  during  the  anxious  hours  of  the  evening.  After  the 
gratifying  intelligence  in  the  midnight  bulletin  was  conveyed  to 
them,  they  immediately  left  the  house  for  the  night  and  went  to 
their  hotels.  Secretary  Cortelyou  announced,  after  the  bulletin  had 
been  issued,  that  he  did  not  look  for  any  further  public  statement 
from  the  physicians  during  the  night,  nor  until  the  regular  6  o'clock 
bulletin  in  the  morning. 

AN    IMPRESSIVE    SCENE 

The  scene  on  the  corner  across  from  the  Milburn  House 
when  Secretary  Cortelyou  brought  out  the  midnight  bulletin  was 
impressive.  A  hundred  newspaper  men  keyed  up  to  a  high  ten 
sion,  and  twice  that  number  of  anxious  watchers  who  had  been 
alarmed  by  the  8.30  bulletin,  posted  everywhere  throughout  the 
city,  were  gathered  under  the  gas  light  in  front  of  the  white  tents 
erected  for  the  accommodation  of  the  newspaper  men.  Above  the 
suppressed  tones  of  the  watchers  the  only  sound  was  the  click  of 
the  telegraph  instruments.  From  the  gloom  into  the  circle  of 
light  the  President's  Secretary  came,  accompanied  by  Mr.  Milburn. 

"  The  President  has  responded  to  medical  treatment,  and  is 
better,"  he  said.  "  The  doctors  administered  calomel  and  oil,  and 
they  proved  effective.  He  is  resting  nicely  now,  and  the  feeling  is 
better." 

The  cheering  news  broke  the  tension  of  a  half  night's  anxious 

o  o 

vigil.  After  distributing  the  bulletin,  Secretary  Cortelyou  and  Mr 
Milburn  walked  away  to  get  a  breath  of  air  and  relief  from  the 
intense  strain  of  the  evening 

THE    STORY    FOR    FRIDAY,    SEPTEMBER    1 3TH 

Hope  and  fear  alternated  all  day  among  the  watchers  in  and 
around  the  Milburn  house.  Every  fragment  of  information  was 
eagerly  sought  in  the  hope  that  it  might  be  construed  to  mean 


THE  LAST  SAD  HOURS  32g 

that  the  danger  had  passed,  and  that  reasonable  hope  of  the  Presi 
dent's  recovery  might  be  entertained.  Members  of  the  President's 
family,  the  physicians,  the  officials  of  the  Federal  Government  and 
all  who  passed  in  and  out  of  the  house  during  the  day  were  ques 
tioned  as  to  the  President's  condition,  but  little  of  an  encouraging 
nature  could  be  learned.  The  truth  was  too  evident  to  be  passed 
over  or  concealed.  The  President's  life  was  hanging  in  the 
balance.  The  watchers  felt  that  any  moment  might  come  the 
announcement  of  a  change  which  would  foreshadow  the  end. 

THE    LAST    RESOURCES    EMPLOYED 

When  the  slight  improvement  noted  in  the  early  bulletins  was 
maintained  during  the  afternoon  of  Thursday,  the  I2th,  and  it  was 
learned  that  the  President  was  taking  small  quantities  of  nourish 
ment,  hope  rose  that  he  would  pass  the  crisis  in  safety.  Every 
body  knew,  and  no  attempt  was  made  to  conceal  it,  that  the  coming 
night  would  in  all  human  probability  decide  whether  the  President 
was  to  live  or  die.  It  was  known  that  he  was  being  kept  alive  by 
heart  stimulants,  and  that  the-  physicians  had  obtained  a  supply  of 
oxygen,  to  be  administered  if  the  worst  came. 

During  the  day  President  McKinley  was  conscious  when  he 
was  not  sleeping.  Early  in  the  morning  when  he  woke  he  looked 
out  of  the  window  and  saw  that  the  sky  was  overcast  with  heavy 
clouds.  "  It  is  not  so  bright  as  it  was  yesterday,"  said  he.  His-eyes 
then  caught  the  waving  leaves  of  the  trees  glistening  with  rain 
Their  bright  green  evidently  made  an  agreeable  impression  upon  him. 

"  It  is  pleasant  to  see  them,"  said  he  feebly. 

The  bulletins  sent  broadcast  over  the  country  had  brought 
fearful  forebodings  to  the  hearts  of  relatives  and  friends.  All  were 
praying  for  the  sufferer  that,  if  it  be  God's  will,  he  might  be  spared 
even  now  when  so  near  death's  door. 

As  fast  as  steam  could  bring  them  the  members  of  the  Presi 
dent's  Cabinet,  his  relatives  and  the  physicians,  who  had  left 
Buffalo,  convinced  that  the  President  would  recover,  were  whirled 


33o  THE  LAST  SAD  HOURS 

back  to  the  city.  They  went  at  once  to  the  house  in  which  he 
was  lying,  and  the  information  which  they  obtained  there  was  of  a 
nature  to  heighten,  rather  than  to  relieve,  their  fears.  All  night 
the  doctors  had  worked  in  the  sick-room  to  keep  the  President  alive. 

Day  broke  with  a  gloomy  sky  and  a  pouring  rain,  broken  by 
frequent  bursts  of  gusty  downpours.  It  seemed  as  though  nature 
was  sympathizing  with  the  gloom  which  surrounded  the  ivy-clad 
house,  about  which  the  sentries  were  steadily  marching.  Secretary 
Cprtelyou  and  Mr.  Milburn  had  announced  at  half-past  4  o'clock 
that  the  efforts  of  the  doctors  had  produced  a  rally.  Mrs. 
McKinley  was  then  sleeping,  and  great  care  was  taken  to  prevent 
her  from  being  awakened. 

President  McKinley  fell  asleep  at  half-past  5  o'clock,  and  slept 
for  an  hour.  Dr.  Wasdin  said  that  this  was  the  most  natural  sleep 
that  he  had  had  during  the  night. 

Secretary  Hitchcock  and  Mr.  Milburn  appeared  soon  after 
the  President  awoke  at  half-past  6  o'clock.  They  said  that  both 
Dr.  Rixey  and  Dr.  Stockton  believed  the  President  still  had  a 
fighting  chance. 

CROWDS  GATHER  NEAR  THE  HOUSE 

Almost  as  soon  as  it  became  light  men  and  women  began  to 
gather  at  the  ropes  which  had  been  stretched  across  the  streets  a 
block  away  in  each  direction  from  the  Milburn  house.  As  the  day 
bore  on  the  crowds  increased,  and  were  even  greater  than  they 
were  on  the  day  after  the  President  was  shot. 

It  was  during  the  early  hours  of  the  morning  that  the  Presi 
dent's  sinking  spell  was  at  its  worst,  and  but  little  encouragement 
was  drawn  from  the  bulletin  issued  at  9  o'clock.  It  was  noted  that 
whilst  the  President's  temperature  had  fallen  his  pulse  had  risen 
five  beats  in  the  minute,  from  123  to  128,  which  showed  that  his 
heart  was  beating  like  the  ticking  of  a  watch.  The  conclusion  was 
drawn  that  the  apparent  improvement  in  his  condition  was  due 
solely  to  the  action  of  the  digitalis,  strychnine  and  other  medicines 
that  had  been  given  to  sustain  the  heart  action. 


THE  LAST  SAD  HOURS  33I 

Senator  Hanna,  who  had  gone  to  Cleveland  only  two  days 
before,  jubilant  in  the  certainty  that  the  President  was  going  to  get 
well,  and  that  he  might  safely  attend  the  meeting  of  the  G.  A.  R. 
in  his  home  city,  reached  the  Milburn  house  at  two  minutes  before 
10  o'clock.  In  his  anxiety  to  reach  the  President's  bedside  he  had 
come  from  Cleveland,  a  distance  of  183  miles,  at  the  rate  of  sixty- 
eight  miles  an  hour. 

With  Senator  Hanna  came  Mrs.  Hanna;  Judge  Day,  of 
Canton  ;  Colonel  Myron  P.  Herrick,  of  Cleveland  ;  Senator  Fair 
banks,  of  Indiana  ;  Mrs.  Duncan  and  Miss  McKinley,  sisters  of 
the  President  ;  Miss  Duncan  and  Mrs.  Herrick.  Senator  Hanna 
reached  the  house  first.  The  members  of  his  party  arrived  soon 
afterward.  They  joined  Secretaries  Wilson  and  Hitchcock,  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Herman  Baer,  Abner  McKinley,  Mrs.  Lafayette  McWil- 
liams,  Mr.  Milburn,  Wilson  S.  Bissell,  with  many  others  of  the 
relatives  and  friends,  who  were  in  the  house.  The  new  arrivals 
were  immediately  informed  of  the  critical  condition  of  the  Presi 
dent,  and  their  faces,  which  had  been  grave,  became  still  graver  as 
they  listened. 

ANXIETY  INTENSE  IN  BUFFALO 

At  this  time  anxiety  in  regard  to  the  President's  condition 
had  become  intense  throughout  Buffalo.  Hundreds  of  men, 
women  and  children  were  massed  at  the  ropes,  their  faces  turned 
in  the  direction  of  the  house,  though  many  of  them  were  unable  to 
see  it,  and,  of  course,  all  were  too  far  away  to  be  able  to  hear  any 
thing.  So  many  persons  had  gathered  in  the  Milburn  House  that 
it  was  crowded.  Groups  formed  on  the  lawn  in  front  of  the  house 
to  discuss  the  situation,  and  to  exchange  the  latest  news  from  the 
doctors.  The  reporters,  too,  were  ever  alert  for  information. 

Across  the  street  from  the  house  there  were  scores  of  news 
paper  men  waiting  for  news  of  the  President's  condition,  and 
dozens  of  telegraph  instruments  were  ticking  noisily  under  the 
tents  which  had  been  erected  to  shelter  them. 


332  THE  LAST  SAD  HOURS 

Secretary  Cortelyou  was  asked  whether  it  was  true  that  the 
physicians  had  been  compelled  to  begin  feeding  the  President 
through  the  stomach  before  it  was  safe  to  do  so  because  the  means 
first  taken  to  give  nourishment  had  caused  irritation,  resulting  in 
the  rejection  of  the  food  which  had  been  injected  before  it  had 
imparted  any  nourishment  to  the  patient.  This  was  the  explana 
tion  commonly  accepted  of  the  surprisingly  short  time  that  had 
been  permitted  to  elapse  before  the  President  was  allowed  to 
receive  liquid  and  even  solid  food  into  his  stomach. 

Mr.  Cortelyou  said  that  he  had  not  been  informed  upon  this 
point.  He  said  that  the  stoppage  of  the  functions  of  the  bowels 
had  created  a  poison  in  the  President's  system,  but  that,  during  the 
day,  this  had  been  practically  eliminated. 

THE  HEART  NEEDED  BLOOD  FOOD 

Dr.  Roswell  Park  said :  "  The  President  was  not  given  solid 
food  before  he  could  stand  it.  He  was  perfectly  able  to  assimilate 
the  food  given  him,  had  it  not  been  that  the  impoverishedblood 
affected  the  heart.  The  heart  refused  to  act  properly  without 
strong  blood  food,  and  that  was  why  the  toast,  soaked  in  hot  beef 
juice,  was  given  him.  He  was  not  given*  coffee.  He  relished  the 
food,  and  asked  for  a  cigar,  but  this  was  denied.  Everything 
known  to  medical  science  was  done  for  him,  and  there  was  no  mis 
take  made."  Dr.  Hermann  Mynter  said  :  "At  the  time  solid  food 
was  given  him  he  was  able  to  take  it.  There  can  be  no  mistake 
about  that.  I  do  not  believe  that  the  food  in  his  stomach  had 
much  effect  on  the  heart." 

The  President  was  asleep  at  half-past  i  o'clock.  Only  injec 
tions  of  saline  solution  and  digitalis  in  light  doses  had  been  used 
up  to  that  hour.  One  of  the  physicians  sat  constantly  at  the  bed 
side,  w'th  his  fingers  on  the  President's  pulse,  ready  at  any  alarm 
ing  change  in  the  action  of  the  heart  to  apply  the  remedies  which 
were  in  readiness  to  be  used  as  a  last  resort.  Tanks  of  oxygen 
were  ready  at  hand  to  be  drawn  upon,  and  all  the  appliances  that 


THE  LAST  SAD  HOURS  333 

medical  skill  and  science  could  provide  were  within  reach.  The 
beating  of  the  pulse  was  sufficiently  strong  to  enable  the  physicians 
to  permit  the  President  to  have  his  sleep  out. 

Dr.  McBurney  arrived  at  the  Milburn  House  a  little  before  8 
o'clock.  Shortly  after  his  arrival,  oxygen  was  administered  to  the 
President,  and  under  its  influence  the  patient  aroused.  The  Rev. 
C.  V.  Wilson  of  North  Tonawanda,  pastor  of  Mr.  McKinley's  old 
church  in  Canton,  was  with  the  President  and  prayed  with  him. 
Mr.  Wilson  left  the  Milburn  house  shortly  before  9  o'clock. 
Tears  were  streaming  from  his  eyes  and  he  was  almost  completely 
overcome  by  grief. 

CONSCIOUS    THAT    THE    END    WAS    NEAR 

The  President  was  fully  conscious,  and  whispered  to  Dr. 
Rixey  that  he  knew  that  the  end  was  at  hand.  He  asked  to  see 
his  wife,  and  she  was  sent  for.  She  entered  his  room,  and  it  was 
apparent  to  those  present  that  of  the  two  principal  figures  in  this 
intense  drama  President  McKinley,  about  to  solve  the  great 
mystery,  the  more  fully  realized  the  significance  of  the  awful 
moment.  There  was  no  show  of  fear  in  the  attitude  of  the 
nation's  Executive. 

Mrs.  McKinley  sank  to  her  knees  at  the  side  of  the  bed,  her 
husband's  hands  clasped  in  hers,  and  her  head  bowed  and  buried  in 
the  bed  covering.  Sobs  shook  her  for  a  moment,  and  then  she 
looked  at  Dr.  Rixey,  and  with  almost  a  smile  on  her  face,  said  : 
u  I  know  that  you  will  save  him.  I  cannot  let  him  go ;  the  country 
cannot  spare  him." 

THE    PRESIDENT'S  LAST  WORDS 

The  President,  it  is  said,  roused  himself  sufficiently  to  recog 
nize  her,  and  whispered:  "  Good-bye  all,  good-bye.  It  is  God's 
way.  His  will  be  clone."  He  made  a  feeble  movement,  as  if  he 
wished  to  clasp  her  hand,  and  lapsed  into  unconsciousness,  and  the 
physicians  assisted  Mrs.  McKinley  to  her  feet  and  led  her  from  the 
room. 

J9 


334  THE  LAST  SAD  HOURS 

A  little  later  Mr.  Milburn  explained  to  Mrs.  McKinley  that 
the  President  was  dying,  and  that  he  could  live  till  morning  only 
in  the  event  of  the  direct  interposition  of  Providence.  She  then 
came  to  a  full  realization  of  the  loss  that  was  upon  her,  and  she 
showed  symptoms  of  a  collapse.  Herbert  P.  Bissell  rushed  to  the 
assistance  of  the  sorrowing  wife,  who  was  being  literally  supported 
by  Mr.  Milburn.  Word  was  sent  to  Dr.  Wasdin,  who  came  from 
the  President's  chamber  and  administered  a  restorative.  Little  by 
little  she  carne  back  to  her  normal  condition.  Several  women 
friends  were  with  her,  and  in  their  sympathy  she  found  surcease. 
To  one  she  whispered  :  "  I  will  be  strong  for  his  sake." 

An  attempt  was  made  to  persuade  Mrs.  McKinley  to  retire 
and  get  some  rest.  She  refused.  She  said  that  her  duty  was  there, 
and  there  she  would  remain  within  call  of  those  who  were  with  her 
husband.  She  said  that  she  hoped  that  the  President  would 
arouse,  and  she  might  then  have  the  comfort  of  a  last  word  with 
him. 

LAST    DESPERATE    MEANS    EMPLOYED 

As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  oxygen  was  being  administered, 
all  knew  that  the  beginning  of  the  end  had  come.  Then  a  bulletin 
was  posted  as  follows  : 

"  The  President's  physicians  report  that  his  condition  is  grave 
at  this  hour.  He  is  suffering  from  extreme  prostration.  Oxygen 
is  being  used.  He  responds  to  stimulation  but  poorly." 

With  a  sublime  display  of  Christian  fortitude,  the  President 
soon  after  lapsed  into  unconsciousness.  The  members  of  the 
Cabinet,  grief-stricken,  were  gathered  in  the  large  drawing-room  of 
the  Milburn  house.  The  time  had  come  when  they,  too,  were  to 
look  upon  the  President  for  the  last  time  in  life.  They  ascended 
the  stairway  one  after  the  other,  noiselessly  approaching  the  thres 
hold  of  the  chamber  where  the  dying  man  lay,  and  gazed  within. 
Those  who  came  first  turned  back  appalled  and  overwhelmed,  and 
did  not  pass  within  the  chamber. 


THE  LAST  SAD  HOURS  335 

Secretary  Long,  who  arrived  on  a  late  train,  went  at  once  to 
the  chamber  and  passed  directly  to  the  bedside  of  the  President, 
grasping  the  hand  that  was  already  clammy  with  approaching  death. 

Meantime  the  President  had  lapsed  into  a  state  of  complete 
unconsciousness,  and  it  was  only  a  question  of  hours,  perhaps  min 
utes,  when  the  end  would  come. 

By  10  o'clock  there  was  no  perceptible  pulse.  The  extremities 
had  grown  cold  and  the  rigidity  of  death  was  fast  falling  upon  the 
sufferer.  The  physicians  who  remained  at  his  side  detected  only 
the  faintest  heart-beats.  Some  of  them,  knowing  that  all  was  over, 
departed,  while  others  remained,  not  because  there,  was  any  further 
need  of  their  ministrations,  but  because  of  respect  for  the  expiring 
President.  Dr.  Janeway,  the  eminent  heart  specialist,  who  had 
been  summoned  from  New  York,  arrived  shortly  before  midnight 
and  proceeded  at  once  to  the  bedside  of  the  President.  An 
instant's  glance  told  him  the  time  had  passed  for  the  slightest  hope  ; 
he  turned  away,  telling  the  assembled  relatives  and  officials  that  the 
end  was  very  near. 

Midnight  came,  and  still  the  tremendous  vitality  of  the  Presi 
dent  was  battling  against  dissolution.  Another  hour  passed  so,  and 
still  another.  At  2  o'clock  Dr.  Rixey  was  the  only  physician  in  the 
death  chamber.  The  others  were  in  an  adjoining  room,  while  the 
relatives,  Cabinet  officers  and  nearest  friends  were  gathered  in 
silent  groups  in  the  apartments  below.  As  he  watched  and  waited, 
Dr.  Rixey  observed  a  slight  convulsive  tremor.  The  President 
had  entered  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  death.  Word  was  at  once 
taken  to  the  immediate  relatives  who  were  not  present  to  hasten 
for  the  last  look  upon  the  President  in  life. 

They  came  in  groups,  the  women  weeping  and  the  men  bowed 
and  sobbing  in  their  intense  grief. 

Grouped  about  the  bedside  at  this  moment  were  the  only 
brother  of  the  President,  Abner  McKinley,  and  his  wife  ;  Miss 
Helen  McKinley  and  Mrs.  Sarah  Duncan,  sisters  of  the  President; 
Miss  Mary  Barber,  niece ;  Miss  Sara  Duncan,  niece ;  Lieutenant 


336  THE  LAST  SAD  HOURS 

James  F.  McKinley,  William  M.  Duncan  and  John  Barber,  nephews ; 

F.  M.  Osborne,  a  cousin  ;  Secretary  George   B.  Cortelyou,  Charles 

G.  Dawes,  Comptroller  of  the  Currency ;  Colonel  Webb  C.  Hayes 
and  Colonel  William  C.  Brown.     With  these  directly  and  indirectly 
connected  with  the  family  were  those  others  who  had  kept  cease 
less    vigil,    the    white-garbed    nurses    and    the    uniformed    marine 
hospital    attendants.      In    the   adjoining  room   were   Drs.   Charles 
McBurney,  Eugene  Wasdin,   Roswell    Park,  Charles   G.  Stockton 

and  Herman  Mynter. 

The  minutes  were  now  flying,  and  it  was  2.15  o'clock.  Silent 
and  motionless,  the  circle  of  loving  friends  stood  about  the  bedside. 
Dr.  Rixey  leaned  forward  and  placed  his  ear  close  to  the  breast  of 
the  expiring  President.  Then  he  straightened  up  and  made  an 
effort  to  speak. 

44  The  President  is  dead,"  he  said. 

The  President  had  passed  away  peacefully,  without  the  convul 
sive  struggle  of  death.  It  was  as  though  he  had  fallen  asleep. 

OO  O  I 

As  they  gazed  on  the  face  of  the  martyr  President  only  the  sobs 
of  the  mourners  broke  the  silence  of  the  chamber  of  death. 
Mr.  Cortelyou  had  been  one  of  the  first  to  rouse  himself,  after  the 
stunning  effect  of  the  announcement  of  death.  He  passed  from 
the  room  and  down  the  stairway.  There,  in  the  large  drawing-room, 
were  still  assembled  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  and  officials  high  in 
the  administration  and  in  the  confidence  of  the  President.  As  he 
appeared  at  the  threshold  of  the  room,  they  seemed  to  realize  that 
the  message  of  death  had  come. 

Mr.  Cortelyou  halted  at  the  door,  and  summoning  up  all  of  his 
efforts  said  :  "  Gentlemen,  the  President  has  passed  away." 
Realizing,  too,  the  momentous  nature  of  the  event  to  the  people  of 
the  country,  Mr.  Cortelyou  stepped  through  the  outer  doorway  of 
the  Milburn  house  and,  advancing  down  the  walk  to  the  newspaper 
men  at  the  front  gate,  calmly  announced  :  "  The  President  died  at 
2.15  o'clock."  Thus  closed  the  final  chapter  in  the  life  of  William 
McKinley, 


CHAPTER  XXI 

Obsequies  of  the   Martyred  President 

DURING  the  day  that  followed  the  sad  death  of  the  martyred 
McKinley  preparations  were  made  for  the  last  sad  rites. 
These,  as  in  the  similar  instances  of  Lincoln  and  Garneld, 
and  of  the  more  recently  deceased  Victoria,  were  to  consist  of 
public  ceremonies  and  private  obsequies.  The  people  demanded 
the  right  to  gaze  upon  the  lifeless  features  of  their  beloved  leader, 
and  the  request,  dictated  by  respect  and  affection,  could  not  be 
ignored.  From  Philadelphia  came  an  earnest  solicitation  that  the 
body  of  the  dead  President  should  lie  in  state  for  an  interval  in  the 
Hall  of  Independence,  the  hallowed  scene  of  the  nation's  birth, 
where  the  body  of  Abraham  Lincoln  had  reposed  thirty-six  years 
before.  But  the  request  came  too  late,  the  plans  for  the  funeral 
ceremonies  had  been  made,  and  it  was  deemed  best  not  to  change 
them  even  for  this  added  honor  to  the  nation's  martyr. 

Before  beginning  the  preparations  for  the  funeral,  it  was 
deemed  right  and  proper  that  an  autopsy  should  be  made  to  satisfy 
the  family  and  friends  as  well  as  the  public  that  all  had  been  done 
which  could  be  done  to  save  the  President's  life.  The  following  is 
the  report  of  the  doctors  who  made  the  autopsy: 

WHAT    THE    AUTOPSY    TOLD 

"  The  bullet  which  struck  over  the  breast  bone  did  not  pass 
through  the  skin  and  did  little  harm. 

"The  other  bullet  passed  through  both  walls  of  the  stomach 
near  its  lower  border.  Both  holes  were  found  to  be  perfectly 
closed  by  the  stitches,  but  the  tissue  around  each  hole  had  become 
gangrenous,  After  passing  through  the  stomach  the  bullet  passed 

337 


338  OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT 

into  the  back  walls  of  the  abdomen,  hitting  and  tearing  the  upper 
end  of  the  kidney.  This  portion  of  the  bullet  track  was  also  gan 
grenous,  the  gangrene  involving  the  pancreas.  The  bullet  has  not 
yet  been  found. 

'*  There  was  no  sign  of  peritonitis  or  disease  of  other  organs. 
The  heart  walls  were  very  thin.  There  was  no  evidence  of  any 
attempt  at  repair  on  the  part  of  nature,  and  death  resulted  from 
tbe  gangrene  which  affected  the  stomach  around  the  bullet  wounds 
as  well  as  the  tissues  around  the  further  course  of  the  bullet. 
Death  was  unavoidable  by  any  surgical  or  medical  treatment  and 
was  the  direct  result  of  the  bullet  wound.'* 

This  report  of  the  autopsy  upon  President  McKinley  was 
made  not  only  by  the  physicians  and  surgeons  who  attended  him, 
but  by  a  number  of  other  medical  experts.  It  shows  he  was 
beyond  medical  or  surgical  aid  from  the  moment  he  was  struck  by 
the  assassin's  bullet.  The  surgeons  did  everything  that  could  be 
done  to  help  him  when  they  operated  upon  him  promptly  and 
sewed  up  the  two  wounds  in  his  stomach.  In  the  ordinary  course 
of  events  nature  would  have  begun  at  once  to  repair  the  damage, 
but  the  autopsy  disclosed  that  nature  did  nothing.  Mr.  McKinley 
was  not  in  as  good  condition  as  he  was  supposed  to  be.  Although 
not  sick,  he  was  "  run  down  "  by  hard  work  and  sedentary  habits. 
The  walls  of  his  heart  were  unusually  thin,  and  that  organ,  though 
sufficient  to  sustain  his  ordinarily  quiet  life,  was  not  strong  enough 
to  bear  the  shock  sustained  by  the  assassin's  attack.  These  things 
could  not  be  known  to  the  physicians  and  surgeons  until  the 
autopsy.  They  were  working  more  or  less  blindly,  and  knew  by 
the  pulse  that  the  heart  was  greatly  affected,  but  there  was  relatively 
little  fever;  it  seemed  to  be  abating  and  the  patient  gave  no 
sign  until  the  fatal  collapse  that  the  parts  surrounding  the  path 
of  the  bullet  had  become  gangrenous. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  bullet  of  the  assassin  was 
poisoned  ;  but  it  is  not  necessary  to  assume  this  in  order  to  explain 
the  gangrenous  condition,  which  is  a  not  infrequent  result  of  gun- 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT  339 

shot  wounds.  In  a  healthy  young  person  the  gangrene  would 
probably  have  been  accompanied  by  very  high  fever  ;  but  in  the 
President's  case  there  was  relatively  little  fever,  and  for  this  reason 
the  attending  physicians  were  misled  into  the  belief  that  he  was  on 
the  high  road  to  recovery.  Sad  as  was  his  death,  it  is  a  relief  to 
know  that  it  was  due  entirely  to  the  assassin's  bullet ;  that  his 
physicians  and  surgeons  did  all  that  was  possible  to  save  him,  and 
that  they  could  not  have  prolonged  his  life  after  the  collapse  even 
though  they  had  known  exactly  what  had  caused  his  heart  failure. 

PLANS    FOR    THE    FUNERAL 

The  plans  for  the  funeral  provided  for  a  private  ceremony  at 
the  Milburn  house  on  Sunday,  September  I5th,  at  n  A.M.,  consist 
ing  of  reading  the  Scripture,  prayer  and  the  singing  of  a  hymn. 
Immediately  after  this  service  the  remains  of  the  late  President 
were  to  be  taken  to  the  Buffalo  City  Hall,  under  escort  of  one 
company  of  regular  troops,  one  company  of  marines,  one  company 
each  of  the  Buffalo  regi  nents  of  the  National  Guard. 

At  the  City  Hall  the  body  to  lie  in  state,  affording  the 
citizens  of  Buffalo  an  opportunity  to  pay  their  respects  to  their 
dead  ruler.  The  body  was  then  to  remain  under  a  guard  of  soldiers 
and  sailors  until  Monday  at  7.30  A.M.,  when  it  would  be  taken 
under  the  same  escort  to  the  funeral  train  at  the  Buffalo  Union 
Station. 

This  train,  as  arranged  by  the  authorities  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Railroad,  to  consist  of  one  private  car  for  Mrs.  McKinley,  one  com 
bination  car,  one  dining  car,  one  compartment  car,  one  double 
drawing  room  and  sleeping  car  and  one  observation  car,  in  which 
the  body  of  the  President  would  be  placed. 

The  train  to  leave  Buffalo  at  8.30  Monday  morning,  and 
arrive  in  Washington  the  same  evening,  traveling  by  way  of  Wil- 
liamsport,  Harrisburg  and  Baltimore. 

At  Washington  the  body  to  be  taken  from  the  train  to  the 
Executive  Mansion  under  escort  of  a  squadron  of  cavalry  ;  and  at 


340  OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT 

9  o'clock  on  Tuesday  morning  to  be  removed  to  the  rotunda  of 
the  Capitol,  under  the  same  escort  of  cavalry,  when  the  funeral 
services  were  to  take  place  immediately,  and  afterward  the  body  was 
to  lie  in  state  until  evening  of  Tuesday,  when  the  body  would  be 
taken,  under  military  escort,  followed  by  the  funeral  procession,  in 
accordance  with  the  precedent  in  the  case  of  President  Garfield,  to 
the  Baltimore  &  Potomac  Station,  and  placed  upon  the  funeral 
train,  which  would  leave  for  Canton. 

The  train  to  reach  Canton  at  1 1  o'clock  Wednesday  morning, 
where  the  final  funeral  services  were  to  be  committed  to  the  charge 
of  the  citizens  of  Canton,  under  the  direction  of  a  committee  to  be 
selected  by  the  Mayor  of  that  city. 

Simple  and  sincere  in  life,  so  was  the  funeral  of  William 
McKinley  at  the  Milburn  house  in  Buffalo  on  Sunday  morning, 
September  i5th.  There  was  no  pomp,  no  harsh  stiffness  of  painful 
ceremony.  It  was  a  sincere  tribute  of  respect  to  a  great  and  a 
good  man  who  had  died  with  the  words  "  God's  will  be  done.  " 
upon  his  lips. 

THE    COFFIN    AND     ITS    DRAPINGS 

The  coffin  rested  in  the  drawing-room  on  the  first  floor.  It 
was  richly  draped  in  black,  with  the  upper  part  open,  and  bearing 
the  simple  inscription  on  a  silver  plate  : 

WILLIAM   McKINLEY, 

BORN  JANUARY  29,  1843. 
DIED   SEPTEMBER  14,  1901. 

Across  the  foot  of  the  coffin  was  a  new  silk  American  flag, 
which  fell  in  graceful  folds  to  the  floor.  All  about  were  an  abun 
dance  of  flowers  sent  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  with  a  large 
wreath  of  roses  resting  on  the  mantel  near  the  head  of  the  bier. 
At  every  door  into  the  drawing-room  soldiers  were  stationed. 
no  one  wp  permitted  to  enter. 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT  34 r 

Rev.  Dr.  Locke,  of  the  Methodist  Church,  and  a  friend  of  the 
family,  and  the  choir  from  the  First  Presbyterian  Church,  of  Buffalo, 
took  part  in  the  funeral  ceremonies  at  the  house. 

At  a  signal  there  rose  from  the  hall  the  words  of  "  Lead, 
Kindly  Light,"  sung  by  the  quartet.  It  was  President  McKinley's 
favorite  hymn.  Every  one  within  sound  of  the  music  knew  it,  and, 
as  the  voices  swelled  through  the  house,  half  of  those  in  the  room 
put  their  faces  in  their  hands  to  hide  their  tears. 

When  the  singing  ended  Dr.  Locke  read  from  i  Corinthians, 
xv.  All  had  risen  as  he  began  and  remained  standing  throughout 
the  services.  "O  Death,  where  is  thy  sting?  O  Grave,  where  is 
thy  victory?"  repeated  the  minister.  Again  the  voices  rose  with 
the  words,  "  Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee."  Dr.  Locke,  who  was 
dressed  in  the  simple  garb  of  a  clergyman  of  the  Methodist  Church, 
then  advanced  to  the  head  of  the  coffin.  Bowing  his  head  and 
folding  his  hands  as  he  looked  down  into  the  face  of  the  dead 
President,  he  invoked  the  divine  help  and  comfort  in  the  hour  of 
affliction.  The  services  closed  with  a  simple  benediction.  Four 
sailors  of  the  navy,  two  infantry  sergeants  and  two  artillery  ser 
geants  bore  the  coffin  out  of  the  house.  The  President,  the  Cabi 
net  members  and  the  others  followed  it.  Mrs.  McKinley  and  the 
members  of  the  family  remained. 

A    SOLEMN    MOMENT 

The  trained  nurses  and  the  .personal  attendants  of  the  Presi 
dent  gathered  on  the  side  porch  to  see  the  body  taken  away. 
Through  their  tears  from  behind  the  screen  of  vines  they  saw  it 
borne  from  the  house,  and  as  long  as  the  hearse  in  which  it  was 
deposited  remained  in  view  they  strained  their  dimmed  eyes  to 
see  it.  Those  noble  women  who  minister  to  the  sick  and  who  are 
inured  to  sorrow  were  prostrated  with  grief. 

Three  long  rolls  of  a  muffled  drum  told  those  outside  the 
house  that  the  funeral  party  was  about  to  appear,  All  the  morn 
ing  a  veil  of  mist  had  been  hanging  over  the  city,  hijt  just  as  the 


342  OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT 

coffin  was  carried  out  of  the  house  the  sun  came  out  and  the  warm 
light  illumined  the  bright  colors  of  the  flags  on  it.  All  the  way 
from  the  Milburn  house  to  the  City  Hall,  a  distance  of  nearly  four 
miles,  the  streets  were  black  with  people,  but  there  was  no  need 
for  police  lines,  for  the  people  stood  in  silence  with  heads  uncov 
ered  waiting  for  the  procession  to  pass. 

As  the  coffin  was  brought  out  of  the  house  the  Sixty-fifth  Regi 
ment  band,  stationed  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  street,  stepped 
forward  a  few  paces  and  began  playing  in  a  minor  key  "  Nearer, 
My  God,  to  Thee."  Slowly  the  coffin  was  carried  on  the  shoulders 
of  the  soldiers  across  the  lawn  and  placed  in  the  hearse,  drawn  by 
four  black  horses. 

As  the  funeral  procession  moved  south  through  Delaware 
Avenue  toward  the  City  Hall  it  passed  through  a  vast  concourse 
of  people,  filling  the  walks  and  cross  streets  and  crowding  house 
tops,  windows  and  every  available  space  along  the  line  of  march. 
It  was  plain  to  see  from  this  popular  outpouring  that  the  hearts  of 
the  people  had  been  deeply  touched,  and,  as  the  flower-covered 
coffin  passed  along,  women  wept  and  men  gave  expression  to  the 
universal  feeling  of  grief. 

LYING    IN    STATE    IN    THE    CITY    HALL,    BUFFALO 

As  the  escort  of  soldiers  swung  slowly  into  Franklin  Street  a 
few  drops  of  rain  fell.  In  two  minutes  it  was  raining  hard.  The 
long  line  of  troops  took  their  positions  at  attention,  facing  the  City 
Hall.  The  coffin  was  lifted  from  the  hearse  to  the  shoulders  of 
the  sailors  and  marines,  and  borne  into  the  City  Hall.  Outside 
there  was  not  a  man  who  did  not  stand  with  hat  removed  in 
respect  to  the  dead  President.  Inside,  with  slow  and  measured 
steps,  the  bearers  made  their  way  to  the  catafalque.  A  moment 
later,  and  the  body  of  President  McKinley  was  lying  in  state. 

A  mighty  host  of  between  75,000  and  100,000  men,  women 
and  children  swept  through  the  City  Hall,  where  President 
McKinley  lay,  during  the  afternoon  between  1.30  and  10.30  o'clock, 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT  343 

The  main  corridor  of  the  City  Hall  is  oblong".  The  front 
opens  upon  Franklin  Street,  the  rear  opening  on  Delaware  Avenue. 
The  front  and  rear  face  the  east  and  west.  In  the  centre  of  the 
corridor  under  the  dome  was  the  catafalque,  about  eighteen  inches 
in  height.  Thirty  feet  distant  from  it  on  either  side  were  two 
round  altar-shaped  stands,  used  for  ornamental  purposes.  These 
were  crape-covered.  The  sides  of  the  corridor  were  lined  with 
giant  ferns  and  palms.  The  chandeliers  at  the  base  of  the  four 
stairways  leading  to  the  second  floor  were  draped  with  the  national 
colors,  overlaid  with  black  and  white  crape.  In  the  centre  of  the 
arch  of  the  south  intersecting  corridor  hung  a  life-sized  portrait  of 
the  dead  Executive  draped  with  bunting  and  crape,  and  with  white 
doves  with  outstretched  wings  surrounding  it.  The  coffin  was 
borne  into  the  corridor  on  the  shoulders  of  eight  men. 

On  the  coffin  were  the  national  colors,  on  top  of  which  were 
placed  a  wreath  of  American  Beauty  roses,  and  one  of  white  roses. 
When  the  lid  was  removed  it  was  noticed  that  the  President's  left 
hand,  which  had  rested  on  his  waist,  had  dropped  to  his  side.  The 
top  of  the  coffin  was  removed  and  the  hand  was  tenderly  replaced. 
The  face  of  the  President  bore  a  look  of  perfect  peacefulness. 
It  was  not  greatly  emaciated.  The  most  noticeable  difference  was 
that  his  usual  pallor  had  been  succeeded  by  sallowness. 

President  Roosevelt  led  the  Cabinet  into  the  corridor  and 
took  a  position  on  the  south  side,  so  that  he  stood  on  the 
right  and  near  the  foot  of  the  coffin.  Scattered  about  were 
some  of  the  more  prominent  citizens  of  Buffalo,  and  police 
and  National  Guard  officials.  At  the  head  of  the  coffin,  at  atten 
tion,  stood  a  sergeant  of  the  coast  artillery,  and  at  the  foot 
the  Chief  Master-at-Arms.  President  Roosevelt  gazed  only  an 
instant  into  the  face  of  the  dead,  and  then,  with  bowed  head, 
quickly  passed  toward  the  Delaware  Avenue  exit. 

First  in  the  throng,  a  little  girl  of  about  seven  came  along, 
her  brown  eyes  glistening  with  excitement.  She  and  her  mother 
had  been  drenched  by  the  rain.  The  mother's  eyes  filled  with 


344  OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT 

tears  as  she  looked  at  the  President.  The  little  girl  was  too  short, 
and,  placing  her  hand  on  the  edge  of  the  glass  top,  she  raised  her 
self  on  tiptoe  and  looked  in.  Her  mouth  opened  with  a  half- 
suppressed  exclamation  as  she  looked  up  at  her  mother.  Then 
a  policeman's  gloved  hand  gently  pushed  her  along. 

A  grizzled  war  veteran,  wearing  a  Grand  Army  and  a  corps 
badge,  limped  in.  His  collar  was  wilted  and  his  hair  was  wet. 
Not  a  muscle  of  his  grim  face  moved  as  he  bent  slightly  over  and 
looked  at  Mr.  McKinley's  face.  He  walked  on  like  one  in  a  dream, 
perhaps  listening  in  memory  to  the  rattle  of  musketry  at  Cedar 
Creek.  Three  awe-stricken  boys  of  twelve,  somewhat  ragged  and 
as  wet  as  rats,  came  along  with  linked  hands.  The  policeman 
tried  to  get  them  to  separate,  but  there  must  have  been  a  boyish 
Masonry  that  steeled  them  against  the  orders  of  a  bluecoat. 
Unlink  they  would  not.  Each  freckled  face  bent  reverently  over 
the  convex  glass,  a  look  of  something  like  terror  came  into  their 
eyes,  and  then  they  were  swept  on,  still  linked  together,  a  sort  of 
faith,  hope  and  charity  in  ragged  knickerbockers  and  shoes  that 
oozed  water  at  the  toes.  Out  into  the  rain  they  went,  down  the 
outer  steps,  with  their  heads  together,  holding  in  their  chalice  of 
memory  a  picture  that  will  be  retold  to  children  and  grandchildren 
in  the  days  to  come.  The  corridor  became  wet  from  the  tramping 
feet,  and  still  the  hero- worshippers  surged  through  the  portals.  As 
long  as  the  doors  were  open,  late  into  the  night,  did  the  people, 
in  an  orderly  and  continuous  line,  pass  the  bier  and  view  the  pallid 
features.  Then  the  casket  was  closed  and  the  gates  locked.  A 
guard  of  honor  stood  sentinel  through  the  night. 

THE    BODY    TAKEN    TO    WASHINGTON 

At  early  dawn  of  Monday  morning,  escorted  by  military,  the 
body  was  taken  to  the  funeral  train,  and  started  for  the  Capital 
City,  acccompanied  by  relatives,  high  officials  and  many  friends. 
Through  a  long  living  lane  of  bareheaded  people*  stretching  from 
Buffalo  up  ovsr  the  Alleghemes>down  into  the  broad  valley  of  the 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT  345 

Susquehanna,  and  on  to  the  marble  city  on  the  banks  of  the  shin 
ing  Potomac,  the  nation's  martyred  President  made  his  last 
journey  to  the  seat  of  government,  over  which  he  presided  for  four 
and  one-half  years.  The  whole  country  seemed  to  have  drained 
its  population  to  the  sides  of  the  track  over  which  the  funeral  train 
passed.  The  thin  lines  through  the  mountains  and  the  sparsely- 
settled  districts  thickened  at  the  little  hamlets,  covered  acres  in 
towns  suddenly  grown  to  the  proportions  of  respectable  cities  and 
were  congested  into  vast  multitudes  in  the  larger  cities.  Work 
was  suspended  in  field  and  mine  and  city.  The  schools  were  dis 
missed,  and  everywhere  appeared  the  trappings  and  tokens  of  woe. 
A  million  flags  at  half  mast  dotted  hillside  and  valley,  and  formed 
a  thicket  of  color  over  the  cities,  and  from  almost  every  banner 
streamed  a  bit  of  crape.  The  stations  were  heavy  with  the  black 
symbols  of  mourning.  At  all  the  larger  towns  and  cities,  after  the 
train  got  into  Pennsylvania,  militiamen,  drawn  up  at  present  arms, 
kept  back  the  enormous  crowds. 

A    REMARKABLE    DEMONSTRATION 

The  silence  with  which  the  countless  thousands  viewed  the 
remains  of  their  hero  and  martyr  was  oppressive  and  profound. 
Only  the  rumbling  of  the  train  wheels,  the  sobs  from  men  and 
women  with  tear-stained  faces  and  the  doleful  tolling  of  the  church 
bells  broke  on  the  ear.  At  several  places,  Williamsport,  Harris- 
burg  and  Baltimore,  the  chimes  played  Cardinal  Newman's  grand 
hymn.  Taken  altogether,  the  journey  home  was  the  most  remark 
able  demonstration  of  universal  personal  sorrow  since  Lincoln  was 
borne  to  his  grave.  Every  one  of  those  who  came  to  pay  their  last 
tribute  to  the  dead  had  an  opportunity  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  flag- 
covered  bier,  elevated  to  view  in  the  observation  car  at  the  rear  of 
the  train. 

There  was  no  other  bit  of  color  to  catch  the  eye  on  this  train 
of  death.  The  locomotive  was  shrouded  in  black,  the  curtains  of 
the  cars,  in  which  sat  the  lonely,  stricken  widow,  the  relatives  of  the 


346  OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT 

President,  Cabinet  and  others  were  drawn.  The  whole  black  train 
was  like  a  shuttered  house,  save  only  for  that  hindmost  car  where 
the  body  lay  guarded  by  a  soldier  of  the  army  and  a  sailor  of  the 
navy. 

Mrs.  McKinley  stood  the  trip  bravely.  In  the  morning,  soon 
after  leaving  Buffalo,  she  pleaded  so  earnestly  to  be  allowed  to  go 
into  the  car  where  her  dear  one  lay,  that  reluctant  assent  was  given, 
and  she  spent  half  an  hour  beside  the  coffin. 

PILOT    ENGINE    PRECEDED    THE    TRAIN 

All  the  way  the  train  was  preceded  about  fifteen  minutes  by  a 
pilot  engine  sent  ahead  to  test  the  bridges  and  switches  and  pre 
vent  the  possibility  of  an  accident  to  the  precious  burden  it  carried. 

The  train  had  the  right  of  way  over  everything.  Not  a  wheel 
moved  on  that  section  of  the  railroad  system  thirty  minutes  before 
the  pilot  engine  was  due,  or  for  the.  same  length  of  time  after  the 
train  had  passed.  The  General  Superintendent  had  sent  out  explicit 
instructions  covering  every  detail.  The  order  concluded  : 

"  Every  precaution  must  be  taken  by  all  employees  to  make  this 
movement  absolutely  safe." 

In  the  twelve  hours  between  Buffalo  and  Washington,  it  is  esti 
mated  over  half  a  million  people  saw  the  coffin  which  held  all  that 
wras  mortal  of  President  McKinley. 

It  was  with  simple  ceremony  and  a  silence  that  fitted  perfectly 
the  sadness  of  the  occasion  that  the  body  of  the  late  President  was 
borne  up  Pennsylvania  Avenue  to  the  White  House  and  laid  upon 
the  bier  in  the  great  East  Room  where  he  had  stood  so  often  in 
the  pride  of  his  manhood  to  receive  the  greetings  of  the  common 
people  he  loved  better  than  himself. 

It  was  fitting  that  such  ceremony  as  there  was  should  be 
severely  military  in  its  character,  in  recognition  of  the  fact  that  the 
President  was  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  United  States  army 
and  navy.  Nowhere  was  there  a  show  of  civilian  participation.  The 
streets  about  the  station  were  filled  with  mounted  troops,  and  the 


OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT  3^7 

station  itself  was  occupied  by  stalwart  soldiers  and  sailors  in  uni 
form.  The  blue-coated  policemen  and  the  railroad  employes  were 
nearly  all  that  stood  for  civil  life. 

It  was  not  so  on  the  broad  stretch  of  avenue  that  led  to  the 
White  House.  There  the  people  strained  and  crowded  in  a  vast 
multitude  against  the  stiff  wire  ropes  which  restrained  them  from 
the  space  marked  out  for  the  line  of  procession.  The  silence  that 
marked  the  progress  of  the  funeral  party  through  the  national 
capital  was  profound.  The  people  as  a  whole  did  not  talk  even  in 
whispers,  and  the  only  sign  of  agitation  in  the  great  crowd  was  the 
silent  pressing  and  striving  against  the  ropes  to  see  the  mournful 
cortege  which  swept  slowly  along.  The  afternoon  was  cloudy,  and 
with  the  close  of  day  began  the  dull,  depressing  boom  of  a  great 
£im  at  intervals  of  five  minutes.  It  was  the  signal  which  o^ave 

o  o  o 

notice  of  the  approach  of  the  funeral  train. 

At  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Station  men  in  bright  uniforms 
gathered,  a  mixture  of  soldiers  and  sailors,  and,  with  lowered  voices, 
talked  in  groups  while  waiting  to  take  up  their  parts  in  the  cere 
mony.  From  the  brigadier-general  and  naval  captain  down  to 
the  humblest  lieutenant  and  ensign,  every  officer  on  duty  in  the 
Capitol  was  there,  save  a  few  of  high  rank  who  composed  the 
guard  of  honor,  and  waited  at  the  White  House. 

The  casket  was  moved  from  the  observation  car,  and  tenderly 
received  upon  the  bent  shoulders  of  the  body-bearers.  Four  artil 
lerymen,  from  Fort  McHenry,  Maryland,  were  on  the  right  and 
four  sailors  on  the  left.  Straightening  themselves  under  their 
burden,  they  walked  slowly  towards  the  hearse.  As  the  casket 
emerged  a  bugle  note  rose  clearly,  and  :<  taps  "  rang  out.  That  was 
the  only  sound  that  broke  the  dead  silence. 

Just  beyond  the  entrance  to  the  station  President  Roosevelt, 
with  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  had  paused  and  had  taken  station 
so  as  to  leave  a  broad  space  for  the  funeral  cortege.  They  ranged 
themselves  on  the  sidewalk  in  double  rows  opposite  each  other  and 
stood  with  bared  heads  as  the  corpse  was  carried  to  the  hearse, 


348  OBSEQUIES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT 

drawn  up  at  the  side  gate.  The  hearse  was  an  exquisitely  carved 
affair,  and  was  drawn  by  six  coal-black  horses,  each  of  which  was 
led  by  a  colored  groom  in  black  livery. 

When  the  sad  cortege  arrived  at  the  White  House  the  hearse 
stopped  under  the  porte-cochere.  The  body-bearers  took  the  coffin 
upon  their  broad  shoulders,  and,  passing  up  three  or  four  steps, 
waited  until  President  Roosevelt  and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet 
had  alighted  from  their  carriages,  and  then  followed  them  through 
the  wide-open  doors  into  the  East  Room.  Just  in  the  centre  of  the 
room,  under  the  great  crystal  chandelier,  they  deposited  their  pre 
cious  burden  upon  a  black-draped  base,  and  stood  at  salute  while 
the  Chief  Executive  and  Cabinet  members,  with  bowed  heads, 
passed  by. 

Following  them  came  the  chief  officers  of  the  army  and  navy 
now  in  the  city,  the  guard  of  honor  consisting  of  officers  of  the 
Loyal  Legion,  members  of  the  Union  Veterans'  organization  and 
the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic. 

The  casket  was  placed  lengthwise  of  the  East  Room,  the 
head  to  the  north.  Piled  about  it  were  a  half  hundred  floral 
emblems  of  exceptional  beauty,  and  as  many  more  were  placed  in 
the  inside  corridor  to  wait  the  morrow.  Two  marines,  a  soldier 
and  a  sailor,  stood  guard,  one  at  each  corner  of  the  casket,  while 
seated  on  either  side  were  two  members  of  the  Grand  Army,  and 
two  members  of  the  Loyal  Legion.  These  were  relieved  at  inter 
vals  of  two  hoars  during  the  night. 

Before  midnight  the  household  had  retired  to  rest,  and  the 
only  lights  to  be  seen  were  those  in  the  room  where  his  comrades 
kept  watch  over  their  dead  chief. 

There  in  the  East  Room  of  the  White  House,  where  for  more 
than  four  years  he  had  made  his  home  as  the  Chief  Magistrate  of 
the  great  American  Republic,  he  rested  undisturbed.  Upstairs  his 
widow  mourned  for  her  dead  in  the  family  apartments  that  brought 
back  but  the  saddest  of  memories. 


CHAPTER 
The  Impressive  State    Funeral  Ceremonies 

THE  last  sad  services  at  the  Nation's  Capital  began  on  Wednes 
day,  the  1 7th  of  September,  when  the  body-bearers  silently 
and  reverently  raised  to  their  stalwart  shoulders  the  casket, 
containing  all  that  was  mortal  of  the  illustrious  dead.  As  they 
appeared  at  the  main  door  of  the  White  House  the  Marine  Band, 
stationed  on  the  avenue  opposite  the  mansion,  struck  up  the  hymn 
the  President  loved  so  well,  "  Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,"  and,  as 
the  last  sad  strain  of  the  music  died  away,  the  throng  in  the  build 
ing  lifted  their  heads,  but  their  eyes  were  wet. 

Slowly  along  the  White  House  driveway,  through  a  fine  driz 
zling  rain,  the  solemn  cortege  wound  its  way  down  to  the  gate 
leading  to  the  avenue  and  halted.  Then,  with  a  grand,  solemn 
swing,  the  artillery  band  began  the  "  Dead  March  from  Saul,"  a 
blast  from  a  bugle  sounded  "  inarch"  and  the  head  of  the  proces 
sion  was  moving  on  its  way  to  the  Capitol.  The  casket,  in  a  black 
carved  hearse  and  drawn  by  six  coal-black  horses,  caparisoned  in 
black  net  with  trailing  tassels  and  a  stalwart  groom  at  the  head  of 
each,  moved  down  through  the  gateway  toward  the  distant  Capitol. 
In  the  great  funeral  procession  were  bodies  of  troops  representing 
the  army  and  navy,  high  dignitaries  of  State,  including  the  Judi 
ciary,  members  of  both  houses  of  Congress  and  representatives  of 
foreign  governments ;  also  many  civic  organizations  from  all 
sections  of  the  country. 

At  10. 12  o'clock  the  head   of  the  procession  arrived  at  the 

north  end  of  the  Capitol  plaza.     The  troops  swept  around  to  the 

south  end  of  the  plaza  and  then  marched  to  position  fronting  the 

main  entrance  to  the  Capitol.     As  soon  as  they  had  been  formed 

20  349 


350  STATE  FUNERAL  CEREMONIES 

at  rest,  the  artillery  band  on  the  left  and  the  Marine  Band  on  the 
right  of  the  entrance,  the  funeral  cortege  with  its  guard  of  honor 
entered  the  plaza  from  the  north. 

The  guard  of  honor  ascended  the  steps,  the  naval  officers  on 
the  right  and  the  army  officers  on  the  left,  forming  a  cordon  on 
each  side,  just  within  the  ranks  of  the  artillerymen,  seamen  and 
marines.  As  the  eight  sturdy  body-bearers,  four  from  the  army 
and  four  from  the  navy,  tenderly  drew  the  flag-draped  casket 
from  the  hearse  the  band  sweetly  wailed  the  pleading  notes  of 
"  Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee."  Every  head  in  the  vast  attendant 
throng  was  bared.  Tear-bedimmed  eyes  were  raised  to  heaven 
and  silent  prayers  went  up  from  the  thousands  of  hearts. 

With  careful  and  solemn  tread  the  body-bearers  began  the 
ascent  of  the  staircase  with  their  precious  burden  and  tenderly 
bore  it  to  the  catafalque  in  the  rotunda. 

Here,  under  the  great  dome  of  the  Capitol,  on  whose  vast 
canopy  the  artist  has  painted  the  apotheosis  of  Washington,  there 
rested  the  body  of  William  McKinley,  whose  apotheosis  is  in  the 
hearts  of  his  countrymen.  In  the  centre  of  the  rotunda  that  has 
resounded  to  the  tread  of  statesmen  for  almost  a  century  stood  the 
bier  of  the  dead  President,  while  on  either  side  passed  60,000  men, 
women  and  children  who  sought  a  last  glimpse  of  the  face  of  the 
man  they  all  loved  so  well. 

The  obsequies,  from  the  moment  the  remains  of  the  President 
were  carried  from  the  White  House  to  the  Capitol  until  they  were 
placed  upon  the  train  which  bore  them  to  the  old  home  in  Canton, 
were  simple  and  democratic.  There  was  no  display  of  pomp  and 
splendor.  The  ceremonies  were  majestic  in  their  simplicity.  The 
occasion  was  historic,  though  sorrowful,  and  the  greatest  in  the 
land  paid  humble  tribute  to  the  dead  President.  The  new  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  the  only  living  ex-President,  the 
Supreme  Court,  the  highest  officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  the  representatives  of  the 
foreign  powers,  delegations  of  the  great  patriotic  orders  of  the 


STATE  FUNERAL  CEREMONIES  351 

country,  representatives  of  States  and  municipalities,  all  met  with 
bowed  heads  about  the  bier  of  William  McKinley.  Through  its 
representatives  a  nation  paid  the  last  honors  to  its  martyred 
President. 

A    DAY    OF    GLOOM 

It  was  a  genuine  day  of  mourning,  and  Nature  added  to  the 
gloom.  Gray  clouds  overcast  the  sky  early  in  the  day  and  at 
intervals  rain  deluged  the  city.  Despite  the  frequent  downpours, 
the  tens  of  thousands  of  Washington's  citizens  who  besieged  the 
Capitol  to  look  upon  the  dead  form  of  the  President  held  their 
places  in  line,  drenched  to  the-skm,  but  determined  to  show  their 
affection  for  him  who  had  been  so  ruthlessly  taken  from  them. 

In  the  services  in  the  rotunda  of  the  Capitol  all  interest  cen 
tred,  as  they  expressed  the  sympathy  of  the  nation  and  the  acquies 
cence  in  God's  will  according  to  the  President's  last  prayer  of 
resignation.  The  place  was  well  chosen  and  already  hallowed  by 
the  religious  services  over  the  bodies  of  the  other  two  martyred 
Presidents.  President  McKinley's  remains  rested  directly  in  the 
centre  of  the  Capitol  beneath  which  it  had  been  the  purpose  of  the 
designers  of  the  building  to  have  placed  the  body  of  the  Father  of 
his  Country,  George  Washington.  On  the  walls  surrounding  the 
rotunda  hang  immense  paintings  depicting  the  great  events  in  the 
early  history  of  the  country.  Its  discovery  by  Columbus,  the 
embarkation  by  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  the  surrender  at  Yorktown, 
and  other  great  events  marking  the  birth  of  the  nation,  are  shown  ; 
while  from  pedestals  on  the  east  and  west  side  of  the  circle  the 
marble  statues  of  Lincoln  and  Grant  looked  down  upon  the  bier  of 
the  martyred  President. 

This  was  a  spot  which  always  attracted  Mr.  McKinley  when 
a  member  of  Congress.  Hundreds  of  times  had  he  stood  gazing 
on  these  pictures,  pointing  them  out  to  friends  and  visitors,  and 
thousands  of  times,  in  the  pursuit  of  his  duties  as  Congressman, 
had  he  traversed  this  rotunda,  a  familiar  figure-  to  the  guides  and 
employees  of  the  Capitol  To-day  the  guides,  grown  gray  in  the 


352  STATE  FUNERAL  CEREMONIES 

service,  who  used  to  point  out  Major  McKinley  to  the  curious 
visitors  as  the  leader  of  the  House  and  a  great  man,  acted  as  ushers 
and  seated  the  audience  of  800  or  more  that  gathered  about  Major 
McKinley's  coffin  to  pay  their  last  respects. 

A    NOTABLE    OCCASION 

It  seemed  peculiarly  fitting  that  the  body  of  this  distinguished 
man  should  lie  amid  the  scenes  of  his  great  achievements  as  a  states 
man  and  legislator.  How  strong  he  was  in  the  affections  of  Con 
gressmen  was  shown  by  the  large  attendance  of  Senators  and  Rep 
resentatives.  His  old  colleagues  in  the  House  and  members  of 
the  Senate,  with  whom  he  labored  and  accomplished  great  work 
of  legislation,  were  inexpressibly  affected  as  they  gathered  about 
his  remains. 

Few  of  the  older  Congressmen  could  hide  their  feelings. 
There  was  Payne,  of  New  York;  Hopkins,  of  Illinois;  Bingham 
and  Dalzell,  of  Pennsylvania,  who  served  many  years  in  the  House 
when  William  McKinley  was  one  of  its  foremost  Republican 
members,  and  Allison,  of  Iowa;  Hawley  and  Platt,  of  Connecti 
cut  ;  Burrows,  of  Michigan  ;  Spooner,  of  Wisconsin  ;  Cullom,  of 
Illinois  ;  Cockrell,  of  Missouri ;  Daniel,  of  Virginia,  and  others  of 
the  Senate  who  had  the  most  pleasant  recollections  of  their  asso 
ciations  with  Mr.  McKinley  when  he  was  a  member  of  Congress. 
The  faces  of  these  distinguished  statesmen  reflected  their  heartfelt 
sorrow.  Senator  Hawley,  an  intense  admirer  of  President  McKin 
ley  before  and  after  the  latter  entered  the  White  House,  tottered 
into  the  rotunda  almost  in  a  state  of  collapse.  He  had  come  from 
Buffalo  with  the  funeral  party,  and,  though  broken  in  health  and 
shaken  by  age,  he  was  determined  to  pay  his  respects  to  the 
beloved  dead. 

It  was  a  most  distinguished  and  august  body  that  gathered 
about  the  casket.  There  was  President  Roosevelt,  sitting  at  the 
head  of  his  Cabinet,  conscious  of  the  great  responsibilities  sud 
denly  thrust  upon  him,  but  with  sorrow  depicted  in  every  line  of 


Copyright  by  Judge  Co. 

THE  PRESIDENT  POSES  FOR  THE  CHILDREN'S  CAMERAS  AT  EL  PASO,  TEXAS 


STATE  FUNERAL  CEREMONIES  355 

his  face.      In  full  command  of  his  feelings,  it  was  only  the  firm  set 
of  his  jaw  that  revealed  the  effort  to  preserve  a  calm  exterior. 

Across  a  narrow  aisle  from  him  sat  the  only  living  ex-President 
of  the  United  States,  Grover  Cleveland,  who  now  visited  Wash 
ington  for  the  first  time  since  he  resigned  the  reins  of  Government 
into  the  hands  of  William  McKinley  on  March  4,  1897.  Mr. 
Cleveland  seemed  affected  by  the  services  and  the  surroundings, 
reverently  bowed  his  head  in  prayer  and  joined  with  the  audience 
in  repeating  the  Lord's  Prayer  at  the  close  of  the  minister's 
invocation. 

SERVED    UNDER    THREE    MARTYRED    PRESIDENTS 

With  President  Roosevelt  there  sat  all  the  members  of  Mr. 
McKinley's  Cabinet.  Secretary  Hay  sat  on  his  left,  a  heart 
broken,  sorrow-stricken  man.  For  the  third  time  in  his  life  he 
attended  services  held  over  the  bodies  of  murdered  Presidents.  It 
has  been  his  fate  to  have  been  intimately  associated  with  the  three 
Presidents  of  the  United  States  who  have  fallen  at  the  hands  of  assas 
sins.  He  was  private  secretary  to  the  first  martyred  President, 
Abraham  Lincoln,  and  was  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  under 
President  Garfield.  This  third  cruel  blow  was  much  more  than  he 
deserved.  Besides  Secretary  Hay,  there  were  the  other  members 
of  the  late  President's  two  Cabinets. 

SERVICES    IN    THE    CAPITOL 

Mrs.  McKinley  was  unable  to  attend  the  services  at  the  Capi 
tol,  but  the  other  members  of  the  dead  President's  family  gathered 
near  the  casket  and  listened  to  the  simple  prayers,  hymns  and 
address  that  composed  the  service.  The  two  hymns,  which  were 
special  favorites  of  Mr.  McKinley,  were  sung  by  a  double  quartet. 
Everybody  was  affected  by  the  sweet  music  and  touching  words. 
"Lead,  Kindly  Light"  and  "  Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee"  seemed 
to  have  deeper  significance  as  the  strains  of  the  well-known  tunes 
rang  through  that  vast  rotunda  and  were  re-echoed  from  the  lofty 
dome. 


356  STATE  FUNERAL  CEREMONIES 

There  was  a  profusion  of  floral  gifts  in  all  forms  of  magnificent 
and  costly  flowers,  sent  from  all  parts  of  the  country  and  express 
ing  the  love,  affection  and  esteem  of  representatives  of  all  govern 
ments,  organizations  and  bodies  of  men.  The  railing  about  the 
rotunda  was  lined  with  exquisite  floral  pieces,  while  the  flag-draped 
casket  was  banked  with  some  of  the  finest  wreaths  and  designs. 

The  funeral  services  were  simple  and  beautiful.  They  were 
of  the  form  prescribed  in  the  Methodist  Church.  Two  hymns,  a 
prayer,  an  address  and  a  benediction  comprised  all  of  it,  yet  the 
impression  left  at  the  end  was  of  perfection. 

When  the  noise  occasioned  by  seating  the  late-comers  had 
ceased  a  hush  fell  upon  the  people  and  then  the  choir  softly  sang 
"  Lead,  Kindly  Light,"  Bishop  Newman's  divine  anthem,  while  every 
one  stood  in  reverence.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  hymn  Rev.  Dr. 
Henry  R.  Naylor,  presiding  ekler  of  the  Washington  District 
M.  E.  Church,  delivered  the  invocation,  while  the  distinguished 
company  listened  with  bowed  heads. 

As  the  pastor  ceased  the  voices  of  the  choir  swelled  forth,  and 
the  rich,  pure  soprano  notes  of  a  soloist  led  the  hymn  "  Some  Time 
We'll  Understand."  The  music  was  remarkably  effective  and 
touching  as  the  notes  came  back  in  soft  echoes  from  the  fulness  of 
the  dome  overhead.  As  soon  as  the  hymn  ceased  Bishop  Edward 
G.  Andrews,  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  who  had  come 
from  Ohio  to  say  the  last  words  over  the  remains  of  his  lifelong 
friend  and  parishioner,  arose.  He  stood  at  the  head  of  the  casket 
and  spoke  in  sympathetic  voice  and  with  many  evidences  of  deep 
emotion. 

As  the  bishop  concluded  every  one  in  the  vast  rotunda  rose 
and,  the  choir  intoning  the  air,  hundreds  of  voices  joined  in  the 
grand  old  hymn  "  Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee." 

The  last  notes  died  away  softly,  and  with  uplifted  hands  the 
benediction  was  pronounced  by  Rev.  Dr.  W.  H.  Chapman,  acting 
pastor  of  the  Metropolitan  Church,  This  ended  the  religious 
service. 


STATE  FUNERAL  CEREMONIES  357 

EULOGY  BY  BISHOP  ANDREWS 

'  Blessed  be  the  God  and  Father  of  our  Lord,  who  of  His 
abundant  mercy  hath  begotten  us  again  into  a  lively  hope  by  the 
resurrection  of  Christ  from  the  dead,  to  an  inheritance  uncorrupt 
ible,  undefiled,  and  that  fadeth  not  away,  reserved  in  Heaven  for 
you  who  are  kept  by  the  power  of  God  through  faith  unto  salvation, 
ready  to  be  revealed  in  the  last  time.' 

44  The  services  for  the  dead  are  fitly  and  almost  of  necessity 
services  of  religion  and  of  immortal  hope.  In  the  presence  of  the 
shroud,  and  the  coffin,  and  the  narrow  home,  questions  concerning 
intellectual  quality,  concerning  public  station,  concerning  great 
achievements,  sink  into  comparative  insignificance,  and  questions 
concerning  character  and  man's  relation  to  the  Lord  and  giver  of 
life,  even  the  life  eternal,  emerge  to  our  view  and  impress  them 
selves  upon  us. 

VALUE    OF    CHARACTER 

"  Character  abides.  We  bring  nothing  into  this  world,  we  can 
carry  nothing  out.  We  ourselves  depart  with  all  the  accumulations 
of  tendency,  and  habit,  and  quality  which  the  years  have  given  to 
us.  We  ask,  therefore,  even  at  the  grave  of  the  illustrious,  not 
altogether  what  great  achievement  they  had  performed,  and  how 
they  had  commended  themselves  to  the  memory  and  affection  or 
respect  of  the  world,  but  chiefly  of  what  sort  they  were ;  what  the 
interior  nature  of  the  man  was  ;  what  were  his  affinities.  Were 
they  with  the  good,  the  true,  the  noble?  What  his  relation  to  the 
Lord  of  the  universe  and  to  the  compassionate  Saviour  of  mankind  ; 
what  his  fitness  for  that  great  hereafter  to  which  he  had  passed. 

"  And  such  great  questions  come  to  us  with  moment,  even  in 
the  hour  when  we  gather  around  the  bier  of  those  whom  we  pro 
foundly  respect  and  eulogize  and  whom  we  tenderly  love.  In  the 
years  to  come,  the  days  and  the  months  that  lie  immediately  before 
us  will  give  full  utterance  as  to  the  high  statesmanship  and  great 
achievements  of  the  illustrious  man  whom  we  mourn  to-day.  We 


358  STATE  FUNERAL  CEREMONIES 

shall  not  touch  them  to-day.  The  nation  already  has  broken  out 
in  its  tears,  and  is  still  pouring  them,  over  the  loss  of  a  beloved 
man.  It  is  well. 

HIS    CHILDHOOD    TRAINING 

"  But  we  ask  this  morning"  of  what  sort  this  man  is,  so  that  we 
may,  perhaps,  knowing  the  moral  and  spiritual  life  that  is  past,  be  able 
to  shape  the  far-withdrawing  future.  I  think  we  must  all  concede 
that  nature  and  training  and — reverently  be  it  said — the  inspiration 
of  the  Almighty  conspired  to  conform  a  man  admirable  in  his 
moral  temper  and  aims. 

"We  none  of  us  can  doubt,  I  think,  that  even  by  nature  he 
was  eminently  gifted.  The  kindly,  calm,  and  equitable  temperament, 
the  kindly  and  generous  heart,  the  love  of  justice  and  right,  and 
the  tendency  toward  faith  and  loyalty  to  unseen  powers  and 
authorities — these  things  must  have  been  with  him  from  his  child 
hood,  from  his  infancy ;  but  upon  them  supervened  the  training  for 
which  he  was  always  tenderly  thankful  and  of  which  even  this 
great  nation  from  sea  to  sea  continually  has  taken  note. 

"  It  was  a  humble  home  in  which  he  was  born.  Narrow  con 
ditions  were  around  him  ;  but  faith  in  God  had  lifted  that  lowly 
roof,  according  to  the  statement  of  some  great  writer,  up  to  the 
very  heavens  and  permitted  its  inmates  to  behold  the  things  eternal, 
immortal  and  divine ;  and  he  came  under  that  training. 

"  It  is  a  beautiful  thing  that  to  the  end  of  his  life  he  bent 
reverently  before  that  mother  whose  example,  and  teaching,  and 
prayer  had  so  fashioned  his  mind  and  all  his  aims.  The  school 
came  to  him  but  briefly,  and  then  came  to  him  the  Church  with  a 
ministration  of  power.  He  accepted  the  truth  which  it  taught. 

"  He  believed  in  God  and  in  Jesus  Christ,  through  whom  God 
was  revealed.  He  accepted  the  divine  law  of  the  Scripture  ;  he 
based  his  hope  on  Jesus  Christ,  the  appointed  and  only  Redeemer 
of  men  ;  and  the  Church,  beginning  its  operation  upon  his  charac 
ter  at  an  early  period  of  his  life,  continued  even  to  its  close  to 
mould  him.  He  waited  attentively  upon  its  ministrations. 


STATE  FUNERAL  CEREMONIES  359 

"  He  gladly  partook  with  his  brethren  of  the  symbols  of 
mysterious  passion  and  redeeming  love  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ. 
He  was  helpful  in  all  of  those  beneficences  and  activities ;  and 
from  the  Church,  to  the  close  of  his  life,  he  received  inspiration 
that  lifted  him  above  much  of  the  trouble  and  weakness  incident 
to  our  human  nature,  and,  blessings  be  to  God,  may  we  say,  in  the 
last  and  final  hour  they  enabled  him  confidently,  tenderly,  to  say, 
'  It  is  His  will,  not  ours,  that  will  be  done.' 

HIS    PERFECT    HONESTY    AND    FAITH    IN    MAN 

"  Such  influences  gave  to  us  William  McKinley.  And  what 
was  he  ?  A  man  of  incorruptible,  personal  and  political  integrity. 
I  suppose  no  one  ever  attempted  to  approach  him  in  the  way  of  a 
bribe  ;  and  we  remember,  with  great  felicitation  at  this  time,  for 
such  an  example  to  ourselves,  that  when  great  financial  difficulties 
and  perils  encompassed  him  he  determined  to  deliver  all  he  pos 
sessed  to  his  creditors,  that  there  should  be  no  challenge  of  his 
perfect  honesty  in  the  matter.  A  man  of  immaculate  purity,  shall 
we  say  ?  No  stain  was  upon  his  escutcheon  ;  no  syllable  of  suspicion 
that  I  ever  heard  was  whispered  against  his  character.  He  walked 
in  perfect  and  noble  self-control. 

"  Beyond  that,  this  man  had  somehow  wrought  in  him — I  sup 
pose  upon  the  foundations  of  a  very  happily  constructed  nature — a 
great  and  generous  love  for  his  fellow-men.  He  believed  in  men. 
He  had  himself  been  brought  up  among  the  common  people.  He 
knew  their  labors,  struggles,  necessities.  He  loved  them  ;  but  I 
think  beyond  that  it  was  to  the  Church  and  its  teachings  con 
cerning  the  fatherhood  of  God  and  universal  brotherhood  of  man 
that  he  was  indebted  for  that  habit  of  kindness,  for  that  generosity 
of  spirit,  that  was  wrought  into  his  very  substance  and  became  him 
so  that,  though  he  was  of  all  men  most  courteous,  no  one  ever  sup 
posed  but  that  courtesy  was  from  the  heart.  It  was  spontaneous, 
unaffected,  kindly,  attractive,  in  a  most  eminent  degree. 


36o  STATE  FUNERAL  CEREMONIES 

"  What  he  was  in  the  narrower  circle  of  those  to  whom  he  was 
personally  attached  I  think  he  was  also  in  the  greatness  of  his  com 
prehensive  love  toward  the  race  of  which  he  was  part.  If  any  man 
had  been  lifted  up  to  take  into  his  purview  and  desire  to  help  all 
classes  and  conditions  of  men,  all  nationalities  beside  his  own,  it 
was  this  man. 

HIS    DOMESTIC    LOVE 

14  Shall  I  speak  a  word  next  of  that  which  I  will  hardly  advert 
to — the  tenderness  of  that  domestic  love  which  has  so  often  been 
commented  upon  ?  I  pass  it  with  only  that  word.  I  take  it  that 
no  words  can  set  forth  fully  the  unfaltering  kindness  and  careful 
ness  and  upbearing  love  which  belonged  to  this  great  man. 

"  And  he  was  a  man  who  believed  in  right,  who  had  a  profound 
conviction  that  the  courses  of  this  world  must  be  ordered  in  accord 
ance  with  everlasting  righteousness,  or  this  world's  highest  point  of 
goodwill  never  be  reached;  that  no  nation  can  expect  success  in 
life  except  as  it  conforms  to  the  eternal  will  of  the  Infinite  Lord 
and  pass  itself  in  individual  and  collective  activity  according  to 
that  Divine  Will.  It  was  deeply  ingrained  in  him  that  righteous 
ness  was  the  perfection  of  any  man  and  of  any  people.  Simplicity 
belonged  to  him.  I  need  not  dwell  upon  it,  and  I  close  the  state 
ment  of  these  qualities  by  saying  that  underlying  all  and  over 
reaching  all  and  penetrating  all  there  was  a  profound  loyalty  to 
God,  the  great  King  of  the  universe,  the  Author  of  all  good,  the 
Eternal  hope  of  all  that  trust  in  Him. 

HIS    MORAL    QUALITIES 

"  And  now,  may  I  say  further  that  it  seems  to  me  that  to 
whatever  we  may  attribute  all  the  illustriousness  of  this  man,  all 
the  greatness  of  his  achievements — whatever  of  that  we  may 
attribute  to  his  intellectual  character  and  quality,  whatever  of  it 
we  may  attribute  to  the  patient  and  thorough  study  which  he  gave 
to  the  various  questions  thrust  upon  him  for  attention,  for  all  his 
successes  as  a  politician,  as  a  stateman,  as  a  man  of  this  great 


STATE  FUNERAL  CEREMONIES  361 

country,  those  successes  were  largely  due  to  the  moral  qualities  of 
which  I  have  spoken. 

u  They  drew  to  him  the  hearts  of  men  everywhere,  and  par 
ticularly  of  those  who  best  knew  him.  They  called  to  his  side 
helpers  in  every  exigency  of  his  career,  so  that  when  his  future 
was  at  one  time  likely  to  have  been  imperiled  and  utterly  ruined 
by  his  fmancial'conditions,  they  who  had  resources,  for  the  sake  of 
helping  a  man  who  had  in  him  such  qualities,  came  to  his  side  and 
put  him  on  the  high  road  of  additional  and  larger  successes. 

HONORED    BY    OPPONENTS 

"  His  high  qualities  drew  to  him  the  good-will  of  his  associates 
in  political  life  in  an  eminent  degree.  They  believed  in  him,  felt 
his  kindness,  confided  in  his  honesty  and  in  his  honor.  His  quali 
ties  even  associated  with  him  in  kindly  relations  those  who  were 
his  political  opponents.  They  made  it  possible  for  him  to  enter 
that  land  with  which  he,  as  one  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Union,  had 
been  in  some  sort  at  war  and  to  draw  closer  the  tie  that  was  to 
bind  all  the  parts  in  one  firmer  and  indissoluble  union. 

"  They  commanded  the  confidence  of  the  great  body  of  Con 
gress,  so  that  they  listened  to  his  plans  and  accepted  kindly  and 
hopefully  and  trustfully  all  his  declarations.  His  qualities  gave 
him  reputation,  not  in  this  land  alone  but  throughout  the  world, 
and  made  it  possible  for  him  to  minister  in  the  style  in  which  he 
has  within  the  last  two  or  three  years  ministered  to  the  welfare 
and  peace  of  human  kind. 

"  It  was  out  of  the  profound  depths  of  his  moral  and  religious 
character  that  came  the  possibilities  of  that  usefulness  which  we 
are  all  glad  to  attribute  to  him.  And  will  such  a  man  die  ?  Is  it 
possible  that  He  who  created,  redeemed,  transformed,  uplifted, 
illumined  such  a  man  will  permit  him  to  fall  into  oblivion  ?  The 
instincts  of  immortality  are  in  all  good  men.  The  Divine  Word  of 
the  Scripture  leaves  us  no  room  for  doubt.  *  I/  said  One  whom 
he  trusted,  *  am  the  resurrection  and  the  life.  He  that  believeth 


36a  STATE  FUNERAL  CEREMONIES 

in  Me,  though  he  were  dead,  yet  shall  he  live,  and  whosoever  liveth 
and  believeth  in  Me  shall  never  die.' 

HIS    NAME    ILLUSTRIOUS 

"  Lost  to  us,  but  not  to  his  God.  Lost  from  earth,  but 
entered  Heaven.  Lost  from  these  labors  and  toils  and  perils,  but 
entered  into  the  everlasting  peace  and  ever-advancing  progress. 
Blessed  be  God  who  gives  us  this  hope  in  this  hour  of  calamity 
and  enables  us  to  triumph  through  Him  who  hath  redeemed  us. 

"  If  there  is  a  personal  immortality  before  him,  let  us  also 
rejoice  that  there  is  an  immortality  and  memory  in  the  hearts  of  a 
large  and  ever-growing  people  who,  through  the  ages  to  come,  the 
generations  that  are  yet  to  be,  will  look  back  upon  this  life,  upon 
its  nobility  and  purity  and  service  to  humanity  and  thank  God 
for  it. 

"The  years  draw  on  when  his  name  shall  be  counted  among 
the  illustrious  of  the  earth.  William  of  Orange  is  not  dead. 
Cromwell  is  not  dead.  Washington  lives  in  the  hearts  and  lives 
of  his  countrymen.  Lincoln,  with  his  infinite  sorrow,  lives  to 
teach  us  and  lead  us  on.  And  McKinley  shall  summon  all  states 
men  and  all  his  countrymen  to  purer  living,  nobler  aims,  sweeter 
faith  and  immortal  blessedness." 


L  W 
^  JO 

=-  r 


OF   THE 

UNIVERSITY   I 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

The  Last  Home-Coming  to  Canton 

THE  last  chapter  of  the  sad  ceremonial,  the  removal  of  the 
remains  of  the  late  President  to  the  grave  at  his  old  home 
at  Canton,  Ohio,  began  on  Tuesday  evening,  September 
i  ;th,  when  the  funeral  train  left  Washington  over  the  Pennsyl 
vania  Railroad. 

The  great  bronze  doors  of  the  Capitol  in  which  the  body  had 
lain  in  state  had  closed  while  there  were  still  thousands  of  people 
waiting  to  get  a  last  glance  at  the  casket. 

The  guards  at  the  Capitol,  who  had  patiently  throughout  the 
long  day  held  the  crowd  in  leash,  were  permitted  a  hurried  look  at 
the  face  of  the  deceased.  The  cover  of  the  casket  was  screwed 
down  by  the  undertakers,  it  was  lifted  once  more  upon  the  shoulders 
of  the  body-bearers,  and  by  them  borne  to  the  hearse  at  the  foot 
of  the  east  steps  of  the  Capitol. 

The  escort  from  the  Capitol  to  the  train  consisted  of  a  com 
mittee  from  the  army  and  navy  and  two  squadrons  of  the  Eleventh 
Cavalry.  The  route  was  down  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  which  was 
lined  on  either  side  by  troops  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 

It  was  a  quiet,  noiseless  journey,  without  music.  Not  a  drum 
was  heard,  nor  a  funeral  note.  Nor  was  there  a  sound  from  the 
crowd  which  lined  the  broad  street.  Notwithstanding  the  hour  was 
late,  the  air  chill  and  a  light  mist  was  falling,  hats  were  uniformly 
removed  as  the  cortege  passed. 

At  the  railroad  station  there  was  a  dense  throng,  and  the 
remains  were  received  by  large  delegations  of  army  and  naval 
officers.  There  the  soldiers  and  seamen  carried  the  casket  from 

365 


366  THE  LAST  HOME-COMING 

the  hearse  to  the  observation  car  placed  in  the  second  section  of 
the  funeral  train. 

The  casket  was  placed  on  standards  draped  with  the  national 
colors,  and  was  covered  with  floral  emblems.  No  less  than  twenty  cars 
were  required  for  the  transportation  of  the  funeral  party  to  Canton. 

Remarkable  demonstrations  of  a  stricken  people's  grief  marked 
the  last  home-coming  of  the  martyred  President,  William  McKin- 
ley.  All  along  the  path  of  the  .sombre  funeral  train,  from  Wash 
ington,  on  the  Potomac,  to  Canton,  in  Ohio,  mourning  thousands 
stood  to  bid  their  dead  chief  a  last,  sad  farewell.  Although  the 
journey  was  made  in  the  dead  of  night,  not  a  city,  town  or  hamlet 
but  contributed  its  quota.  Silent  they  stood  in  the  black  darkness 
as  the  cars  bearing  the  beloved  dead  flashed  by  in  the  gloom,  unlit, 
except  that  bearing  the  remains  of  the  President.  Illuminated  by 
lights  within  the  car,  the  casket  stood  out  in  bold  relief,  visible  to 
the  watchers  in  the  night. 

THE    SILENT    PEOPLE    LINE    THE    TRACK 

Daylight  was  dawning  as  the  train  arrived  at  the  foot  of  the 
eastern  slope  of  the  Alleghenies.  But  through  the  semi-darkness 
the  forms  of  many  people  could  be  seen  strung  along  the  track. 

Extra  engines  were  coupled  on,  and  the  train  was  pulled  labor 
iously  up  the  mountains.  The  morning  was  raw,  foggy  and  cheer 
less.  Mountaineers,  with  axes  on  their  shoulders,  came  down  from 
the  steep  slopes  to  pay  their  homage  with  uncovered  heads. 

Men,  women  and  children  all  were  there.  Miners,  with  lamps 
in  their  caps,  had  rushed  forth  from  the  tunnels  at  the  train's 
approach,  and  the  steel  mills  along  the  Conemaugh  River  were 
emptied.  These  were  men  who  felt  that  their  prosperity  was  due 
to  the  system  for  which  the  dead  statesman  stood,  and  their  loss 
seemed  of  a  personal  character.  Four  women,  with  uplifted  hands, 
were  noticed  on  their  knees  and  handkerchiefs  were  at  the  lips  of 
others  ;  and  from  the  smoke-covered  city  came  the  sound  of  the 
church  bells  clanging  out  the  universal  sorrow. 


THE  LAST  HOME-COMING  367 

A  little  further  on  the  train  passed  a  string  of  coke  ovens,  the 
tenders  standing  at  the  mouths  of  the  glowing  furnaces  with  their 
hats  in  their  hands.  The  train  slowed  down  that  the  people  might 
better  see  the  impressive  spectacle  at  the  rear  of  the  train  within 
the  observation  car,  the  elevated  flag-covered  casket  with  its  burden 
of  flowers  and  the  two  grim,  armed  sentries  on  guard  at  the  head 
and  foot  and  outside,  on  the  platform,  a  soldier  with  his  bayoneted 
gun  and  a  sailor  with  drawn  cutlass,  both  at  salute.  So  rigid  they 
stood  they  might  have  been  carved  out  of  stone. 

As  the  train  passed  through  Harrisburg,  Altoona,  Pittsburgh, 
Allegheny,  and  other  Pennsylvania  towns  and  cities  in  the  route 
of  the  sad  cortege,  people  were  seen  in  thousands,  standing  in  silence 
and  with  bared  heads  as  the  train  passed. 

The  climax  of  the  great  sorrow  was  observed  when  the  train 
reached  the  Ohio  line  and  entered  the  President's  own  State.  The 
signs  of  grief  and  mourning  were  evident  on  every  hand.  The 
people  were  grieving  the  death  as  of  their  well  beloved  son. 

Church  bells  tolled  most  mournfully,  and  the  train  slackened 
speed.  The  humblest  cottage  was  draped  in  mourning,  and  thus 
was  McKinley's  return  heralded  with  silent  and  deeply-felt  sorrow. 

Canton  received  the  remains  of  the  late  President  McKinley 
shortly  before  noon  on  Wednesday,  the  i8th.  Two  weeks  previous, 
upon  the  same  day,  and  almost  at  the  same  hour,  in  the  full  vigor 
of  life  and  the  buoyancy  of  health,  surrounded  by  loving  friends 
and  admiring  neighbors,  who  cheered  his  departure  for  Buffalo,  he 
started  upon  the  journey  that  terminated  in  assassination.  The 
same  friends  and  neighbors,  augmented  by  a  vast  multitude  that 
included  nearly  the  entire  population  of  Canton,  patiently,  silently, 
with  hearts  overshadowed  with  grief  and  heads  bowed  in  humilia 
tion,  awaited  the  coming  of  the  train  that  brought  to  them  the  life 
less  form  of  the  President.  There  was  no  lack  in  the  prepara 
tion  for  this  sad  duty.  No  detail  was  omitted,  and  the  entire  ser 
vice  was  performed  with  a  thoroughness  which  so  strongly  marked 
the  bringing  of  the  body  to  Washington.  There  was  a  degree 


368  THE  LAST  HOME-COMING 

of  simplicity  and  tenderness  that  gave  it  additional  impressiveness 
and  left  no  doubt  as  to  the  depth  of  the  affection  of  the  people,  and 
the  sincerity  of  their  grief. 

Canton's  little  railroad  station  and  the  streets  in  its  vicinity  were 
crowded  with  people.  Infantrymen  of  the  State  National  Guard  per 
formed  patrol  duty  in  the  inside,  and  Troop  A,  of  Cleveland,  which 
had  twice  escorted  President-elect  McKinley  from  the  White  House 
to  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  sat  erect  and  motionless  on  their  horses 
on  the  outside.  A  reception  committee  of  citizens,  including  men  of 
all  parties  and  sects,  at  the  head  of  which  was  Judge  Day,  an  inti 
mate  friend,  close  associate  and  near  neighbor  of  the  late  President, 
was  at  the  station,  not  only  to  tenderly  receive  the  remains  of  the 
dead  President,  but  to  care  for  the  comfort  and  look  after  the 
safety  of  his  successor  and  the  Cabinet  Ministers,  who  were  among 
the  chief  mourners. 

There  was  no  apparent  need  for  the  services  of  soldiers  and 
police.  There  was  no  crowding  or  pushing  among  the  people,  no 
fretting  or  fussing  on  the  part  of  those  charged  with  the  conduct 
of  affairs.  All  were  seemingly  impressed  with  the  solemnity  of  the 
occasion  and  actuated  by  the  common  purpose  to  assist  in  success 
fully  carrying  out  the  object  for  which  they  were  assembled. 

LYING    IN    STATE    IN    CANTON 

The  casket  was  borne  from  the  funeral  car  to  the  hearse  by  the 
soldiers  and  sailors  who  had  performed  this  service  since  the 
departure  from  Buffalo.  The  funeral  procession  moved  between 
lines  of  sorrowing  people  to  the  Court  House,  in  which  the  remains 
reposed  in  state  until  evening,  when  they  were  escorted  to  his  late 
residence.  During  the  hours  the  remains  were  exposed  the  people 
passed  continuously  in  two  lines  on  each  side  of  the  casket. 

The  casket  rested  in  the  main  corridor  of  the  Court  House,  with 
the  head  toward  the  south  entrance,  by  which  the  people  were 
admitted  to  view  the  remains.  The  walls  and  ceiling  were  completely 
covered  with  a  black  fabric,  which  gave  it  the  .appearance  of  an 


THE  LAST  HOME-COMING  369 

immense  vault,  dimly  lighted  by  incandescent  electric  lamps. 
Entering  this  long  chamber  from  the  clear  sunlight  of  the  outside 
the  effect  was  awe-inspiring  upon  the  visitor.  This  was  heightened 
by  the  presence  of  the  dead  President,  resting  upon  a  plain  black 
catafalque,  surrounded  by  the  military  and  naval  guards,  standing 
rigidly  at  the  head  and  foot  and  on  either  side.  The  people  passed 
into  the  building,  upon  entering  which  the  men  divided  to  the  right 
and  left  and  walked  past  the  remains  on  either  side,  moving  to  the 
exit  on  the  north  of  the  building.  The  entire  proceeding  was  con 
ducted  with  the  utmost  good  order  and  without  any  crowding. 

When  the  lying  in  state  was  terminated,  the  line  of  people 
awaiting  admission  to  the  hall  extended  several  blocks.  At  the 
request  of  Mrs.  McKinley,  the  casket  remained  at  the  residence 
from  Wednesday  evening  until  Thursday  afternoon,  when,  after  the 
services  in  the  church,  it  was  removed  to  West  Lawn  Cemetery 
and  deposited  in  a  vault. 

FUNERAL    SERVICES    AT    CANTON 

Thursday  opened  with  lowering  clouds  that  threatened  to 
envelop  the  closing  scene  with  a  pall  and  deluge  the  vast  multitude 
of  sorrowing  spectators.  Fortunately,  as  the  sun  rose  in  the  sky, 
the  clouds  were  dissipated  ;  the  atmosphere,  which  had  been  damp 
and  penetrating,  became  bright  and  cheering,  bringing  assurances 
of  better  weather  than  that  which  had  been  experienced  at  Buffalo 
and  Washington.  All  through  the  night  and  early  morning,  trains 
loaded  with  pilgrims  to  Canton  rumbled  into  the  stations.  Before 
the  morning  was  far  advanced,  the  streets  were  packed  with  people 
of  both  sexes,  all  sizes  and  conditions,  who  moved  in  solid  mass 
about  the  Court  House  and  passed  in  orderly  procession  through 
the  vault-like  chamber,  with  its  mournful  drapery  and  its  oppressive 
funeral  light,  where  the  remains  had  reposed  in  state  and  had  been 
exposed  to  view  for  the  last  time. 

As  the  noon  hour  came  and  passed,  preparations  were  com 
pleted  for  the  funeral  procession,  which  soon  formed  and  took  up 

21 


37«  THE  LAST  HOME-COMING 

its  mournful  journey,  passing  under  the  sweep  of  giant  arches  robed 
in  black,  between  two  living  tides  of  humanity  massed  along  the 
streets,  covering  house-tops  and  filling  windows.  The  church  bells 
still  were  tolling,  mingling  their  dismal  tones  with  the  cadence  of 
the  funeral  dirge. 

The  Methodist  Church  in  which  the  services  were  held  was 
filled  to  its  utmost  capacity,  and  was  surrounded  on  the  outside  by  a 
vast  multitude,  which  was  held  back  by  the  military  escort,  formed  in 
line  to  await  the  closing  of  the  religious  exercises  and  to  make  the 
last  march  to  the  cemetery  with  the  pomp  and  ceremony  befitt 
ing  the  occasion.  Mrs.  McKinley  did  not  go  to  the  church.  She 
was  desirous  of  being  with  her  beloved  to  the  end,  but  was  filially 
prevailed  upon,  by  her  relatives  and  her  physician,  to  remain  at 
home.  President  Roosevelt  and  the  members  of  the  family  were 
in  position  directly  in  front  of  the  hearse  as  the  representatives  of 
a  stricken  nation  and  mourning  people.  The  funeral  procession 
reached  the  church  about  2  o'clock.  The  relatives  and  officials  of 
State  and  Nation  were  shown  to  seats  reserved  for  them.  The 
McKinley  pew,  four  seats  from  the  communion  rail  on  the  right 
central  aisle,  was  vacant  and  covered  with  black.  Abner  McKinley 
and  his  family  and  the  other  relatives  sat  immediately  in  front  and 
to  the  rear  of  it.  President  Roosevelt  and  his  Cabinet  were  to  the 
left  of  the  central  aisle,  just  across  from  the  relatives.  Admirals 
and  generals  were  in  the  front  row.  Members  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives  were  present  in  large  numbers. 

The  services  conducted  after  the  manner  of  the  Methodist  Church 
were  wholly  appropriate,  their  simplicity  adding  to  their  impressive- 
ness.  The  music  was  by  a  quartet,  two  male  and  two  female  voices. 
There  was  no  organ  accompaniment  to  conceal  the  sweetness  and 
tenderness  of  the  voices,  which  filled  the  edifice,  floating  harmon 
iously  across  the  groined  ceiling  and  through  the  auditorium.  The 
delivery  of  the  eulogy  by  Rev.  Dr.  Manchester,  the  pastor,  friend 
and  neighbor  of  the  late  President,  was  a  most  touching  and  beau 
tiful  tribute  to  the  public  services  and  personal  worth  of  the 


THE  LAST  HOME-COMING  371 

deceased.  The  services  closed  with  singing  "  Nearer,  My  God,  to 
Thee,"  by  the  quartet.  When  the  benediction  was  pronounced 
by  Father  Voltman,  of  Chicago,  the  organ  began  in  murmuring 
tones  Chopin's  funeral  march,  which  swelled  into  a  volume  of 
melody  as  the  congregation  slowly  moved  from  the  church  after 
the  removal  of  the  casket. 

Upon  emerging  from  the  church  the  remains  were  again 
received  by  the  troops  with  the  prescribed  honors,  the  column  of 
march  was  resumed  and,  passing  between  two  lines  of  solid  humanity 
that  stretched  from  the  church  to  West  Lawn  Cemetery,  every 
'constituent  unit  of  which  stood  reverently  and  mournfully  as  the 
cortege  passed,  they  were  borne  to  the  tomb. 

No  greater  reverence  has  ever  been  shown  to  any  man,  living 
or  dead,  than  was  exhibited  toward  the  dead  President.  As  the 
funeral  car  passed  men  and  women  sobbed  convulsively.  When 
the  casket  had  been  born  to  the  catafalque  at  the  door  of  the  vault, 
all  realized  that  the  last  and  saddest  moments  were  upon  them. 

BRIEF    BURIAL    SERVICE 

There  was  a  moment's  pause,  then  Bishop  Joyce,  of  Minne 
apolis,  read  the  burial  service  of  the  Methodist  Church  slowly,  but 
in  a  voice  that  could  be  heard  distinctly  by  all  who  were  grouped 
around  the  vault.  As  his  words  ended  there  was  a  brief  silence, 
and  then  eight  bugles  sounded  out  the  notes  of  the  soldier's  last 
call — "taps."  The  notes  of  the  buglers  died  away  so  softly  that 
all  who  heard  them  remained  listening  for  a  few  seconds  to  hear 
if  the  dying  strain  was  really  ended.  When  the  final  note  had 
died  away,  Secretary  Wilson  and  Secretary  Root  were  weeping, 
and  President  Roosevelt  was  gazing  mournfully  at  the  walk.  It 
was  the  last  moment  for  the  men  who  had  been  so  long  and  closely 
associated  with  the  deceased  President,  and  the  thought  seemed 
greater  than  most  of  them  could  bear. 

Nature  has  been  kind  in  selecting  the  last  resting  place  for 
President  McKinley.  West  Lawn  Cemetery  is  on  a  high  knoll 


372  THE  LAST  HOME-COMING 

overlooking  the  peaceful  valley,  with  the  busy  little  city  of  Canton 
laid  out  below.  If  it  were  not  for  an  intervening  church  spire,  one 
might  get  from  this  elevation  a  glimpse  of  the  McKinley  home. 
On  this  elevation,  looking  out  on  his  native  city  and  his  native 
State,  the  body  of  William  McKinley  was  laid  to  rest.  The  beauty 
of  the  grounds  has  attracted  the  attention  of  the  country's  best 
landscape  gardeners,  who  have  journeyed  here  to  study  its  attrac 
tions.  On  this  funeral  day  it  was  doubly  beautiful,  with  the  rustling 
trees  shedding  the  first  yellowed  leaves  of  Fall  and  adding  a  golden 
touch  to  the  green-clad  slopes.  Just  inside  the  stately  entrance 
stands  the  gray  stone  vault  where  for  a  time  the  coffin  will  repose. 
Its  dreary  exterior  was  relieved  by  great  masses  of  flowers, 
banked  all  about  until  the  gray  walls  were  shut  out  from  view. 
But  in  due  time  the  body  will  be  taken  from  the  vault  and  com 
mitted  to  the  little  plot  of  ground  further  on.  This  is  the  Mc 
Kinley  lot,  and  here  lie  his  father,  whose  name  he  bore,  the  mother 
he  guarded  so  tenderly  in  life,  his  brother  James,  his  sister  Anna, 
and  his  two  children.  When  that  time  comes  a  stately  shaft  of 
granite  will  rise  above  the  grave,  telling  of  the  civic  virtues,  the 
pure  life  and  the  martyr  death  of  William  McKinley. 

DR.  MANCHESTER'S  EULOGY 

"  Our  President  is  dead. 

" '  The  silver  cord  is  loosed,  the  golden  bowl  is  broken,  the 
pitcher  is  broken  at  the  fountain,  the  wheel  broken  at  the  cistern. 
The  mourners  go  about  the  streets.'  One  voice  is  heard — a  wail 
of  sorrow  from  all  the  land  ;  for  '  the  beauty  of  Israel  is  slain  upon 
Thy  high  places.  How  are  the  mighty  fallen.  I  am  distressed 
for  Thee,  my  brother.  Very  pleasant  hast  Thou  been  unto  me.' 

"  Our  President  is  dead.  We  can  hardly  believe  it.  We  had 
hoped  and  prayed,  and  it  seemed  that  our  hopes  were  to  be  realized 
and  our  prayers  answered,  when  the  emotion  of  joy  was  changed 
to  one  of  grave  apprehension.  Still  we  waited,  for  we  said,  '  It 
may  be  that  God  will  be  gracious  and  merciful  unto  us.'  It 


THE  LAST  HOME-COMING  373 

seemed  to  us  that  it  must  be  His  will  to  spare  the  life  of  one  so 
well  beloved  and  so  much  needed.  Thus,  alternating  between 
hope  and  fear,  the  weary  hours  passed  on.  Then  came  the  tidings 
of  defeated  science  and  of  the  failure  of  love  and  prayer  to  hold 
its  object  to  the  earth.  We  seemed  to  hear  the  faintly  muttered 
words:  *  Good-by  all,  good-by.  It  is  God's  way.  His  will  be 
done,'  and  then  *  Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee.'  So,  nestling  nearer 
to  his  God,  he  passed  out  into  unconsciousness,  skirted  the  dark 
shores  of  the  sea  of  death  for  a  time,  and  then  passed  on  to  be  at 
rest.  His  great  heart  had  ceased  to  beat.  Our  hearts  are  heavy 
with  sorrow. 

MOURNING     FOR    THE    MAN 

"The  cause  of  this  universal  mourning  is  to  be  found  in  the 
man  himself.  The  inspired  penman's  picture  of  Jonathan,  likening 
him  unto  the  '  beauty  of  Israel,'  could  not  be  more  appropriately 
employed  than  in  chanting  the  lament  over  our  fallen  chieftain.  It 
does  no  violence  to  human  speech,  nor  is  it  fulsome  eulogy  to 
speak  thus  of  him,  for  who  has  seen  his  stately  bearing,  his  grace 
and  manliness  of  demeanor,  his  kindliness  of  aspect,  but  gives 
assent  to  this  description  of  him  ?  It  was  characteristic  of  our 
beloved  President  that  men  met  him  only  to  love  him.  They 
might,  indeed,  differ  with  him,  but  in  the  presence  of  such  dignity 
of  character  and  grace  of  manner  none  could  fail  to  love  the  man. 
The  people  confided  in  him,  believed  in  him.  It  was  said  of 
Lincoln  that  probably  no  man  since  the  days  of  Washington  was 
ever  so  deeply  imbedded  and  enshrined  in  the  hearts  of  the  people, 
but  it  is  true  of  McKinley  in  a  larger  sense.  Industrial  and  social 
conditions  are  such  that  he  was,  even  more  than  his  predecessors, 
the  friend  of  the  whole  people. 

"A  touching  scene  was  enacted  in  this  church  last  Sunday 
night.  The  services  had  closed.  The  worshippers  were  gone  to 
their  homes.  Only  a  few  lingered  to  discuss  the  sad  event  that 
brings  us  together  to-day.  Three  men  in  working  garb  of  a  foreign 
race  and  unfamiliar  tongue  entered  the  room.  They  approached 


374  THE  LAST  HOME-COMING 

the  altar,  kneeling  before  it  and  before  his  picture.  Their  lips 
moved  as  if  in  prayer,  while  tears  furrowed  their  cheeks.  They 
may  have  been  thinking  of  their  own  King  Humbert  and  of  his 
untimely  death.  Their  emotion  was  eloquent,  eloquent  beyond 
speech,  and  it  bore  testimony  to  their  appreciation  of  manly  friend 
ship  and  of  honest  worth. 

u  It  is  a  glorious  thing  to  be  able  to  say  in  this  presence,  with 
our  illustrious  dead  before  us,  that  he  never  betrayed  the  confidence 
of  his  countrymen.  Not  for  personal  gain  or  pre-eminence  would 
he  mar  the  beauty  of  his  soul.  He  kept  it  clean  and  white  before 
God  and  man,  and  his  hands  were  unsullied  by  bribes.  *  His  eyes 
looked  right  on,  and  his  eyelids  looked  straight  before  him.'  He 
was  sincere,  plain  and  honest,  just,  benevolent  and  kind.  He 
never  disappointed  those  who  believed  in  him,  but  measured  up  to 
every  duty,  and  met  every  responsibility  in  life  grandly  and 
unflinchingly. 

"  Not  only  was  our  President  brave,  heroic  and  honest;  he  was 
as  gallant  a  knight  as  ever  rode  the  lists  for  his  lady  love  in  the 
days  when  knighthood  was  in  flower.  It  is  but  a  few  weeks  since 
the  nation  looked  on  with  tear-dimmed  eyes  as  it  saw  with  what 
tender  conjugal  devotion  he  sat  at  the  bedside  of  his  beloved  wife, 
when  all  feared  that  a  fatal  illness  was  upon  her.  No  public  clamor 
that  he  might  show  himself  to  the  populace,  no  demand  of  social 
function  was  sufficient  to  draw  the  lover  from  the  bedside  of  his 
wife.  He  watched  and  waited  while  we  all  prayed — and  she  lived. 
This  sweet  and  tender  story  all  the  world  knows,  and  the  world 
knows  that  his  whole  life  had  run  in  this  one  groove  of  love.  It 
was  a  strong  arm  that  she  leaned  upon,  and  it  never  failed  her. 
Her  smile  was  more  to  him  than  the  plaudits  of  the  multitude,  and 
for  her  greeting  his  acknowledgments  of  them  must  wait.  After 
receiving  the  fatal  wound,  his  first  thought  was  that  the  terrible 
news  might  be  broken  gently  to  her.  May  God  in  this  deep  hour 
of  sorrow  comfort  her!  May  His  grace  be  greater  than  her 
anguish  !  May  the  widow's  God  be  her  God  ! 


THE  LAST  HOME-COMING  375 

"  Another  beauty  in  the  character  of  our  President,  that  was  a 
chaplet  of  grace  about  his  neck,  was  that  he  was  a  Christian.  In 
the  broadest,  noblest  sense  of  the  word  that  was  true.  His  confi 
dence  in  God  was  strong  and  unwavering.  It  held  him  steady  in 
many  a  storm  where  others  were  driven  before  the  wind  and  tossed. 
He  believed  in  the  fatherhood  of  God  and  in  His  sovereignty. 
His  faith  in  the  Gospel  of  Christ  was  deep  and  abiding.  He  had 
no  patience  with  any  other  theme  of  pulpit  discourse.  *  Christ  and 
Him  crucified'  was  to  his  mind  the  only  panacea  for  the  world's 
disorders.  He  believed  it  to  be  the  supreme  duty  of  the  Christian 
minister  to  preach  the  word.  He  said  :  '  We  do  not  look  for  great 
business  men  in  the  pulpit,  but  for  great  preachers.' 

MCKINLEY'S  CHRISTIAN  CHARACTER 

"  It  is  well  known  that  his  godly  mother  had  hoped  for  him  that 
he  would  become  a  minister  of  the  Gospel,  and  that  she  believed 
it  to  be  the  highest  vocation  in  life.  It  was  not,  however,  his 
mother's  faith  that  made  him  a  Christian.  He  had  gained  in  early 
life  a  personal  knowledge  of  Jesus  which  guided  him  in  the  per 
formance  of  greater  duties  and  vaster  responsibilities  than  have 
been  the  lot  of  any  other  American  President.  He  said  at  one  time, 
while  bearing  heavy  burdens,  that  he  could  not  discharge  the  daily 
duties  of  his  life  but  for  the  fact  that  he  had  faith  in  God. 

"William  McKinley  believed  in  prayer,  in  the  beauty  of  it,  in 
the  potency  of  it.  Its  language  was  not  unfamiliar  to  him,  and  his 
public  addresses  not  infrequently  evince  the  fact.  It  was  perfectly 
consistent  with  his  lifelong  convictions  and  his  personal  experiences 
that  he  should  say,  as  the  first  critical  moment  after  the  assassina 
tion  approached,  '  Thy  kingdom  come  ;  Thy  will  be  done '  ;  and 
that  he  should  declare  at  the  last,  '  It  is  God's  way.  His  will  be 
done.'  He  lived  grandly  ;  it  was  fitting  that  he  should  die  grandly. 
And  now  that  the  majesty  of  death  has  touched  and  calmed  him, 
we  find  that  in  his  supreme  moment  he  was  still  a  conqueror. 


376  THE  LAST  HOME-COMING 

"  My  friends  and  countrymen,  with  what  language  shall  I  attempt 
to  give  expression  to  the  deep  horror  of  our  souls  as  I  speak  of  the 
cause  of  his  death  ?  When  we  consider  the  magnitude  of  the  crime 
that  has  plunged  the  country  and  the  world  into  unutterable  grief, 
we  are  not  surprised  that  one  nationality  after  another  has  hastened 
to  repudiate  the  dreadful  act.  This  gentle  spirit,  who  hated  no  one, 
to  whom  every  man  was  a  brother,  was  suddenly  smitten  by  the 
cruel  hand  of  an  assassin,  and  that,  too,  while  in  the  very  act  of 
extending  a  kind  and  generous  greeting  to  one  who  approached 
him  under  the  sacred  guise  of  friendship. 

"  Could  the  assailant  have  realized  how  awful  the  act  he  was 
about  to  perform,  how  utterly  heartless  the  deed,  methinks  he 
would  have  stayed  his  hand  at  the  very  threshold  of  it.  In  all  the 
coming  years  men  will  seek  in  vain  to  fathom  the  enormity  of  that 
crime. 

CONSOL  \TION    IN    SORROW 

"  Had  this  man  who  fell  been  a  despot,  a  tyrant,  an  oppressor, 
an  insane  frenzy  to  rid  the  world  of  him  might  have  sought  excuse. 
It  was  the  people's  friend  who  fell  when  William  McKinley  received 
the  fatal  wound.  Himself  a  son  of  toil,  his  sympathies  were  with 
the  toiler.  No  one  who  has  seen  the  matchless  grace  and  perfect 
ease  with  which  he  greeted  such  can  ever  doubt  that  his  heart 
was  in  his  open  hand.  Every  heart  throb  was  for  his  countrymen. 
That  his  life  should  be  sacrificed  at  such  a  time,  just  when  there 
was  an  abundant  peace,  when  all  the  Americans  were  rejoicing 
together,  is  one  of  the  inscrutable  mysteries  of  Providence.  Like 
many  others  it  must  be  left  for  future  revelations  to  explain. 

"  In  the  midst  of  our  sorrow  we  have  much  to  console  us.  He 
lived  to  see  his  nation  greater  than  ever  before.  All  sectional 
lines  are  blotted  out.  There  is  no  South,  no  North,  no  East,  no 
West.  Washington  saw  the  beginning  of  our  national  life.  Lin 
coln  passed  through  the  night  of  our  history  and  saw  the  dawn. 
McKinley  beheld  his  country  in  the  splendor  of  its  noon.  Truly 
he  died  in  the  fulness  of  his  fame.  With  Paul  he  could  say,  and 


THE  LAST  HOME-COMING  377 

with  equal  truthfulness,  *  I  am  ready  to  be  offered.1  The  nation 
was  at  peace.  We  had  fairly  entered  upon  an  era  of  unparalleled 
prosperity.  Our  revenues  were  generous.  Our  standing  among 
the  nations  was  secure.  Our  President  was  safely  enshrined  in  the 
affections  of  a  united  people.  It  was  not  at  him  that  the  fatal  shot 
was  fired,  but  at  the  very  life  of  the  Government.  His  offering 
was  vicarious.  It  was  blood  poured  upon  the  altar  of  human 
liberty.  In  view  of  these  things  we  are  not  surprised  to  hear  from 
one  who  was  present  when  this  great  soul  passed  away,  that  he 
never  before  saw  a  death  so  peaceful  or  a  dying  man  so  crowned 
with  grandeur. 

LESSONS    FROM    THE    TRAGEDY 

"  But  our  last  words  must  be  spoken.  Little  more  than  four 
years  ago  we  bade  him  good-by  as  he  went  to  assume  the  great 
responsibilities  to  which  the  nation  had  called  him.  His  last  words 
as  he  left  us  were  :  *  Nothing  could  give  me  greater  pleasure  than 
this  farewell  greeting — this  evidence  of  your  friendship  and  sympa 
thy,  your  goodwill  and,  I  am  sure,  the  prayers  of  all  the  people 
with  whom  I  have  lived  so  long,  and  whose  confidence  and 
esteem  are  dearer  to  me  than  any  other  earthly  honors.  To  all  of 
us  the  future  is  as  a  sealed  book,  but  if  I  can,  by  official  act  01 
administration  or  utterance,  in  any  degree  add  to  the  prosperity  and 
unity  of  our  beloved  country  and  the  advancement  and  well-being 
of  our  splendid  citizenship,  I  will  devote  the  best  and  most  unsel 
fish  efforts  of  my  life  to  that  end.  With  this  thought  uppermost 
in  my  mind,  I  reluctantly  take  leave  of  my  friends  and  neighbors, 
cherishing  in  my  heart  the  sweetest  memories  and  thoughts  of  my 
old  home — iny  home  now,  and,  I  trust,  my  home  hereafter,  so  long 
as  I  live/ 

"  We  hoped  with  him,  that  when  his  work  was  done,  freed 
from  the  burdens  of  his  great  office,  crowned  with  the  affections  of 
a  happy  people,  he  might  be  permitted  to  close  his  earthly  life  in 
the  home  he  loved. 


378  THE  LAST  HOME-COMING 

"  He  has,  indeed,  returned  to  us,  but  how?  Borne  to  the  strains 
of  *  Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,'  and  placed  where  he  first  began 
life's  struggle,  that  the  people  might  look  and  weep  over  so  sad  a 
home-coming. 

"  But  it  was  a  triumphal  march.  How  vast  the  procession  !  The 
Nation  rose  and  stood  with  uncovered  head.  The  people  of  the 
land  are  chief  mourners.  The  nations  of  the  earth  weep  with 
them.  But,  oh  what  a  victory  !  I  do  not  ask  you  in  the  heat  of 
public  address,  but  in  the  calm  moments  of  mature  reflection,  what 
other  man  ever  had  such  high  honors  bestowed  upon  him  and 
by  so  many  people  ?  What  pageant  has  equaled  this  that  we  look 
upon  to-day?  We  gave  him  to  the  nation  but  a  little  more  than 
four  years  ago.  He  went  out  with  the  light  of  the  morning  upon 
his  brow,  but  with  his  task  set,  and  the  purpose  to  complete  it.  We 
take  him  back  a  mighty  conqueror. 

"  The  churchyard  where  his  children  rest, 
The  quiet  spot  that  suits  him  best, 
There  shall  his  grave  be  made, 
And  there  his  bones  be  laid. 
And  there  his  countrymen  shall  come, 
With  memory  proud,  with  pity  dumb, 
And  strangers  far  and  near, 
For  many  and  many  a  year, 
For  many  a  year,  and  many  an  age, 
While  History  on  her  ample  page, 
The  virtues  shall  enroll 
Of  that  paternal  souL" 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

The    World   in    Mourning 

IT  was  one  great  funeral  day  throughout  the  United  States  and 
its  distant  possessions.  Wherever  the  stars  and  stripes  waved 

they  were  placed  at  half  mast,  and  the  people  over  whom  they 
waved  were  found,  during  the  funeral  hour  at  Canton,  bowed  down 
in  their  places  of  worship  or  hushed  in  silence  at  their  places  of 
business.  Signs  of  mourning  were  seen  on  every  hand,  both  public 
and  private  houses  being  heavily  draped  in  black  and  decked  with 
flags  at  half  mast  with  sable  streamers.  This  was  not  a  show  of 
pomp,  nor  meant  as  an  effusive  and  sudden  display  of  sorrow.  It 
was  from  the  people's  hearts  and  indicated  their  grief. 

The  President's  proclamation,  setting  apart  Thursday,  Sep 
tember  i Qth,  as  a  day  of  mourning,  met  the  universal  approval  and 
was  everywhere  observed.  In  every  city,  town  and  hamlet  the 
churches  were  opened,  and  the  dead  President  was  mourned  as  a 
personal  friend. 

No  phase  of  the  nation's  sorrow  over  the  death  of  President 
McKinley  embodies  a  higher  tribute  to  the  man  than  the  spon 
taneous  sincerity  shown  in  the  memorial  sermons  preached  in  a 
thousand  pulpits  of  all  denominations  throughout  the  United 
States,  and  even  in  Europe.  From  the  humblest  chapel  and  from 
the  largest  cathedral  came  the  same  note  of  personal  loss.  The 
emotion  shown  by  congregations  in  every  part  of  the  United 
States,  notably  while  singing  the  two  favorite  hymns  of  the  dead 
President,  was  at  once  a  vindication  of  the  sentiment  and  power  of 
these  hymns  and  an  involuntary  testimonial  to  the  genuineness  of 
affection  inspired  by  the  man.  The  same  sincerity  rang  through 
the  sermons  preached  at  these  services. 

379 


36o  TJffB  ^  JRLD  IN  MOURNING 

In  London,  in  Berlin,  in  St.  Petersburg,  in  Rome  ;  in  churches 
throughout  Europe,  in  Asia  and  in  the  Philippines  ;  the  services 
were  devoted  to  memorials  of  the  assassinated  President  of  the 
United  States.  Such  a  tribute  from  the  religious  bodies  of  the 
world  is  an  honor  more  to  be  desired  than  a  monument.  No  less 
significant  is  the  passionate  voice  of  the  churches  against  anarchy 
and  on  behalf  of  law  and  order.  Never  has  the  pulpit  of  this  coun 
try  voiced  the  emotions  and  convictions  of  the  whole  nation  more 
completely  or  more  worthily  than  it  did  regarding  the  assassination 
of  the  President  and  the  vital  questions  connected  therewith. 
The  whole  episode  is  a  reassuring  answer  to  any  who  may  have 
entertained  doubts  as  to  whether  the  United  States  was  at  heart  a 
religious  nation. 

We  need  but  refer  to  what  took  place  in  a  few  of  our  larger 
cities  to  understand  the  feeling  throughout  the  country. 

In  Washington,  D.  C.,  twenty  years  after  the  death  of  Garfield, 
the  nation's  capital  was  again  in  mourning.  The  wheels  of  govern 
ment  were  locked,  and  the  voices  of  the  people  were  uplifted  in 
prayer  for  the  soul  of  William  McKinley  while  his  body  was  being 
committed  to  the  tomb  in  his  Ohio  home. 

There  was  no  need  of  a  proclamation  to  insure  a  proper  obser 
vation  of  the  sad  event  there.  Everywhere  were  to  be  seen  badges 
of  mourning,  and  on  every  flag  staff  the  national  ensign  was  at 
half-mast.  Private  and  public  business  was  absolutely  suspended, 
and  every  face  showed  signs  of  sadness.  The  city  gave  evidence 
in  most  impressive  manner  that  its  heart  was  at  Canton  in  the 
solemn  hour  of  President  McKinley's  funeral.  At  exactly  3.30 
o'clock  (2. 30  o'clock  in  Canton)  the  city  ceased  from  labor,  practi 
cally  from  locomotion,  for  five  minutes. 

There  was  no  official  proclamation  requiring  such  observance 
of  the  funeral  hour,  and  there  had  not  been  any  general  agreement 
for  such  observance,  but  when  the  hour  arrived,  as  if  by  common 
instinct  men,  women,  and  children,  white  and  black,  came  to  a  sud 
den  halt  in  the  tasks  in  which  they  were  engaged,  and  sat  or  stood 


THE  WORLD  IN  MOURNING  381 

still  as  statues  wheresoever  they  chanced  to  be.  Men  on  foot  and 
on  bicycles,  the  drivers  of  carriages  and  draught  wagons,  chauf 
feurs  and  trainmen  stood  in  mute  supplication  for  the  dead.  Street 
cars  throughout  the  city  were  at  a  standstill,  and  generally  the  car 
operatives  and  their  passengers  united  in  a  silent  service,  which 
caused  spectators  to  look  on  as  if  it  were  "  the  hush  of  being 
newly  born."  Telegraph  instruments,  typewriting  machines,  eleva 
tors,  indeed,  all  the  appurtenances  of  business  throughout  the  capi 
tal,  were  for  the  time  motionless,  and  the  great  city  was  as  quiet  as 
a  prairie  at  midnight. 

It  was  a  beautiful  contribution  to  the  nation's  prayer,  and  it  is 
safe  to  say  that  Washington  never  before  in  its  history  beheld  so 
unique  and  striking,  so  spontaneous  and  unconventional,  a  token  of 
respect  and  love  for  any  man. 

To  the  people  of  Washington  the  late  President  McKinley 
was  more  than  an  official,  he  was  their  kindly  guardian,  and  they 
rendered  their  tributes  of  respect  with  their  whole  hearts.  The 
people,  in  accordance  with  President  Roosevelt's  proclamation, 
repaired  to  their  churches  to  attend  the  memorial  services,  and 
rarely  have  the  places  of  worship  been  so  crowded.  All  denomin 
ations — Protestant,  Catholic  and  Jew — united  in  these.  The  Metro 
politan  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  where  Mr.  McKinley  wor 
shipped,  was  the  centre  of  interest,  and  here  the  services  were 
more  impressive  than  elsewhere.  The  President's  pew  was  draped 
in  black  and  left  vacant.  It  was  originally  set  apart  for  President 
Grant,  and  has  ever  since  borne  the  inscription,  "Our  President/' 
The  crowd  could  not  be  accommodated  in  the  main  body  of  the 
church,  and  a  second  service  was  held  simultaneously  in  the  lecture 
hall.  Bishop  Warren  and  Dr.  Crawford  spoke  in  each  place. 

NEW    YORK    CITY 

New  York  never  saw  a  day  such  as  the  one  on  which  the  Presi 
dent  was  laid  to  rest.  It  had  witnessed  solemn  funeral  processions, 
like  that  of  General  Grant ;  it  had  taken  part  in  splendid  parades 


382  THE  WORLD  IN  MOURNING 

of  triumph,  like  that  in  honor  of  Admiral  Dewey  ;  it  had  been 
aroused  to  patriotic  enthusiasm,  as  on  the  day  the  Seventh  Regi 
ment  marched  to  the  front  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  ;  it 
had  experienced  days  of  terror,  as  in  the  time  of  the  draft  riots  ; 
but  this  day  was  different  from  any  of  these,  yet  as  deep  in  feeling 
and  as  significant  in  meaning.  It  was  Thursday  in  a  great  com 
mercial  metropolis,  with  a  population  representing  every  race  and 
language  on  the  globe  ;  yet  a  solemn  hush,  deeper  than  that  of  any 
Sunday,  fell  on  the  entire  city.  All  work  ceased.  All  play  was 
stopped.  The  theatres  were  closed.  The  games  were  postponed. 
Even  many  of  the  saloons  shut  their  doors.  Only  for  the  crowds 
in  the  streets,  one  might  have  thought  some  awful  calamity,  like  a 
plague  or  famine,  had  visited  the  city.  Never  before  was  there  so 
complete  a  suspension  of  all  the  usual  activities  of  a  busy  people. 
And  for  what  ?  No  hero  had  arrived,  who  was  to  be  welcomed. 
No  funeral  procession  was  to  pass.  No  army  was  to  parade.  But 
many  miles  away  the  nation's  martyred  President  was  being  borne 
to  his  last  resting  place,  and  this  city  of  3,500,000  gave  up  one 
whole  day  to  tearful  meditation  on  the  life  and  death  of  the  nation's 
honored  dead.  Immense  crowds  thronged  the  principal  squares 
and  avenues  and  viewed  the  draperies  of  mourning.  The  churches 
— the  only  buildings  wide  open — were  filled  with  worshippers  dur 
ing  the  memorial  services  held  in  response  to  President  Roosevelt's 
proclamation.  As  the  time  approached  when  it  was  known  that 
the  procession  would  start  in  Canton,  the  silence  of  the  city  grew 
more  intense,  and  a  solemnity  of  feeling  pervaded  all,  as  if  the 
people  were  in  the  very  presence  of  death  itself.  And  when  the 
hands  on  the  clocks  pointed  to  half-past  3,  an  extraordinary  scene 
was  enacted.  Every  street  car  stopped  suddenly,  as  if  by  magic, 
and  the  people  stood  with  tense  faces,  indicative  of  the  sorrow  they 
felt.  The  only  sound  to  be  heard  was  the  tolling  of  the  bells,  and 
as  these  clanged  out  their  dirgeful  melody  men  reverently  uncovered 
their  heads.  Six  thousand  people  stood  in  front  of  the  Herald 
Building,  with  heads  uncovered,  while  the  great  bells  on  the  roof 


THE  WORLD  IN  MOURNING  303 

were  tolled.     Those  who  witnessed  the  spectacle  will  never  forget 
it.     This  was  a  day  memorable  in  the  history  of  New  York. 

IN    PHILADELPHIA 

Philadelphia  paid  full  measure  to  the  world-wide  tribute  of 
sympathy,  grief  and  respect  that  centered  at  Canton,  Ohio.  The 
community,  without  distinction  of  race  or  creed,  united  in  memo 
rial  services  that  filled  churches  of  every  denomination.  Nearly 
all  branches  of  business  were  absolutely  suspended  during  the 
whole  day,  and  there  were  very  few  establishments,  large  or  small, 
that  did  not  close  for  the  afternoon,  or,  at  least,  during  the  time 
announced  for  the  funeral  of  the  late  President. 

A  memorably  impressive  incident  of  the  day  was  the  stopping 
of  the  trolley  cars  all  over  the  city  for  ten  minutes  in  the  after 
noon,  suggesting  the  almost  complete  pause  that  was  occurring  in 
the  ordinary  affairs  of  the  country,  and  concentrating  public  atten 
tion  upon  the  sad  final  scene  at  the  home  of  the  late  President. 
It  was  a  reminder  of  the  railroad  trains  that,  at  the  same  time,  had 
been  halted  in  their  rushing ;  of  the  motionless  machinery  in  estab 
lishments  where  usually  myriads  of  hands  were  busy,  and  of  the 
innumerable  avenues  of  ordinary  trade  and  business  that  had  been 
closed  in  one  great  expression  of  sympathy  and  sorrow.  It  was  at 
half-past  3  o'clock  that  the  trolley  cars  were  brought  to  a  standstill 
on  every  line ;  on  some  of  them  motormen  and  conductors  briefly 
uncovered  their  heads,  in  mute  token  of  their  realization  of  the 
solemn  meaning  of  it  all — an  example  that  was  followed  by  many 
passengers  and  observers.  Here,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Postal 
Telegraph  Co.,  below  mentioned,  the  power  was  cut  off  at  the 
dynamos  and  the  stop  was  everywhere  simultaneous. 

GATHERED  ABOUT  INDEPENDENCE  HALL 

In  the  vicinity  of  the  old  State  House,  where  so  many 
memorable  scenes  have  transpired,  and  where  the  remains  of  the 
martyred  Lincoln  had  lain  in  state,  there  was  assembled  a  crowd 


384  THE  WORLD  IN  MOURNING 

of  about  2,000  people  at  this  time,  and  here  numbers  of  men 
remained,  with  heads  bared  and  bowed,  as  a  knell  sounded  over  the 
solemn  scene.  It  was  a  minute  or  two  after  the  half  hour  when  ? 
silence  that  seemed  strange  in  this  ordinarily  busy  centre  was 
broken  by  the  plaintive  tones  of  the  muffled  bell  in  Independence 
Hall  tower,  and  which  continued  to  toll  at  half  minute  intervals 
until  4  P.  M.  At  the  first  stroke  hundreds  of  men  removed  their 
hats,  and  remained  uncovered  for  several  minutes,  and  many  a 
head  was  bowed  in  reverent  sympathy,  uniting  in  spirit  with  those 
who,  in  distant  Canton,  were  paying  the  last  earthly  honors  to  the 
remains  of  the  nation's  dead.  With  half-masted  flags  gently 
fluttering  overhead,  emblems  of  mourning  wherever  the  eye  rested, 
and  traffic  of  every  kind  in  suspense,  the  decorous  multitude  at 
once  evidenced  and  realized  that  sympathy  which  extended  not 
only  over  all  the  country,  but  embraced  countries  beyond  in  its 
gracious  bond. 

CHICAGO,    THE    WESTERN    METROPOLIS 

The  noises  of  the  great  city  of  Chicago  were  hushed  and  its 
commerce  suspended  for  a  few  moments  on  this  the  day  of  grief, 
while  mourning  thousands  paid  their  last  tribute  to  the  memory  of 
William  McKinley.  The  silence  was  broken  only  by  muffled  bells, 
tolling  off  the  fifty-eight  years  of  the  dead  President's  life. 

In  the  forenoon  services  were  held  in  nearly  all  churches  and 
the  virtues  of  William  McKinley  as  a  President  were  sung.  A  big 
memorial  meeting  was  held  at  the  Auditorium  in  the  evening. 

Between  twenty  and  twenty-five  thousand  men  marched  in  the 
funeral  procession  which  followed  a  draped  carriage.  Its  empty 
seats  were  more  eloquent  than  words  of  the  nation's  loss.  In  this 
carriage  two  years  ago  the  President  rode  through  long  aisles  of 
applauding  people.  Unfurled  near  the  carriage  was  a  flag  which 
had  flown  over  the  President  on  occasions  of  rejoicing  in  Chicago, 
in  Canton  and  in  Washington.  In  common  with  other  cities,  all 
business,  not  already  suspended,  stopped  at  2.30  P.M.  for  five 


THE  WORLD  IN  MOURNING  385 

minutes.  For  almost  the  first  time  in  history  the  pulsing  heart 
of  Chicago's  commerce  ceased  entirely,  while  sorrowing  citizens 
stood  with  doffed  hats  in  respectful  silence.  Business  generally 
was  suspended  during  the  day  and  the  streets  were  draped  in 
mourning. 

CALIFORNIA    SHOWS    GRIEF 

California  offered  reverence  to  the  dead  Chief  Magistrate. 
Every  city,  town  and  village  in  the  State  observed  the  occasion 
by  some  public  demonstration.  In  the  larger  cities  impressive 
memorial  services  had  been  arranged,  and  business  of  all  kinds 
was  suspended. 

At  Sacramento,  Los  Angeles,  San  Diego,  and  other  large 
cities,  in  addition  to  the  general  observance  of  the  day  by  the 
different  religious  denominations,  public  memorial  services  were 
held.  In  San  Francisco  the  public  services  were  held  at  Mechanics' 
Pavilion,  and  20,000  people  crowded  within  the  structure.  The 
program  consisted  of  music,  prayers  and  addresses.  Gen.  W. 
H.  L.  Barnes  delivered  the  eulogy.  It  was  General  Barnes  who 
had  made  the  address  of  welcome  at  the  reception  given  in  the 
President's  honor  by  the  Knights  Templar. 

TELEGRAPH    WIRES    HUSHED 

One  feature  absolutely  unique  in  history  characterized  the 
McKinley  funeral.  It  was  the  silencing  of  the  telegraph,  not  only 
in  Chicago,  but  throughout  the  country.  Never  before  since  elec 
tricity  was  first  put  to  use  as  a  means  of  communication  from  city 
to  city,  and  from  country  to  country,  has  there  taken  place,  it  is 
said,  anything  paralleling,  even  in  a  small  way,  what  was  done  the 
afternoon  of  the  funeral  at  Canton  on  a  scale  that  was  gigantic. 

Upon  orders  from  the  officials  of  the  different  telegraph  com 
panies,  or  upon  the  common  impulse  of  the  operators  where  direct 
instructions  were  not  received,  the  entire  telegraph  system  of  the 
United  States  was  hushed  for  five  minutes,  at  2.30  P.M.,  Can 
ton  time,  the  hour  set  for  lowering  the  President's  body  into  the 

22 


386  THE  WORLD  IN  MOURNING 

burial  vault.  At  that  moment  on  all  the  huge  network  of 
wires,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  not  a  " sounder"  in  the  land 
gave  a  single  tick,  and  the  great  ocean  cables  were  pulseless  as  the 
corpse  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  himself. 

More  than  once  before  to-day  thousands  of  miles  of  railways 
and  vast  armies  of  men,  industrial  or  military,  have  paused  as  a 
tribute  to  the  dead,  but  the  cessation  of  the  telegraph  for  such 
a  cause,  or,  indeed,  for  any  reason,  is  without  precedent  in  the 
world's  record.  It  is  estimated  that  fully  100,000  telegraphers 
thus  simultaneously  paid  homage  to  McKinley. 

The  total  number  of  miles  of  wire  affected  was  upward  of 
1,000,000.  In  the  Western  Union  Chicago  office,  the  hundreds 
of  operators  all  arose  at  their  desks  when  the  moment  came,  and, 
joining  their  voices,  sang  with  deep  feeling  the  President's  hymn, 
"  Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee."  The  wires  of  the  Associated  Press, 
the  Postal  Telegraph  Company,  the  North  American  Company, 
the  Chicago  and  Milwaukee  Company  and  all  similar  organizations 
were  included  in  the  general  stoppage. 

Probably  the  most  remarkable  method  of  producing  complete 
silence  on  the  wires,  free  from  any  possible  interruption,  was 
employed  by  the  Postal  Telegraph  Company.  At  a  given  signal 
the  dynamos  were  disconnected  at  the  ends,  literally  draining  the 
circuits  of  electricity,  so  that  everywhere  all  the  wires  were  techni 
cally  and  literally  "dead." 

ONE    TOUCH    OF    NATURE 

Never  before  the  day  on  which  William  McKinley  was  laid  to 
rest  was  there  so  powerful  a  demonstration  of  the  truth  of  the 
words  which  Shakespeare  put  into  the  mouth  of  Ulysses,  "  One 
touch  of  nature  makes  the  whole  world  kin."  The  touch  of  nature 
was  a  woeful  one.  But  in  that  woe  the  whole  world  seemed 
involved.  Tributes  to  America's  dead  were  paid  by  distant  lands 
the  world  around.  The  French  Republic  tempered  its  welcome  to 
the  Russian  Czar,  who  was  then  her  guest,  with  signs  of  mourning 


THE  WORLD  IN  MOURNING  387 

for  our  loss.  The  German  Emperor  sent  his  personal  representa 
tive  to  a  memorial  service  and  put  the  flags  at  half-mast  on  the 
vessels  of  his  navy.  And  so  the  tale  went  around  the  world,  to  the 
antipodes  and  back  again.  Differences  of  race  and  of  form  of  gov 
ernment  seemed  for  the  time  forgotten.  There  was  something  in 
America's  bereavement -which  transcended  all  such  artificial  lines. 
There  was  a  sharp,  deep  touch  of  elemental  nature,  and  it  made 
the  whole  world  kin  in  bonds  of  sympathy. 

We  can  not  but  remark  upon  the  manifestations  of  sympathy 
made  in  the  British  Empire,  both  in  Europe  and  in  America.  It 
was  a  unique  thing  for  the  King  to  order  his  court  into  mourning 
for  an  American  President,  and  so  it  was  for  such  notable  services 
as  those  which  were  held  at  St.  Paul's  and  Westminster.  It  was  a 
notable  thing  for  the  great  commercial  exchanges  throughout  the 
kingdom  to  be  closed,  for  the  flags  to  be  half-masted  in  the  navy, 
and  for  memorial  services  to  be  held  in  cathedrals  and  churches 
everywhere.  A  memorial  service  at  the  British  Embassy  at  Con 
stantinople,  a  salute  from  the  guns  of  Gibraltar,  and  the  closing  of 
all  banks,  exchanges  and  places  of  business  in  Bombay,  are  only  a 
few  items  from  an  innumerable  host  telling  of  the  unfeigned  sym 
pathy  of  our  "  kin  beyond  the  sea." 

In  the  Dominion  of  Canada  the  demonstration  was  perhaps 
of  all  most  marked.  The  heir  apparent  to  the  throne  had  just 
landed,  and  all  the  country  had  prepared  to  welcome  him  with  ful 
ness  of  rejoicing.  But  for  the  time  of  our  mourning  Canada,  too, 
mourned  scarcely  less  generally  than  we.  The  sad  occasion  was 
made  one  of  cessation  from  business  and  from  pleasure,  and  a  day  of 
mourning  and  prayer,  north  of  the  border  as  well  as  south  of  it.  In 
that  respect  the  traveler  would  scarce  have  been  conscious  of  hav 
ing  crossed  the  line  from  the  one  country  into  the  other.  For  the 
day  the  dream  of  continental  union  was  in  sentiment  realized.  Can 
ada  and  the  United  States  w^ere  one  in  some  of  the  tenderest  and 
not  least  strong  bonds  that  can  bind  humankind  together.  The 
generous  and  sympathetic  messages  and  actions  of  England's  King 


388  THE  WORLD  IN  MOURNING 

in  this  sad  drama  will  henceforth  cause  Americans  to  regard  him 
with  added  friendliness.  So  the  fac"t  of  his  participation  in  the 
mourning  of  the  Dominion  for  our  lost  President  will  cause  the 
Duke  of  Cornwall  to  be  esteemed  with  love  and  gratitude  by  this 
nation,  which  would  have  been  glad  under  happier  auspices  to  wel 
come  him  to  its  soil. 

Our  day  of  mourning  was  thus  gently  illumined  with  the  light 
of  sympathy  and  gratitude.  The  American  people  are  a  grateful 
people  and  look  upon  these  tokens  of  neighborly  sympathy  with 
gratitude  and  appreciation,  and  surely  will  not  forget  in  the  years 
to  come  that  the  nations  of  the  world  were  one  with  them  in  their 
grief. 


Copyright  by  Judge  Co.  THE  ASSASSINATION   OF   PRESIDENT   McKINLEY 

t  holding  a  reception  in  the  Temple  of  Music  at  the  Pan-American  Exposition,  Buffalo.  September  6. 1901 


OF  THE. 

UNIVERSITY    1 


H  « 
I/}  U 


CHAPTER  XXV 

The  World's  Sympathy  with  the  Nation's  Grief 

THE  murder  of  President  McKinley  by  the  fell  hand  of  Anarchy 
not  alone  threw  the  American  nation  into  a  stupor  of  grief, 
but  also  gave  a  shock  which  was  felt  round  the  world ;  the 
nations  of  Europe  could  not  have  shown  greater  horror  or  mani 
fested  more  fervent  sympathy  had  the  assassin's  bullet  reached  the 
heart  of  one  of  their  own  most  honored  rulers.  From  princes  and 
people  alike  came  warm  expressions  of  sympathy  with  their  stricken 
sister  nation,  as  deeply  inspired  with  feeling  as  though  our  mur 
dered  ruler  had  been  President  of  the  world  instead  of  the  United 
States.  It  is  our  purpose  in  the  present  chapter  to  present  some 
of  the  more  important  and  significant  of  these  contributions. 

From  England,  with  which,  a  few  months  before,  the  United 
States  had  so  warmly  sympathized  in  the  death  of  her  beloved 
Queen,  the  fatal  act  of  September  6th  called  forth  the  following 
earnest  expression  of  grief  and  regret.  King  Edward  VII. 
hastened  to  send  the  following  message  to  the  Foreign  Office  : 

"  Kiel,  Sept.  7. — Please  send  at  once  to  the  American  Embassy 
to  offer  my  deepest  sympathy  at  the  dastardly  attempt  on  the 
President's  life.  I  have  telegraphed  direct.  Please  keep  me 
informed  of  his  condition." 

Lord  Roberts  was  as  prompt  to  speak  for  the  military  estab 
lishment  of  Great  Britain,  sending  the  following  message  to 
the  American  Embassaclor  Choate  : 

"  Please  convey  to  President  and  Mrs.  McKinley,  on  behalf  of 
myself  and  the  British  army,  our  profound  regret  at  what  has 
occurred  and  our  earnest  .hope  that  the  President's  valuable  life 
may  be  spared  "  ROBERTS." 


392  THE  WORLD'S  SYMPATHY 

Mr.  Chamberlain,  the  Colonial  Secretary,  wired  from  Bir 
mingham  : 

"  I  have  heard  with  sorrow  and  detestation  of  the  atrocious, 
cowardly  act  of  which  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  a 
victim.  Every  Englishman  deeply  sympathizes  with  the  people  of 
America  and  with  the  family  of  the  President,  whose  high 
character  is  well  appreciated  on  this  side." 

Germany  was  equally  earnest  in  her  expressions  of  sympathy, 
the  Emperor  and  Empress  at  once  writing  the  following  message 
to  Mrs.  McKinley : 

"  Koenigsberg,  September  7,  1901. 

"  The  Emperor  and  I  are  horrified  at  the  attempt  planned 
against  your  husband.  Express  our  deepfelt  sympathy,  hoping 
that  God  may  restore  to  health  Mr.  McKinley. 

44  WILLIAM  I.  R. 

"VICTORIA  I.   R." 

The  President  of  France  cabled  directly  to  his  fellow 
President : 

"  Rambouillet,  September  7,  1901. 

"  With  keen  affliction  I  learn  the  news  of  the  heinous  attempt 
of  which  your  Excellency  has  just  been  a  victim.  I  take  it  to 
heart  to  join  with  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  wishing  the 
early  recovery  of  your  Excellency  and  I  earnestly  desire  in  this 
sorrowful  juncture  to  renew  to  you  the  assurance  of  my  sentiment 
of  constant  and  cordial  friendship. 

"  EMILE  LOUBET." 

Of  the  American  Republics,  Guatemala  was  the  first  to 
express  its  sorrow,  President  Estrada  telegraphing  to  Mrs. 
McKinley : 

"Guatemala,  Sept.  6,  1901. 

"  My  Government  and  I  most  heartfully  lament  the  unhappy 
event.  Be  pleased  to  receive  our  profound  sorrow. 

"M.  ESTRADA  C." 


THE    WORLD'S  SYMPATHY  393 

Many  more  expressions  of  sympathy  were  received  immedi 
ately  after  the  shot  was  fired.  In  the  days  following,  constant 
inquiries  were  made  as  to  the  condition  of  the  distinguished 
patient.  When,  on  September  i4th,  President  McKinley  passed 
away,  the  nation  was  officially  notified  of  it  by  President  Roose 
velt's  proclamation,  given  'elsewhere,  as  his  first  official  act.  Offi 
cial  notice  was  given  to  foreign  governments  by  a  circular  note 
addressed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to  their  representatives  accred 
ited  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
WASHINGTON,  September  14,  1901. 

"Sir:  It  is  my  painful  duty  to  announce  to  you  the  death  of 
William  McKinley,  President  of  the  United  States,  in  the  city  of 
Buffalo,  at  fifteen  minutes  past  two  in  the  morning  of  to-day,  Sep 
tember  1 4th. 

"  Laid  low  by  the  act  of  an  assassin,  the  week-long  struggle  to 
save  his  life  has  been  watched  with  keen  solicitude,  not  only  by 
the  people  of  this  country,  who  raised  him  from  their  own  ranks 
to  the  high  office  he  filled,  but  by  the  people  of  all  friendly  nations, 
whose  messages  of  sympathy  and  hope,  while  hope  was  possible, 
have  been  most  consolatory  in  this  time  of  sore  trial. 

"Now  that  the  end  has  come,  I  request  you  to  be  the  medium 
of  communicating  the  sad  tidings  to  the  government  of  the  honored 
nation  you  so  worthily  represent,  and  to  announce  that,  in  obedi 
ence  to  the  prescriptions  of  the  Constitution,  the  office  of  Presi 
dent  has  devolved  upon  Theodore  Roosevelt,  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States. 

"  Accept,  sir,  the  renewed  assurance  of  my  highest  considers 
tion.  U]OHN  HAY." 

From  England 

The  replies  were  instantaneous.  King  Edward  of  England 
sent  the  following  telegram  from  Fredensborg,  Denmark,  to  Mr. 
Choate,  the  American  Ambassador  in  London  : 


394  THE    WORLD'S  SYMPATHY 

"  Most  truly  do  I  sympathize  with  you  and  the  whole  Ameri 
can  nation  at  the  loss  of  your  distinguished  and  ever-to-be-regretted 
President.  "  EDWARD,  REX." 

The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Most  Rev.  Frederick 
Temple,  sent  the  following  despatch  to  Mr.  Choate  : 

"  I  desire  to  express  in  behalf  of  the  Church  of  England  the 
deep  grief  with  which  we  have  heard  of  the  death  of  the  President. 
The  loss  of  so  great  a  ruler  is  a  calamity  to  the  whole  world.  The 
triumph  of  wickedness  fills  us  with  sorrow.  Our  prayer  and  good 
will  will  be  an  earnest  for  the  American  people." 

Following  is  the  text  of  the  message  of  the  Lord  Mayor  of 
London  to  the  American  Embassy  : 

"  The  citizens  of  London  are  profoundly  moved  and  deeply 
affected  at  the  sad  intelligence  of  President  McKinley's  death. 
They  had  hoped  that  under  Providence  so  valuable  a  life  might  be 
spared  for  the  welfare  of  his  country.  In  their  name  I  beg  to 
tender  your  Excellency  their  heartfelt  sympathy.  I  shall  be  grate 
ful  if  you  will  convey  this  to  Mrs.  McKinley  and  the  people  of  the 
United  States.  The  eminent  career  and  public  services  of  Presi 
dent  McKinley  were  widely  appreciated  here  and  will  long  be 
remembered  by  the  English  people,  who,  having  themselves  sus 
tained  the  loss  of  a  beloved  sovereign  this  year,  are  able  to  sympa 
thize  keenly  with  the  United  States  in  the  sudden  removal  of  their 
distinguished  President." 

On  Sunday  there  was  an  immense  congregation  at  St.  Paul's 
Cathedral.  Among  those  present  were  Ambassador  Choate  and 
the  staff  of  the  Embassy.  The  Rev.  Henry  Scott  Holland,  Pre 
centor  of  the  Cathedral,  said  : 

"  A  great  hope  that  once  filled  humanity  lies  slain.  We  once 
dreamed  that  the  New  World  had  awaked  from  the  nightmare  o^ 
evil  memories  and  set  out  to  live  its  free  life  unburdened  and 
uncursed,  but  the  new  has  like  bitterness  to  work  through  as  the 


THE    WORLD'S  SYMPATHY  395 

old.  We  must  face  it  calmly  and  patiently.  Not  that  we  may  be 
driven  into  a  fierce  reaction  by  the  sting  of  this  insane  crime  does 
the  poor  man  lie  dead.  With  renewed  humility  and  with  severer 
resolution  we  must  work  together  for  a  new  order  of  social  inter 
course,  in  which  it  will  become  impossible  for  passions  which  issue 
in  such  an  outrage  to  exist." 

Sir  Henry  Irving  wired  to  Mr.  Choate  : 

"  May  I  add  personally  my  deep  grief  to  that  of  the  people 
of  this  nation  and  of  the  nations  of  the  earth  for  the  loss  of  a 
great  and  good  life,  so  ruthlessly  snatched  away  in  the  fullness  of 
love  and  honor." 

With  brief  but  well-chosen  words  the  London  Times  thus 
ended  its  editorial  : 

"  He  died  as  he  lived,  with  simple,  manly  courage  and 
unaffected  piety,  which  mark  the  best  men  of  his  race." 

The  Daily  Telegraph  said  : 

u  There  was  the  same  anxious  look  in  the  faces  of  Londoners 
yesterday  as  they  wore  when  our  late  beloved  Queen  was  fighting 
her  battle  with  death.  It  was  then  that  America  stretched  out  her 
hand  to  us.  To-day,  in  her  hour  of  bitter  trial,  we  return  the  grasp." 

The  Daily  Chronicle,  discussing  the  world-wide  sympathy 
displayed,  said  : 

"  This  sympathy  is  intensified  by  a  full  realization  of  the 
calamity,  until  we  are  almost  inclined  to  say  that  there  is  no  pre 
cedent  for  such  a  display  of  emotion  and  fellow-feeling  on  these 
particular  lines.  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  assassination  of  Mr. 
McKinley  will  advance  that  international  comity  of  governments 
to  which  some  political  students  look  as  the  keynote  of  future 
peace  and  harmony." 

The  Westminster  Gazette  said  : 

u  To  us  in  this  country  the  loss  of  President  McKinley  is  a 
family  bereavement.  We  have  had  our  differences  with  the 


396  THE    WORLD'S  SYMPATHY 

American  people.  We  know  full  well  how  more  true  it  becomes 
every  day  that  they  are  our  keenest  and  most  dangerous  trade  com 
petitors,  but  above  and  beyond  the  conflict  of  competition  is  the  out- 
standing  fact  that  they  are  our  next  of  kin.  We  are  linked  by 
common  ties  that  exist  nowhere  except  with  the  United  States. 
Just  as  Queen  Victoria  was  sincerely  mourned  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Atlantic,  so  now  we  claim  a  special  right  to  share  the  sorrow 
and  indignation  which  the  American  continent  feels  at  the  death 
of  its  President." 


From   Germany 

Nothing  was  more  appreciated  in  this  country  than  the  quick 
action  of  the  German  Emperor  William.  His  despatch  to  Mr. 
Hay  was  as  follows  : 

"  I  am  deeply  affected  by  the  news  of  the  untimely  death  of 
President  McKinley.  I  hasten  to  express  the  deepest  and  most 
heartfelt  sympathy  of  the  German  people  to  the  great  American 
nation.  Germany  mourns  with  America  for  her  noble  son,  who 
lost  his  life  while  he  was  fulfilling  his  duty  to  his  country  and 
people.  "  WILLIAM  I.  R." 

The  Emperor  also  sent  the  following  despatch  to  Mrs. 
McKinley  : 

"  Her  Majesty  the  Empress  and  myself  beg  you  to  accept  the 
expression  of  our  most  sincere  sorrow  in  the  loss  which  you  have 
suffered  by  the  death  of  your  beloved  husband,  felled  by  the  ruth 
less  hand  of  a  murderer.  May  the  Lord,  who  granted  you  so 
many  years  of  happiness  at  the  side  of  the  deceased,  grant  you 
strength  to  bear  the  heavy  blow  with  which  he  has  visited  you. 

"  WILLIAM   I.  R." 

On  hearing  of  the  death  of  President  McKinley,  the  Emperor, 
with  characteristic  and  generous  thought,  ordered  the  German  fleet 
assembled  off  Danzig  to  half-mast  their  flags  and  to  hoist  the  Stars 


THE   WORLD'S  SYMPATHY  397 

and  Stripes  at  their  maintops,  and  also  ordered  flags  to  be  half- 
masted  on  all  German  public  buildings.  German  opinion  is 
reflected  by  the  Berliner  Neueste  Nachrichten,  which  said  : 

"  The  German  nation  expresses  to  the  American  people  sin 
cere  sympathy  in  the  loss  of  a  leader  who  was  an  out-and-out 
American,  and  who  firmly  undertook  the  realization  of  aims  he 
deemed  worth  obtaining,  and  corresponding  with  the  wishes  of  a 
majority  of  the  people." 

From   Austria 

In  Austria  the  hearty  feeling  was  well  voiced  by  the  Vienna 
Neues  Weiner  Tageblatt,  which  said : 

"  The  ocean  is  not  wide  enough  to  hold  all  the  sympathy  that 
is  streaming  from  the  Old  World  to  the  New." 


From   Russia 

In  Russia,  perhaps  the  most  important  editorial  utterance  was 
that  of  the  St.  Petersburg  Boerse  Gazette,  which  said  : 

"  Mr.  McKinley  was  one  of  the  most  popular  figures  in  Amer 
ican  history  and  one  of  the  best  representatives  of  American  ideals. 
On  account  of  the  extraordinary  purity  of  Mr.  McKinley's  character, 
the  American  people  will  find  sympathy  wherever  civilized  men 
dwell.  Opinion  in  Europe  regarding  Pan-Americanism  may  possi 
bly  be  divided,  but  it  is  comprehensible  from  the  American  point 
of  view.  Mr.  McKinley  died  firmly  believing  that  the  work  he 
had  begun  in  domestic  and  foreign  policy  would  find  suitable  instru 
ments  for  its  continuation." 


From   France 

President  Loubet,  of  France,  telegraphed  as  follows  to   Mrs. 
McKinley  : 


398  THE    WORLD'S  SYMPATHY 

"  I  learn  with  deep  pain  that  his  Excellency  Mr.  McKinley  has 
succumbed  to  the  deplorable  attempt  on  his  life.  I  sympathize  with 
you  with  all  my  heart  in  the  calamity  which  thus  strikes  at  your 
dearest  affections  and  which  bereaves  the  great  American  nation 
of  a  President  so  justly  respected  and  loved." 

The  Paris  Gaulois  said  : 

"  The  death  of  President  McKinley  will  have  a  greater  rever 
beration  throughout  Europe  than  had  the  disappearance  of  Gar- 
field,  Lincoln,  or  Carnot  He  played  a  bigger  part  on  the  world's 
stage  than  any  of  his  predecessors." 


From   Italy 

In  Italy  the  sympathy  was  specially  strong  by  reason  of  the 
late  King's  assassination  a  year  ago.  The  Dowager  Queen  Mar- 
gherita  said  on  Thursday  to  a  friend,  when  talking  of  Mrs.  McKin 
ley  :  "  Both  of  us  know  what  it  is  to  be  kept  from  the  bedsides  of 
our  dear  ones,  I  by  Humbert's  instantaneous  death,  she  by  weak 
health.  I  cannot  get  her  out  of  my  mind.  She  is  constantly  in 
my  thoughts  and  prayers." 


From  Mexico 

The  most  significant  and  welcome  message  from  the  head  of 
any  government  in  this  hemisphere  was  from  President  Diaz,  of 
Mexico : 

"  I  have  been  deeply  shocked  by  this  crime.  President 
McKinley  was  not  a  ruler  of  exclusive  or  aristocratic  tendencies. 
He  was  a  good  friend  of  the  people,  a  genuine  democrat  in  the 
best  sense  of  the  word.  With  regard  to  Mexico,  President 
McKinley  had  ever  evidenced  such  friendly  sentiments  that  his 
death  will  be  mourned  in  this  country  hardly  less  keenly  than  in 
the  United  States." 


CHAPTER  XXA  II 

Memorial  Tributes 

THAT  William  McKinley  was  a  great  man,  his  acts  will  show 
when  history  has  recorded  his  deeds.  It  is  to  his  honor 
to  say  that  political  opponents  have  rated  his  abili 
ties  more  highly  than  his  political  supporters,  and  that  European 
observers  have  rated  them  more  highly  than  have  Americans. 
Posterity  will  ratify  the  higher  judgment,  and  history  will  rank 
President  McKinley  more  highly  than  his  contemporaries  have 
done,  not  only  as  an  astute  politician,  but  also  as  a  popular  leader 
and  a  broad-minded  and  cautiously  progressive  statesman.  His 
death  was  felt  as  a  personal  loss  by  thousands  who  knew  him  only 
through  his  public  life,  and  by  the  entire  Nation  as  a  great  public 
calamity.  The  world  itself  turned  into  mourning  and  joined  in 
expressions  of  sorrow  and  grief.  With  these  expressions  are  many 
noble  tributes  of  distinguished  men  and  women  in  all  walks  of  life, 
and  also  of  the  newspaper  press  of  the  country  where  editors  speak 
from  the  vantage  ground  of  closest  knowledge  of  events.  We  give 
only  a  few  of  the  many  memorial  tributes  which  have  been  uttered. 


His  Characteristic  Virtues 

BY  CARDINAL  GIBBONS 

"  In  the  annals  of  crime  it  is  difficult  to  find  an  instance  of 
murder  so  atrocious,  so  wanton  and  meaningless,  as  the  assassina 
tion  of  Mr.  McKinley.  Some  reason  or  pretext  has  been  usually 
assigned  for  the  sudden  taking  away  of  earthly  rulers.  Balthasar, 
the  impious  king  of  Chaldaea,  spent  his  last  night  in  reveling  and 

401 


402  MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES 

drunkenness.  He  was  suddenly  struck  dead  by  the  hand  of  the 
Lord.  How  different  was  the  life  of  our  Chief  Magistrate  !  No 
court  in  Europe  or  in  the  civilized  world  was  more  conspicuous  for 
moral  rectitude  and  purity,  or  more  free  from  the  breath  of  scandal, 
than  the  official  home  of  President  McKinley.  He  would  have 
adorned  any  court  in  Christendom  by  his  civic  virtues. 

"  The  Redeemer  of  mankind  was  betrayed  by  the  universal 
symbol  of  love.  If  I  may  reverently  make  the  comparison,  the 
President  was  betrayed  by  the  universal  emblem  of  friendship. 
Christ  said  to  Judas,  Fiend,  betrayest  thou  the  Son  of  Man  with 
a  kiss  ?  The  President  could  have  said  to  his  slayer.  Betrayest 
thou  the  head  of  the  nation  with  the  grasp  of  the  hand?  He  was 
struck  down  surrounded  by  a  host  of  his  fellow-citizens,  every  one 
of  whom  would  have  gladly  risked  his  life  in  defense  of  his  beloved 
chieftain. 

"  The  domestic  virtues  of  Mr.  McKinley  were  worthy  of  all 
praise.  He  was  a  model  husband.  Amid  the  pressing  and 
engrossing  duties  of  his  official  life  he  would  from  time  to  time 
snatch  a  few  moments  to  devote  to  the  invalid  and  loving  partner 
of  his  joys  and  sorrows.  Oh,  what  a  change  has  come  over  that 
afflicted  woman  !  Yesterday  she  was  the  first  lady  of  the  land. 
To-day  she  is  a  disconsolate  and  broken-hearted  widow.  Let  us 
beseech  Him  who  comforted  the  widow  of  Nain  that  He  console 
this  lady  in  her  hour  of  desolation. 

"  The  strongest  shield  of  our  Chief  Magistrate  is  the  love  and 
devotion  of  his  fellow-citizens.  The  most  effective  way  to  stop 
such  crimes  is  to  inspire  the  rising  generation  with  greater  rever 
ence  for  the  constituted  authorities,  and  a  greater  horror  for 
any  insult  or  injury  to  their  person.  All  seditious  language  should 
be  suppressed.  Incendiary  speech  is  too  often  an  incentive  to 
criminal  acts  on  the  part  of  many  to  whom  the  transition  from 
words  to  deeds  is  easy.  Let  it  be  understood,  once  for  all,  that 
the  authorities  are  determined  to  crush  the  serpent  of  Anarchy 
whenever  it  lifts  its  venomous  head. 


MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES  403 

"What  a  beautiful  spectacle  to  behold  prayers  ascending  from 
tens  of  thousands  of  temples  throughout  the  "land  to  the  throne 
of  mercy!  Is  not  this  universal  uplifting  of  minds  and  hearts  to 
God  a  sublime  profession  of  our  faith  and  trust  in  Him?" 


His   Memory  Will   Live 

ARCHBISHOP  IRELAND 

"  The  nation  mourns.  Well  may  she  mourn.  She  has  lost 
her  Chief  Magistrate  whom  she  loved  so  dearly,  in  whom  she  so 
willingly  reposed  her  pride.  William  McKinley  is  now  dead  ;  his 
memory  will  live  down  the  ages,  as  that  of  one  of  the  most  worthy 
to  have  been  the  President  of  the  Republic  of  the  United  States. 

"  I  knew  him  closely  ;  I  esteemed  him  ;   I  loved  him. 

"  He  was  the  true  man,  honest,  pure  of  morals,  generous- 
minded,  conscientious,  religious.  He  was  the  noble  citizen,  proud 
of  being  a  son  of  the  people,  brave  on  the  battlefield  in  his  coun 
try's  peril,  zealous  of  its  glory,  unswervingly  loyal  to  its  honor  and 
its  interests. 

4'  He  was  the  typical  President  of  the  Republic,  large-minded 
in  his  vision  of  the  questions  bearing  upon  the  country's  fortune  ; 
resolute  in  using  his  authority  for  what  seemed  to  him  its  best 
weal  ;  ready  as  the  leader  of  a  self-governing  people  to  hearken  to 
the  popular  voice,  and,  so  far  as  principle  and  conscience  permitted, 
obey  its  behests,  even  to  the  sacrifice  of  his  personal  view.  Polit 
ical  opponents  differed  from  him  in  matters  of  public  policy  ;  they 
did  not,  they  could  not,  mistrust  his  sincerity,  or  his  spirit  of  jus 
tice  and  patriotism. 

"  William  McKinley  is  now  dead — stricken  down  by  the  hand 
of  a  vile  assassin.  This  makes  the  nation's  sorrow  doubly  deep, 
for  to  sorrow  is  added  shame — shame  before  her  own  eyes,  before 
those  of  the  world,  that  in  this  land  of  civil  liberty  there  should 


404  MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES 

have  been  found  a  man  so  overwhelmingly  bad  as  to  murder  her 
President,  to  murder  him  who  served  so  well  his  fellow-man,  to 
murder  him  who  cherished  so  tenderly  the  free  institutions  of 
America — shame  that  within  her  own  borders  the  majesty  of  the 
Republic  should  have  been  outraged  and  its  name  disgraced,  the 
honor  of  humanity  assailed  and  its  most  sacred  rights  imperilled. 

"  In  our  hour  of  sorrow  we  turn  to  the  God  of  nations  and 
commend  to  Him  our  country.  In  His  mysterious  designs  He 
judges  best  to  take  from  us  our  friend,  our  President,  despite  our 
earnest  prayers  that  we  be  allowed  to  retain  him  among  the  living. 
We  murmur  not  against  His  holy  will,  which  we  know  to  be  wisdom 
and  goodness,  but  in  compensation  for  our  great  loss  we  pray  that 
peace  be  given  to  the  nation,  that  blessings  descend  upon  our 
people." 


History   has   no   Precedent 

SENATOR  JOSEPH  B.   FORAKER 

Senator  Foraker  said  in  part:  "  In  the  vigor  of  robust  man 
hood  ;  at  the  very  height  of  his  powers  ;  in  the  possession  of  all 
his  faculties ;  in  the  midst  of  a  great  work  of  world-wide  import 
ance  ;  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  admiration,  love,  and  affection  of  all 
classes  of  our  people  to  a  degree  never  before  permitted  to  any 
man  ;  at  a  time  of  profound  peace,  when  nothing  was  occurring  to 
excite  the  passions  of  men  ;  when  we  were  engaged  in  a  celebra 
tion  of  the  triumphs  of  art,  science,  literature,  commerce,  civiliza 
tion,  and  all  that  goes  to  make  up  the  greatest  prosperity,  advance 
ment,  and  happiness  the  world  has  ever  known ;  surrounded  by 
thousands  of  his  countrymen,  who  were  vying  with  each  other  in 
demonstrations  of  friendship  and  goodwill,  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  without  a  moment's  warning,  was  stricken  down  by 
an  assassin,  who,  while  greeting  him  with  one  hand,  shot  him  to 
death  with  the  other. 


MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES  405 

"  History  has  no  precedent  for  such  treachery  and  wickedness 
since  Joab,  stroking  his  beard  as  though  to  kiss  him,  inquiring, 
'  Art  thou  in  health,  my  brother  ?' smote  unsuspecting  Amasa  in 
the  fifth  rib  and  '  shed  out  his  bowels  to  the  ground.' 

SORROW    YET    TOO    FRESH 

"  We  can  scarce  realize  that  such  a  crime  was  possible,  much 
less  that  it  has  been  actually  committed,  and  our  sorrow  is  yet  too 
fresh,  our  grief  too  poignant,  and  our  indignation  too  acute  for  us 
to  contemplate  it  dispassionately  or  discuss  it  considerately. 

"But,  while  we  cannot  speak  becomingly  of  the  murderer  and 
his  awful  crime,  we  can  fittingly  employ  this  hour  to  commemorate 
the  virtues  of  his  victim,  and  to  recount  in  part  at  least  his  great 
services  to  his  country. 

"  The  allotted  age  of  man  is  three  score  years  and  ten,  but 
William  McKinley  was  not  yet  fifty-nine  when  his  career  ended. 
In  these  short  years  he  did  a  wondrous  work.  In  its  accomplish 
ment  he  was  unaided  by  fortuitous  circumstances.  He  was  of 
humble  origin,  and  without  influential  friends,  except  as  he  made 
them. 

"  No  language  can  adequately  tell  of  his  devoted  love  and 
tender  affection  for  the  invalid  partner  of  all  his  joys  and  sorrows. 
Amidst  his  many  honors  and  trying  duties  she  ever  reigned  supreme 
in  his  affections. 

"The  story  of  this  love  has  gone  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  and 
is  v/ritten  in  the  hearts  of  all  mankind.  It  is  full  of  tenderness, 
full  of  pathos,  and  full  of  honor.  It  will  be  repeated  and  cherished 
as  long  as  the  name  of  William  McKinley  shall  live. 

"It  was  these  great  qualities  of  the  heart  that  gave  him  the 
place  he  holds  in  the  affections  of  other  peoples.  They  claim  him 
for  humanity's  sake,  because  they  find  in  him  an  expression  of 
their  highest  aspiration.  By  common  consent  he  honored  the 
whole  human  race,  and  all  the  race  will  honor  him. 

•  "  But  he  was  more  than  gentle.     He  was  thoroughly  religious  ; 
23 


406  MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES 

too  religious  to  be  guilty  of  any  bigotry.  His  broad,  compre 
hensive  views  of  men  and  his  duty  in  his  relations  to  God,  enabled 
him  to  have  charity  and  respect  for  all  who  differed  from  his 
belief. 

"  His  faith  solaced  him  in  life,  and  did  not  fail  him  when  the 
supreme  test  came.  When  he  realized  the  work  of  the  assassin, 
his  first  utterance  was  a  prayer  that  God  would  forgive  the  crime. 

As  he  surrendered  himself  to  unconsciousness,  from  which  he  micrht 

& 

never  awake,  that  surgery  could  do  its  work,  he  gently  breathed 
the  Lord's  prayer:  'Thy  kingdom  come,  thy  will  be  done.' 

"  And  when  the  dread  hour  of  dissolution  overtook  him,  and 
the  last  touching  farewell  had  been  spoken,  he  sank  to  rest  mur 
muring  *  Nearer,  my  God,  to  T.hee.' 

"This  was  his  last  triumph,  and  his  greatest.  His  whole  life 
was  given  to  humanity,  but  in  his  death  we  find  his  most  priceless 
legacy.  The  touching  story  of  that  death-bed  scene  will  rest  on 
generations  yet  unborn  like  a  soothing  benediction.  Such  Christian 
fortitude  and  resignation  give  us  a  clearer  conception  of  what  was 
in  the  apostle's  mind  when  he  exclaimed  :  *  O  Death,  where  is  thy 
sting?  O  Grave,  where  is  thy  victory  ?'' 


A  Truly  Great  Man 

DR.    FRANK    GUNSAULUS,    OF    CHICAGO 

"  Still,  still  we  linger  at  his  grave.  Once  and  again  we  make 
brave  effort  to  leave  it  with  the  silence  and  the  securities  of  God 
and  the  immeasurable  time.  We  say  we  will  forget,  if  possible,  in 
order  that  we  may  go  forth  to  our  tasks  and  accomplish  them.  But 
we  have  waited  so  long  that  we  now  see  that  we  shall  be  saved  to 
all  loftiness  of  life  and  generous  confidence,  not  by  forgetting,  but 
by  remembering.  Not  in  any  mist-covered  pool  of  oblivion  in 
which  we  may  put  out  of  sight  the  agony  and  the  loss,  but  in  the 


MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES  407 

absolving  fountains  of  memory  and  love  must  we  seek  baptism  and 
consecration  toward  the  attainment  of  ends  worthy  of  the  Ameri 
can's  past  and  the  American's  future. 

"  The  three  great  graves  which  have  received  the  dust  of  our 
martyred  Presidents  have  three  points  toward  which  in  each  instance 
God  has  led  his  Moses,  and  on  the  mountain  top  lit  by  a  moment 
of  divine-  success  Moses  has  been  seen  looking  into  the  promised 
land.  How  little  have  we  thought  that  our  Moses  was  to  die  there 
and  enter  his  grave  before  his  nation  reached  its  Canaan. 

MCKINLEY    A    TRULY    GREAT    MAN 

"  William  McKinley's  career  has  been  the  career  of  a  truly 
great  man.  His  greatness  has  not  a  solitary  element  of  the  thea 
trical  or  romantic  in  its  composition  or  influence.  His  was  the 
genius  which  is  so  full-orbed  and  harmonious  that  it  is  most  likely 
to  require  years  for  its  completeness  and  serviceableness  to  be 
rightly  estimated. 

"  Washington  was  no  brilliant  genius,  and  he  beneficently  inau 
gurated  the  movement  of  American  Republicanism.  A  Napoleon 
at  the  beginning  of  our  governmental  experiment  would  have 
napoleonized  our  youth.  Equally  unfortunate  would  we  have  been 
had  our  experiment  been  fathered  by  a  political  philosopher  of 
extraordinary  visions. 

"  Lincoln's  greatness  was  Republican  greatness.  His  arm 
was  strong  when  public  sentiment  lifted  it,  and  he  was  able  to 
incarnate  the  intellect  and  conscience  of  the  republic. 

"McKinley's  greatness  is  of  this  type.  He  did  listen  with  an 
ear  close  to  the  ground  for  the  tread  of  the  millions,  and  after  a 
moment,  which  assured  him  of  the  righteousness  and  wisdom  of 
public  sentiment,  he  was  erect  and  leading  them  Zionward.  His 
imperialism  was  that  of  absolute  loyalty  to  the  people's  will,  after 
the  people's  will  had  been  educated  by  a  knowledge  of  the  facts  in 
the  case.  The  quality  of  the  man's  nature,  his  great  public  services, 
his  practical  faith  in  the  institutions  and  processes  of  Republican 


408  MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES 

government,  make  his  grave  a  rallying  point  for  all  those  elements 
of  order  and  progress  which  will  at  last  achieve  for  earth  in  many 
spirited  reality  the  city  of  God." 


A  Great   President 

CIIAUNCEY  M.   DEPEW 

"  President  McKinley  held  a  position  among  the  rulers  of  the 
world  which  no  other  of  our  Presidents  filled.  He  not  only  had  the 
confidence  of  Americans  to  an  unusual  decree,  but,  now  that  we 

O  ' 

are  a  world  power,  he  was  regarded  in  all  European  cabinets  as 
the  wisest  and  safest  custodian  of  the  conditions  attendant  upon 
this  new  and  critical  position  of  the  United  States  among  the 
nations  of  the  world.  The  position  which  he  took  in  China  led  to 
modifications  of  terms  and  protests  against  partition  of  territory 
which  made  possible  a  settlement  without  war.  The  comments  of 
the  European  press  upon  his  speech  at  the  Pan-American  Exposi 
tion  show  that  in  European  opinion  he  was  the  greatest  factor  for 
the  peace  of  the  world.  His  death  is  a  national  and  international 
calamity.  Roosevelt  will  make  an  excellent  President — strong, 
masterful  and  able.  But  no  man  living  could,  for  the  next  three 
years  of  adjustment  and  settlement,  possess  the  confidence  as  a 
ruler  which  attached  to  President  McKinley.  His  opinions  on 
domestic  and- foreign  affairs  were  the  judgment  of  the  country 
because  of  the  wisdom  of  his  administration  and  utterances.  The 
new  President  will  have  to  go  through  the  trial  before  he  can  hold 
such  a  place  and  have  so  much  resting  upon  his  individuality.  In 
other  words,  the  country  in  its  industrial  and  commercial  condi 
tions,  in  its  relations  with  capital  and  labor,  in  the  processes  of  its 
development,  in  its  entrance  and  expansion  into  foreign  markets, 
and  in  its  diplomatic  relations  with  other  countries,  felt,  with  the 
tried  and  trusted  McKinley,  as  a  voyager  on  the  Atlantic  does  in  a 


MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES  409 

ship  commanded  by  an  experienced  and  famous  captain,  who,  with 
the  storms,  hurricanes  and  cyclones  of  the  sea,  has  never  had  an 
accident  and  has  always  brought  his  ship  safe  and  on  time  to  port." 


Imitate  His  Great  Virtues 

G ROVER  CLEVELAND  * 

"  To-day  the  grave  closes  over  the  dead  body  of  the  man  but 
lately  chosen  by  the  people  of  the  United  States  from  among  their 
number  to  represent' their  nationality,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend 
their  Constitution,  to  faithfully  execute  the  laws  ordained  for  their 
welfare,  and  to  safely  hold  and  keep  the  honor  and  integrity  of  thr 
republic.  His  time  of  service  is  ended,  not  by  the  lapse  of  time 
but  by  the  tragedy  of  assassination.  He  has  passed  from  the  pub 
lic  sight,  not  joyously  bearing  the  garlands  and  wreaths  of  his  coun 
trymen's  approving  acclaim,  but  amid  the  sobs  and  tears  of  a 
mourning  nation.  He  has  gone  to  his  home,  not  the  habitation  of 
earthly  peace  and  quiet  night,  with  domestic  comfort  and  joy,  but 
to  the  dark  and  narrow  home  appointed  for  all  the  sons  of  men  and 
then  to  rest  until  the  morning  light  of  the  resurrection  shall  gleam 
in  the  east. 

"  All  our  people  loved  their  dead  President.  His  kindly  nature 
and  lovable  traits  of  character,  and  his  amiable  consideration  for  all 
about  him  will  long  live  in  the  minds  and  hearts  of  his  countrymen. 
He  loved  them  in  return  with  such  patriotism  and  unselfishness  that 
in  this  hour  of  their  grief  and  humiliation  he  would  say  to  them  : 
'  It  is  God's  will ;  I  am  content.  If  there  is  a  lesson  in  my  life  or 
death,  let  it  be  taught  to  those  who  still  live,  and  leave  the  destiny 
of  their  country  in  their  keeping.'  Let  us,  then,  as  our  dead  is 
buried  out  of  our  sight,  seek  for  the  lessons  and  the  admonitions 
that  may  be  suggested  by  the  life  and  death  which  constitutes  our 
theme. 

*  From  an  address  to  the  students  at  Princeton  University. 


4io  MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES 

"  First  in  my  thoughts  are  the  lessons  to  be  learned  from  the 
career  of  William  McKinley  by  the  young  men  who  make  up  the 
student  body  of  our  university.  These  lessons  are  not  obscure  or 
difficult.  They  teach  the  value  of  study  and  mental  training,  but 
they  teach  more  impressively  that  the  road  to  usefulness  and  to  the 
only  success  worth  having  will  be  missed  or  lost,  except  it  is  sought 
and  kept  by  the  light  of  those  qualities  of  the  heart  which  it  is 
sometimes  supposed  may  safely  be  neglected  or  subordinated  in 
university  surroundings.  This  is  a  great  mistake.  Study  and  study 
hard,  but  never  let  the  thought  enter  your  mind  that  study  alone, 
or  the  greatest  possible  accumulation  of  learning  alone,  will  lead 
you  to  the  heights  of  usefulness  and  success.  The  man  who  is 
universally  mourned  to-day  achieved  the  highest  distinction  which 
his  great  country  can  confer  on  any  man,  and  he  lived  a  useful  life. 
He  was  not  deficient  in  education,  but  with  all  you  will  hear  of  his 
grand  career  and  his  services  to  his  country  and  to  his  fellow-citi 
zens,  you  will  not  hear  that  the  high  plane  he  reached  or  what  he 
accomplished  was  due  entirely  to  his  education.  You  will  instead 
constantly  hear  as  accounting  for  his  great  success  that  he  was 
obedient  and  affectionate  as  a  son,  patriotic  and  faithful  as  a  soldier, 
honest  and  upright  as  a  citizen,  tender  and  devoted  as  a  husband, 
and  truthful,  generous,  unselfish,  moral  and  clean  in  every  relation 
of  life.  He  never  thought  any  of  those  things  too  weak  for  his 
manliness.  Make  no  mistake.  Here  was  a  most  distinguished 
man,  a  great  man,  a  useful  man — who  became  distinguished,  great 
and  useful  because  he  had,  and  retained  unimpaired,  qualities  of 
heart  which  I  fear  university  students  sometimes  feel  like  keeping 
in  the  background  or  abandoning. 

LESSONS    TO    LEARN 

"  There  is  a  most  serious  lesson  for  all  of  us  in  the  tragedy  of 
our  late  President's  death.  The  shock  of  it  is  so  great  that  it  is 
hard  at  this  time  to  read  this  lesson  calmly.  We  can  hardly  fail 
to  see,  however,  behind  the  bloody  deed  of  the  assassin,  horrible 


MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES  411 

figures  and  faces  from  which  it  will  not  do  to  turn  away.  If  we  are 
to  escape  further  attack  upon  our  peace  and  security,  we  must 
boldly  and  resolutely  grapple  with  the  monster  of  Anarchy.  It 
is  not  a  thing  that  we  can  safely  leave  to  be  dealt  with  by  party 
or  partisanship.  Nothing  can  guarantee  us  against  its  menace 
except  the  teaching  and  the  practice  of  the  best  citizenship,  the 
exposure  of  the  ends  and  aims  of  the  gospel  of  discontent  and 
hatred  of  social"order,  and  the  brave  enactment  and  execution  of 
repressive  laws. 

"  The  universities  and  colleges  cannot  refuse  to  join  in  the  bat 
tle  against  the  tendencies  of  Anarchy.  Their  help  in  discovering 
and  warring  against  the  relationship  between  the  vicious  councils 
and  deeds  of  blood,  and  their  steadying  influence  upon  the  elements 
of  unrest,  cannot  fail  to  be  of  inestimable  value. 

"  By  the  memory  of  our  murdered  President,  let  us  resolve  to 
cultivate  and  preserve  the  qualities  that  made  him  great  and  useful, 
and  let  us  determine  to  meet  any  call  of  patriotic  duty  in  any  time 
of  our  country's  danger  and  need." 


Bright  with  Good  Deeds  Done 

SECRETARY  JOHN  D.   LONG. 

"  President  McKinley,  of  blessed  life,  is  now  and,  more  and 
more  as  time  goes  on,  will  be  of  blessed  memory.  The  asperities 
which  afflict  a  public  servant  during  his  official  career  will  quickly 
be  forgotten,  and  the  calm,  just  verdict  of  history  will  pronounce 
him  as  a  man  of  ideally  pure,  true  character,  a  patriot  of  single  and 
disinterested  devotion  to  his  country  and  a  statesman  unexcelled 
for  tact,  prudence  and  practical  competency.  His  domestic  life  is 
one  of  the  precious  sanctities  of  American  sentiment. 

"  As  an  Executive,  his  administration  has  been  a  series  of 
remarkable  achievements.  It  has  been  attended  by  great  military 
successes,  by  an  abounding  prosperity. 


4i2  MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES 

11  It  has  put  out  the  last  embers  of  sectional  bitterness.  It  has 
been  marked  by  appointments  of  high  character  and  especial  fitness 
to  places  of  great  trust.  The  tone  of  the  public  official,  the  effi 
ciency  of  the  civil  service,  the  integrity  and  fidelity  of  all  depart 
ments  and  branches  of  the  executive  government  were  never  so 
high  as  to-day. 

"  President  McKinley  leaves  an  unblemished  record  in  public 
and  private  life. 

"  And  a  record  not  merely  free  from  blemish,  but  bright  with 
good  deeds  done,  with  great  service  rendered." 


His  Simple  Greatness 

JOHN  W.  GRIGGS,  CX-ATTORNEY-GENERAL 

"  Hear  the  concordance  of  praise  that  comes  from  every  mind 
under  the  heavens ! 

"  The  East  cries,  *  We  loved  him,  for  he  was  of  our  stock.  He 
thought  with  us.  He  brought  us  prosperity.  We  knew  him ; 
therefore  we  loved  him.' 

"  The  West  says,  '  He  was  of  us;  he  was  our  perfect  product. 
We -knew  him;  therefore  we  loved  him/ 

"  The  North  cries,  '  He  fought  for  us  ;  he  wrought  for  us.  We 
understood  him;  he  was  loyal  and  true  ;  therefore  we  loved  him/ 

"  The  South  cries,  *  We  loved  him,  for  he  was  magnanimous 
and  just  to  the  South  ;  in  war  an  honorable  foeman,  in  peace  a 
friend  and  a  brother/ 

"Gallant  soldier,  successful  politician,  wise  legislator,  powerful 
debater,  matchless  orator,  courtly  gentleman  ;  courtly  in  manner 
because  courteous  in  feeling. 

"  If  I  were  to  seek  a  phrase  to  describe  his  public  demeanor,  I 
should  say  it  was,  'Simple  greatness/ 

"  And  he  was  no  mere  theoretical  academic  statesman,  filled 
with  great  zeal  and  small  sense.  His  mind  and  methods  were  of 


MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES  413 

the  practical  kind.  No  man  ever  appreciated  more  truly  than  he 
the  real  nature  and  quality  of  public  sentiment,  and  none  ever 
understood  better  how  to  mould  and  use  it  for  the  public  good. 
He  had  faith  in  the  common  sense  of  the  average  citizens,  and  it 
was  to  their  reason,  not  their  passion  or  their  prejudice,  that  he 
always  made  his  appeals — and  rarely  in  vain. 

"  He  was  no  trimmer,  watching  the  shifting  impulses  of  the 
populace  that  he  might  trim  his  sails  to  the  momentary  gusts,  but 
a  great  pilot  scanning  always  the  waters  ahead  to  shun  the  rocks 
and  whirlpools  and  discover  where  the  deep,  safe  channel  of 
national  progress  lay.  His  pilot  stars  were  truth  and  loyalty. 

"  He  was  the  sanest  man  and  the  one  most  free  from  hasty 
impulse  and  unreasoning  prejudice  that  ever  graced  so  high  a 
station." 


A   Great   Figure 

SENATOR  '  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE 

"President  McKinley  was  the  leader  and  chief  in  a  momentous 
period  of  his  country's  history,  and  he  rose  fully  to  the  great 
situation.  His  policies  have  become  the  policies  of  the  United 
States. 

"  When  the  history  of  his  time  is  written  he  will  stand  forth 
as  the  great  figure  in  the  years  which  have  been  so  crowded  with 
events.  He  gained  the  entire  confidence  of  the  nation  by  his 
patriotism,  wisdom  and  ability,  just  as  he  won  its  love  by  his  kind 
ness  and  goodness  to  all  men.  This  is  not  the  time,  especially  for 
those  whose  personal  sorrow  mingles  with  that  of  the  public  at 
his  loss,  to  say  more.  We  all  bow  our  heads  with  grief  and  are 
grateful  for  the  sympathy  other  nations  offer  us  so  strongly. 

"  Deeply  conscious  of  our  loss,  and  with  our  hearts  full  of  sad 
ness  and  sorrow  for  her  to  whom  President  McKinley  gave  such 
beautiful  and  unselfish  devotion,  the  sympathy  of  all  Americans 


4i4  MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES 

goes  out  to  the  Vice-President,  called  so  suddenly  and  so  painfully 
to  take  the  place  of  one  who  was  his  friend  as  well  as  his  associate, 
and  with  whose  well-considered  policies  and  patriotic  purposes  he 
is  in  such  complete  accord.  Words  at  such  a  moment  are  vain. 
It  is  a  tragic  end  of  a  great  career.  Murder  cut  short  a  brilliant 
and  beneficent  life.  It  is  a  national  loss  and  a  profound  sorrow. 
It  is  all  inexpressibly  sad." 


Of  Blameless  Life 

ADLAI  E.  STEVENSON,  FORMER  VICE-PRESIDENT 

"  Blameless  in  private  life,  of  personal  integrity  unquestioned, 
firm  in  his  convictions  of  duty,  true  to  his  friendships,  patriotic  in  all 
his  impulses,  of  lofty  aims  and  purposes,  gentle  and  loving  to  those 
to  whom  his  toils  and  cares  were  given — he  will  be  to  the  young 
men  of  our  country  at  once  an  example  and  an  inspiration. 

"  It  is  well  that  upon  this  day  all  business  be  suspended,  the 
ordinary  cares  for  a  while  laid  aside,  the  symbols  of  mourning 
displayed,  and  that  the  people  of  all  shades  of  belief  and  of  all  sec 
tions  of  our  country  should  assemble  to  do  honor  to  the  memory  of 
our  Chief  Magistrate.  The  candidate  of  a  party,  he  was  the  Presi 
dent  of  an  entire  people.  Such  occasions  as  this  touch  the 
responsive  chords  of  the  great  American  heart.  The  Government 
will  live.  The  feeling  of  devotion  to  country,  of  determination  to 
maintain  our  free  institutions  in  their  purity  and  their  vigor,  was 
never  stronger  than  at  this  moment.  Let  those  now  upon  the 
threshold,  and  who  may  yet  witness  the  passing  of  the  noon  of  the 
century,  realize  something  of  the  dignity  and  the  grandeur  of 
American  citizenship. 

"  In  this  hour  of  national  sorrow  it  is  a  gratifying  reflection 
that  during  the  more  than  100  years  of  our  history  as  a  govern 
ment  no  man  has  been  elected  to  the  Presidency  who  was  unwor 
thy  of  the  great  office.  The  eminent  statesman  whose  memory  we 


MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES  415 

now  honor  has  with  ability  and  fidelity  met  the  requirements  of  his 
exalted  station.  His  work  is  done.  His  hands  are  folded.  His 
name  is  henceforth  upon  the  list  of  the  illustrious  dead.  Peace  to 
his  ashes!  May  God  comfort  the  one  most  of  all  bereaved  ! 

"In  establishing  our  government,  our  fathers  wisely  provided 
by  constitutional  methods  for  contingencies  such  as  that  we  now 
deplore.  In  less  favored  countries  revolutions  are  often  the  imme 
diate  result  of  the  death  of  rulers.  By  peaceable  succession  the 
officer  designated  by  law  is  now  the  incumbent  of  the  great  office. 
Coming  in  such  a  manner  and  in  the  hour  of  the  nation's  gloom  it 
brings  to  its  incumbent  responsibilities  of  no  ordinary  character.  It 
is  the  earnest  prayer  of  all  that  his  discharge  of  the  solemn  duties 
that  await  him  may  redound  to  the  continued  welfare  of  our  com 
mon  country." 


The  People  Bowed  as  One  Man 

WILLIAM  JENNINGS  BRYAN 

"  As  monuments  reared  by  grateful  hands  to  the  memory  of 
heroes  testify  to  the  virtues  of  the  living,  as  well  as  to  the  services 
of  the  dead,  so  the  sorrow  that  has  overwhelmed  our  nation,  oblite 
rating  the  distinctions  of  party,  race,  and  religion,  is  as  complimen 
tary  to  the  patriotism  of  our  people  as  to  our  departed  Chief 
Magistrate.  But  it  is  not  strange  that  the  people  bow  as  one  man 
over  the  bier  of  their  illustrious  fellow-citizen — not  strange  that  the 
solemn  stillness  is  broken  only  by  the  music  of  the  sacred  hymns 
which  he  was  wont  to  sing — not  strange  that  all  hearts  turn  in  sym 
pathy  to  the  husbandless  home  at  Canton. 

"  The  President's  position  made  him  a  part  of  the  life  of  all  his 
countrymen,  and  the  circumstances  which  attended  his  taking  off 
added  indignation  to  grief — indignation  that  even  one  murderous 
heart  could  be  found  in  all  the  land,  and  grief  that  the  wicked 


4i6  MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES 

purpose  of  that  heart  should  have  been  consummated  against  one 
so  gentle  in  spirit  and  so  kind  in  word  and  deed. 

"  This  is  neither  the  time  nor  the  place  for  a  discussion  of  reme 
dies  for  anarchy.  It  can  have  no  defenders  in  the  United  States. 
Government  is  a  necessity,  and  the  delusion  that  society  can  exist 
without  it  is  harmful,  even  when  no  violence  is  advocated,  for  it  is 
the  duty  of  every  citizen  of  a  republic  to  strive  to  make  his  govern 
ment  perfect  in  every  detail,  and  this  purpose  is  not  only  weakened 
but  entirely  destroyed  by  the  doctrine  that  all  governments  are  bad 
and  should  be  overthrown." 


A  Leader  of  All 

A.   G.  SCHURMAN,  PRESIDENT  OF  CORNELL  UNIVERSITY 

"We  have  come  together  with  bowed  heads  and  heavy  hearts  to 
join  in  a  solemn  service  in  memory  of  the  late  President  of  the 
United  States.  What  manner  of  man  he  was  we  can  now  only 
vaguely  discern,  for  our  eyes  are  blinded  with  tears  and  analysis  is 
overwhelmed  by  emotion.  Yet,  that  a  great  and  good  man  walked 
with  us,  and  shall  walk  with  us  no  more,  we  are  somehow  vividly 
aware. 

"Strong  he  was,  and  firm  even  to  the  point  of  obstinacy.  Yet 
he  was  so  deferential  to  the  judgment  of  others,  so  willing  to  listen 
to  everybody,  so  truly  democratic  in  his  search  for  truth  and 
wisdom,  that  his  very  lack  of  dogmatic  self-conceit  and  even  the 
deliberateness  of  his  method  were  at  first  construed  as  signs  of 
weakness,  and  in  the  early  days  of  his  Presidency  it  was  a  not 
uncommon  criticism  that  he  had  no  mind  of  his  own.  Never  was 
there  a  greater  mistake,  as  the  men  who  came  closest  to  him  and 
had  most  to  do  with  him  will  universally  testify.  His  Cabinet  was 
made  up  of  strong  men,  but  the  President  dominated  the  Cabinet. 
He  saw  everybody,  heard  everybody,  but  followed  nobody.  Yet, 
somehow,  he  was  leader  of  all,  and  all  fell  into  line  and  marched 


MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES  417 

behind  or  beside  him.  He  acquainted  himself  with  all  the  facts  of 
a  given  case,  listened  to  all  manner  of  advice  from  those  who 
might  be  supposed  to  know  all  about  it,  even  suffering  fools  gladly, 
and  then  reached  a  decision  or  adopted  a  policy  of  his  own,  which, 
being  well  considered,  was  sure  to  command  general  assent.  It 
was  his  own  view,  yet  it  was  the  quintessence  of  the  public  mind. 
He  was  the  greatest  inductive  philosopher  who  ever  experimented 
with  American  politics.  And  it  did  not  take  the  American  people 
long  to  discover  his  method  or  to  show  their  appreciation  of  it. 
Even  before  his  re-election,  the  talk  that  he  lacked  independence 
of  judgment  had  entirely  ceased. 

"  I  have  dwelt  upon  this  point,  because  it  is  here  that  William 
McKinley  has  suffered  most  injustice  at  the  hands  of  his  critics." 


A  Man  Who  Knew  His  Own  Mind 

W.  R.  HARPER,  PRESIDENT  OF  CHICAGO  UNIVERSITY 

"  President  McKinley,  I  believe,  showed  the  highest  ability  as  a 
statesman.  He  carried  the  country  through  one  of  its  most  criti 
cal  periods,  and  his  administration  will  be  known  hereafter  from  the 
fact  that  under  him  the  United  States  took  its  place  in  the  world 
at  large.  As  a  man,  he  was  simple,  strong  and  lovable,  simple- 
minded  and  yet  firm.  He  was  a  man  who  knew  his  own  mind  and 
could  carry  with  him  his  party  and  the  people.  He  was  a  man  of 
high  culture  and  high  ideals,  a  man  whose  interest  in  all  that  was 
great  was  manifest.  He  was  a  friend  of  education  in  every  form, 
from  the  lowest  to  the  highest." 


The  Well  Beloved,"  McKinley's  Title 

DR.  ANGELL,   PRESIDENT  OF  THE  MICHIGAN  UNIVERSITY 

"  The  title  that  is  most  likely  to  come  to   our  martyred  Presi 
dent  is  that  of  *  The  well  beloved/     Washington  had  a  dignified 


4i8  MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES 

severity  that  left  a  space  between  himself  and  the  people.  Lincoln 
was  loved  by  only  half  the  nation  when  he  died.  Old  animosities 
between  the  North  and  the  South  had  not  expired  when  Garfield 
passed  away.  But  since  McKinley  came  into  office  the  Blue  and  the 
Gray  have  been  united.  He  won  the  hearts  of  the  Southern  people 
and  cemented  a  nation. 

*'  His  was  the  average  American  life  in  a  glorified  form.  He 
was  pure,  simple,  genial  and  kind.  So  long  as  he  dominated  our 
affairs,  he  could  be  dealt  with  by  foreign  powers  with  sincerity,  and 
this  is  the  secret  of  the  great  influence  of  this  nation  in  the  admin 
istration  of  foreign  affairs." 


Living  for  Others 

A.  T.  HADLEY,   PRESIDENT  OF  YALE   UNIVERSITY 

"  As  we  lay  President  McKinley's  body  to  rest  to-day,  we  do 
not  think  of  him  as  one  apart  from  ourselves,  but  rather  as  one  who, 
in  life  and  death,  identified  himself  with  the  American  people.  His 
was  not  a  career  of  self-centred  isolation.  In  his  ambition  and  in 
his  work  he  was  a  man  among  men — living  for  others  as  he  under 
stood  their  needs,  and  reaching  his  best  results  through  that  co-oper 
ation  from  others  which  he  so  well  knew  how  to  secure. 

"  It  is  a  noteworthy  fact  in  American  history  that  the  men  who 
have  attained  the  chief  office  in  the  land  have  not  been  those  with 
whom  brilliancy  was  the  chief  characteristic.  The  prize  did  not  fall 
to  the  lot  of  men  like  Calhoun,  or  Clay,  or  Webster,  or  Seward,  or 
Blaine,  It  came  rather  to  those  men  of  plainer  purpose  whom  the 
people  felt  to  be  more  truly  representative  of  themselves.  It 
detracts  not  one  whit  from  the  glory  of  McKinley's  administration 
that  men  like  Hay  and  Root  and  Long  and  others  with  whom  he 
knew  how  to  surround  himself  contributed  so  large  a  part  to  its 
success.  For  the  work  of  a  single  individual,  be  he  as  brilliant  as 
Napoleon  is  apt  to  stand  apart  from  the  life  of  the  people  and  the 


MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES  419 

world,  as  compared  with  that  of  him  who  knows  how  to  pursue 
aims  in  which  his  country  has  its  full  share,  and  to  enlist  the 
help  of  that  country  in  carrying  them  to  a  completion." 


An   Awful   Mystery 

JOHN  WANAMAKER 

"  The  passing  on  of  William  McKinley  is  an  awful  mystery, 
There  are  millions  of  hearts  that  are  overwhelmed  with  agony. 
As  against  the  miserable  creature,  called  a  man,  who  destroyed  this 
noble  life,  there  are  thousands  and  thousands  of  men  in  the  United 
States,  noble  and  true,  who  would  unhesitatingly  and  gladly  have 
given  their  lives  if  his  could  have  been  spared,  so  full  was  it  of 
gifts  and  graces,  of  growth  and  of  genuine  goodness. 

''Almost  like  a  flash  in  the  sky,  he  passed  on  without  spot  or 
decay  or  the  withering  of  powers  to  the  eternal  and  enduring.  He 
lived  and  died  nobly.  4  Good-by,'  he  said,  'good-by,  to  all.  It  is 
God's  way/  Always  a  sage  and  a  soldier,  and  now  a  saint." 


"  To-day,  O  Mother  Earth,  take  back  thy  clay  ! 

The  spirit  that  employ' d  it,  by  its  flight 
Beyond  the  stars  into  th'  eternal  day 

.Bequeaths  it  thee  —  it  is  thy  lender's  right. 
We  only  plead  that  thou  wilt  safe  enfold 

This  dust  made  sacred  by  a  people's  grief. 
'Twas  honor's  tent  —  a  patriot's  pure  stronghold  — 

The  watch-room  of  the  nation's  loyal  chief! 

"  He  loved  his  native  land  and  used  his  life 

To  serve  her  larger  growth  in  strength  and  fame. 
Insuring  arts  of  peace,  deploring  strife, 

Resisting  all  that  threaten' d  wrong  or  shame. 
Though  senseless  anarchy  made  him  its  mark, 

His  mortal  death  was  but  immortal  birth  ! 
Each  freeman's  heart  shall  be  his  memory's  ark, 
While  Liberty  extols  his  peerless  worth  ! ' ' 

—  Sam'l  W.  Small,  in  The  Constitution,  Atlanta,  Ga. 


420  MEMORIAL  TRIBUTES 

Mrs.  Florence  Earle  Coates,  in  the  ''Memorial  Ode"  written 
by  her  on  the  request  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia  for  the  Peace  Cele 
bration,  and  read  at  Independence  Hall  on  October  8,  1898,  coupled 
Lincoln  and  McKinley  in  two  stanzas  to  which  our  latest  national 
tragedy  has  given  a  yet  deeper  significance.  She  wrote  of  them  as 
the  chieftains  of  the  nation,  each  of  whom  had  piloted  the  United 
States  through  war  to  peace.  Their  deaths  by  assassination  have 
now  linked  their  names  inseparably  and  forever.  We  append  the 
stanzas,  the  first  being  a  tribute  to  Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  second 
a  tribute  to  William  McKinley : 

Lincoln-McKinley 

"And  one  there  is,  one  image,  full  of  rest, 
A  memory  of  manhood  singly  blest, 
The  saviour  of  our  Nation,  and  her  Chief; 
Matchless  in  judgment,  love,  compassion,  power — 
The  Man  meet  for  the  hour. 

Assailed  by  ignorance  and  half-belief — 
Each  searching,  from  too  near  a  view, 
To  read  the  soul  of  all  our  souls  most  true — 

He  went  his  way,  unselfish,  minist'ring ; 

But  in  the  bud  and  promise-time  of  Spring, 

He  died — and  then  we  knew. 

"So  in  the  years  to  come,  when  we  shall  sleep, 

Tired  pilgrims,  at  life's  everlasting  goal, 
And  the  hid  hand  that  faithful  minutes  keep 

Shall  all  the  record  of  our  times  unroll, 

Our  sons  shall  read,  emblazoned  on  the  scroll, 
His  name,  revered  and  great, 

Who  sways  our  continent  with  mild  control ; 
Pilot  whom  war  tempestuous  could  not  whelm, 
Who  stood,  through  every  peril,  at  the  helm, 

Guiding  to  peaceful  port  our  Ship  of  State. 
He  neither  needs  our  praise  nor  vindication, 

Who,  in  the  coming  years,  shall  take  his  place 

With  the  wise  rulers  of  the  English  race, 
A  leader  of  the  strength  that  fits  a  free-born  nation." 


B  "    W 


I! 

M    '~i 

o      r 

i  i 


H 

w 
w 


Ota 

H  L 


2     ? 

5    ? 
r    C., 

n 
ff 


CHAPTER  XXVII 
Characteristics  and  Incidents 

QUITE  as  impressive  as  anything  else  in  the  developments 
of  the  last  four  days  of  his  life  on  earth  was  the  clear  light 
in  which  they  showed  how  President  McKinley's  personal 
charms  and  qualities  as  a  man  had  won  the  affection  of  the  country. 
Particularly  was  this  noticeable  in  Washington,  where,  from  his  long 
service  in  Congress,  and  his  more  than  four  years  in  the  Presiden 
tial  chair,  he  became  known  personally  as  to  no  other  part  of  the 
country,  except,  perhaps,  to  his  neighbors  in  Canton.  Dr.  David  J. 
Hill,  Assistant  Secretary  of  State,  once  remarked  to  a  friend  when 
Mr.  McKinley's  personality  was  under  discussion,  that  if  "the  Lord 
had  ever  breathed  the  breath  of  life  into  a  more  gracious  and 
amiable  man  than  Mr.  McKinley,"  Dr.  Hill  had  yet  to  find  it  out. 
This  is  a  thoroughly  characteristic  estimate,  and  one  that  is  by  no 
means  confined  in  its  expression  to  occasions  of  grief  and  strain 
like  the  present. 

ALWAYS    DID    THE    AMIABLE    THING 

Mr.  McKinley,  according  to  the  best  estimates  of  those  who 
knew  him  well,  always  did  the  amiable  and  courteous  thing.  He 
was  thoughtful  and  considerate.  If  he  ever  had  any  feeling 
of  injured  dignity  or  ill-temper,  he  never  let  it  be  discovered  even 
by  those  nearest  to  him.  Everybody  who  went  to  the  White 
House  came  away  pleasantly  impressed,  whether  Republican, 
Democrat,  Populist,  anti-Imperialist,  or  Socialist;  a  negro,  a 
Chinese,  or  a  Caucasian.  It  had  not  been  uncommon  with  other 
Presidents  for  men  of  more  or  less  prominence  to  come  away  from 
the  White  House  saying  rather  unpleasant  things  about  the  treat 
ment  they  had  received.  With  McKinley  it  was  different,  and  in 
422 


CHARACTERISTICS  AND  INCIDENTS  423 

that  personal  equation  doubtless  lay  a  large  share  of  his  success 
as  a  public  man  and  party  leader,  in  securing  acceptance  of  the  policies 
for  which  he  stood.  When  before,  it  is  frequently  asked,  has  a 
President  carried  the  House  of  Representatives  in  three  Congresses 
in  succession  ?  When  before  has  a  President  sustained  such 
friendly  relations  with  the  Senators  that  they  have  rejected  none  of 
his  nominations  for  office,  or  that  he,  in  turn,  has  had  to  veto  none 
of  their  bills  ?  For  this  is  substantially  the  situation.  The  very 
few  vetoes  and  rejected  nominations — and  their  number  has  been 
trifling — have  rarely  been  unwelcome  to  the  other  side,  but  were 
rather  in  the  nature  of  the  correction  of  errors  due  to  newly  dis 
covered  evidence. 

COURTESY    TO    CRITICS 

When  the  Secretary  of  the  Anti-Imperialist  League  first  visited 
Washington,  the  President  came  out  of  a  Cabinet  meeting  to 
receive  him — a  most  unusual  courtesy.  Many  a  President  who  had 
been  flattered  as  McKinley  has  been,  would  have  taken  affront  at 
some  of  the  utterances  of  the  league,  and,  standing  on  his  dignity, 
have  refused  altogether  to  see  its  representative.  One  of  McKin- 
ley's  predecessors  steadily  refused  to  see  during  his  term  of  office 
an  eminent  doctor  of  divinity  who  several  times  called  on  public 
business,  because  he  had  as  a  preacher  alluded  to  his  alleged  Sab 
bath-breaking  propensities.  President  Arthur,  with  all  that  gra* 
ciousness  of  manner  which  has  associated  itself  with  his  name,, 
proved  a  hard  master  for  the  clerical  force  in  his  immediate  employ. 
If  he  desired  a  letter  or  a  paper  from  the  files  for  any  purpose,  he 
could  brook  no  delay,  and  was  seemingly  unwilling  to  grant  that 
time  might  be  necessary  even  for  those  who  served  a  President 

In  fact,  those  who  know  the  White  House  best,  in  its  various 
aspects  toward  the  public,  are  able  to  relate  a  great  many  incidents 
showing  considerable  human  nature  on  the  part  of  the  various  Presi 
dents  who  have  occupied  it,  but  of  McKinley  they  have  nothing  to 
relate  but  pleasant  things,  kindly  acts,  and  genial  ways.  He  seemed 
never  offended  at  those  who  have  most  severely  criticised  him.  We 


424  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  INCIDENTS 

read  in  the  newspapers  one  clay  that  Senator  Tillman  declared  that 
McKinley  was  gradually  becoming  a  dictator  to  the  subversion  of  the 
old  Republic ;  the  next  day  we  read  that  Mr.  Tillman  went  to  the 
White  House  to  ask  for  a  small  consulship  for  one  of  his  con 
stituents,  and  strange  to  relate  that,  although  an  opposition  Demo 
crat,  he  readily  obtained  it.  In  fact,  Tillman  has  said  in  a  public 
way  that,  in  his  opinion,  no  finer  gentleman  from  George  Washing 
ton's  time  to  the  present  had  ever  occupied  the  Presidential  chair. 
He  never  went  to  the  White  House  in  the  latter  part  of  Mr.  Cleve 
land's  administration,  just  as  there  were  many  Republicans  of 
prominence  that  were  not  very  neighborly  with  Mr.  Harrison,  and 
others  who  did  not  like  Mr.  Arthur. 

It  has  long  become  notable  to  outside  observers,  who  have 
talked  with  public  men  after  they  came  away  from  a  conference 
with  the  Chief  Executive,  how  generally  he  made  their  wishes  his 
own.  In  the  organization  of  the  first  Philippine  Commission,  one 
of  the  men,  provisionally  selected,  hastened  to  Washington  to  tell 
Mr.  McKinley  that  he  was  not  much  of  a  believer  in  his  expansion 
policy,  and  that,  probably  knowing  this,  Mr.  McKinley  would  want 
somebody  else  to  serve.  ''Quite  the  contrary,"  was  the  President's 
answer.  "We  need  just  the  element  of  opinion  on  the  Commis 
sion  which  you  represent.  I  am  glad  that  you  feel  as  you  do  about 
it."  Another  man  whom  Mr.  McKinley  was  about  to  appoint  to  a 
high  office  expressed,  in  the  same  way,  his  skepticism  on  the  subject 
of  protection,  as  indentified  with  Mr.  McKinley' s  name.  In  the  same 
spirit,  Mr.  McKinley  assured  him  that  the  view  of  the  case  which 
he  held  was  the  very  one  which  the  President  was  eager  to  have 
represented. 

SAW    BOTH    SIDES    OF    A    QUESTION 

McKinley  was  always  so  able  to  see  both  sides  of  questions, 
to  recognize  personal  and  local  limitations,  that  his  relations  with 
the  world  and  with  the  American  public  were  always  very  pleasant. 
It  will  be  recalled  how  enthusiastic  the  Democratic  South  became 
when,  on  his  visit  to  that  section  he  allowed  a  Confederate  badge, 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY 

The  25th  President 
Born  January  29th  184.S.     Assassinated  September  6,  1901 


Died  Septemt":'   14, 


Copyright  by  Judge  Co.         PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT  AT  THE  BIER,  BUFFALO 


CHARACTERISTICS  AND  INCIDENTS  427 

pinned  playfully  on  the  lapel  of  his  coat,  to  remain  there  all  day, 
and  how  it  is  said  that  he  recommended  that  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  join  with  the  Southern  States  in  the  care  of  the  cemeteries 
in  which  were  buried  the  Confederate  dead.  Wherever  he  traveled 
on  earth,  east,  west,  or  south,  he  always  fell  in  so  acceptably  with  the 
prevailing1  views  and  aspirations  of  the  people  as  to  win  their  most 
marked  favor.  By  his  diplomatic  way,  he  led  a  great  many  persons 
to  his  manner  of  thinking,  when  they  did  not  realize  that  they 
were  being  led. 

MR.  MCKINLEY'S  CONSIDERATION 

A  touching  tribute  has  been  paid  by  a  former  stenographer 
of  an  Ohio  State  Senator  to  Mr.  McKinley's  kindheartedness. 
Before  going  on  the  stage,  Louise  Dresser  was  the  private  secre 
tary  to  Senator  Earnshaw,  of  Franklin  County,  Ohio,  and,  while 
acting  in  that  capacity,  was  told  one  day  that  she  was  wanted  in 
the  room  of  Mr.  McKinley,  who  was  then  Governor  of  Ohio.  On 
entering  the  room  she  approached  Mr.  McKinley's  secretary, 
thinking  that  he  wanted  to  dictate  a  letter  to  her.  On  being  told 
that  the  Governor  wanted  to  dictate  to  her,  she  approached  him 
nervously,  and  when  she  tried  to  work  could  scarcely  hold  the 
pencil.  Seeing  her  plight,  the  kindhearted  Governor  said  with  a 
smile  :  "  Don't  be  nervous.  You'll  get  it  all  right.  Think  you  are 
writing  for  Earnshaw."  Miss  Dresser  speaks  most  feelingly  of  his 
consideration,  and  among  the  millions  of  mourners  she  feels  the 
loss  as  keenly  as  though  she  had  lost  a  personal  friend. 

LOYAL    TO    OLD    FRIENDS 

Loyalty  to  old  friends,  absolutely  without  regard  to  their 
worldly  station,  was  a  conspicuous  trait  of  Mr.  McKinley's  charac 
ter.  At  the  second  inauguration,  among  the  White  House  guests 
were  Jack  Adams,  who  runs  the  President's  farm  near  Canton, 
and  a  friend,  Mr.  Alexander,  a  tinsmith,  from  Minerva,  Columbiana 
County,  Ohio.  Mr.  Adams  came  to  Washington  at  the  President's 
invitation,  but  had  no  idea  of  doing  more  than  "  eating  one  meal  in 


428  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  INCIDENTS 

the  White  House,"  as  he  expressed  it.  Here  is  Mr.  Adams'  own 
story  of  how  he  happened  to  be  stopping  at  the  White  House 
during  the  inauguration  week  : 

"Just  before  the  inauguration  of  1897,  Mr.  McKinley  asked 
me  if  I  did  not  want  to  come  to  Washington.  Well,  I  was  pretty 
busy  on  the  farm  just  then,  so  I  said  no,  I  would  come  to  the  next 
one.  The  President  laughed,  and  said  to  remind  him  and  he  would 
send  me  a  pass.  I  got  it.  When  my  friend  Alexander  and  I  went 
up  to  the  White  House  the  President  held  out  his  hand  and  said: 
4  I'm  glad  to  see  you,'  and  asked  me  about  my  health  and  my  family 
and  how  everybody  was  doing.  I  told  him  I  had  just  come  to  town 
and  got  a  room.  He  said :  *  Not  a  bit  of  it.  You  are  to  stay  right 
here  in  the  White  House,  you  and  your  friend.'  I  said  that  I  did  not 
like  to  impose  upon  him,  but  he  replied  that  it  was  no  imposition, 
and  that  I  must  bring  my  grip  and  stay  the  week  out  as  his  guest, 
and  he  would  see  that  I  had  a  good  time  and  do  everything  for 
me  that  he  could  do.  He  made  out  a  ticket  that  passed  us  to  the 
grand  stand  to  see  the  parade,  and  also  gave  us  seats  at  the  Capitol 
and  admission  to  the  inauguration  ball." 

POLITICAL    REMINISCENCES 

The  following  anecdotes  of  the  late  President  were  written  for 

o 

the  Detroit  Free  Press,  by  David  M.  Carey,  of  the  editorial  staff 
of  that  paper : 

"Columbiana  County  was  the  Republican  stronghold  in  the  old 
Eighteenth  Congressional  District  of  Ohio,  made  famous  through 
the  public  career  of  the  lamented  McKinley,  as  was  the  adjoining 
district  through  the  achievements  of  Garfield.  After  the  late 
President  had  served  as  prosecuting  attorney  of  Stark  County,  he 
decided  to  stand  for  Congress,  and  early  in  his  initial  campaign  set 
about  to  securing  to  himself  the  overwhelming  party  majority  in 
Columbiana.  -At  the  head  of  the  men  fitted  for  counsel  was  Judge 
J.  A.  Ambler,  an  ex-member  of  Congress,  while  among  the  young 
men  for  war  were  Hon.  R.  W.  Tayler,  now  the  representative  of 


CHARACTERISTICS  AND  INCIDENTS  429 

that  district,  then  editor  of  the  Buckeye  State  ;  Ed.  Moore,  owne? 
of  that  veteran  party  organ  ;  Major  Monaghan,  who  recently  died 
in  the  Philippines  while  filling  an  appointment  given  to  him  bv 
the  President ;  Frank  McCord,  collector  of  customs  at  Cleve 
land,  and  several  others  who  have  since  attained  greater  or  less 
distinction. 

44  One  morning  McKinley  entered  my  office,  ~nd  after  telling 
who  he  was,  though  I  knew  him  on  sight,  said:  *  Squire,  they  tell 
me  that  you  know  everybody  in  Columbiana  County,  and  particu 
larly  in  the  vicinity  of  Salem.  I  wish  that  you  could  give  me  a 
few  days  in  canvassing  this  section.'  The  title  given  me  was  due 
to  the  fact  that  I  was  burning  out  my  political  ambitions  by  serving 
as  justice  of  the  peace  under  the  fee  system  in  a  community  then 
notorious  for  its  reverence  of  law.  I  acknowledge  my  extended 
acquaintance  in  the  community,  for  I  had  been  reared  there,  pre 
sided  over  a  preparatory  academy  that  attracted  scores  of  pupils 
from  as  many  families,  and  had  a  weakness  for  driving  over  the  hills 
of  one  of  the  prettiest  spots  on  the  map  instead  of  groaning  over 
a  fifty  to  one  shot  while  waiting  for  business  as  a  'squire.' 

44  McKinley  was  'Major'  to  the  misses  and  'Billy'  to  the 
political  rustlers.  \Yhile  he  did  not  adopt  the  traditional  methods 
of  the  popular  campaigner,  he  was  one  of  the  most  effective  in  this 
line  of  activity  that  I  ever  encountered.  He  did  not  toss  the  babies 
in  the  air  and  kiss  them  on  the  rebound.  He  did  not  tell  stories  to 
the  voters  or  run  the  risk  of  'jollying'  them  beyond  their  actual 
worth.  But  there  was  an  insinuating  personality  that  it  is  difficult 
to  describe.  He  could  find  a  seat  on  the  top  of  a  stake-and-rider 
fence  as  though  he  had  always  been  accustomed  to  it.  A  blade  of 
grass  or  straw  always  found  its  way  to  his  mouth,  and  the  act  made 
the  farmer  feel  the  presence  of  a  congenial  spirit.  The  major's 
smile,  breaking  over  a  beautiful  set  of  teeth,  was  worth  an  election 
in  a  close  district,  and  there  was  always  a  suggestion  of  reserve 
force  that  was  more  impressive  than  any  amount  of  talk  could  have 
been. 


430  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  INCIDENTS 

"When  the  old  soldiers  saw  the  broad-brimmed  slouch  hat 
turned  back  from  an  expansive  forehead  and  a  magnetic  pair  of 
eyes  that  beamed  the  strongest  ties  of  comradeship,  they  were  up 
in  arms  for  McKinley  and  no  second  choice.  They  dropped  every 
thing  else  to  help  fight  his  battle.  And  it  must  not  be  inferred 
that  his  lack  of  effusiveness  was  attended  by  a  lack  of  effectiveness. 
To  the  farmer  he  talked  about  the  tariff  on  wool,  to  the  laboring 
man  about  the  protection  with  which  he  would  be  surrounded,  and 
to  the  manufacturer  about  the  advantages  that  could  be  secured  to 
them  only  through  Republican  control  of  national  affairs.  Right 
or  wrong,  his  words  carried  conviction,  and  how  well  he  made 
them  good  when  he  fathered  the  bill  bearing  his  name  is  a  matter 
of  history. 

"  No  cleaner  man,  in  every  sense  of  the  word,  ever  came  to  the 
public  view.  Even  in  the  heat  of  a  political  fight  he  never  uttered 
a  sentiment  nor  a  sentence  unfit  for  publication  or  for  use  in  a 
model  home.  His  self-containment  was  phenomenal  and  his  voice 
never  betrayed  passion  or  menace.  It  ever  had  a  pleasing  conver 
sational  tone,  except  when  emphasis  was  required  from  the  stump. 
He  was  never  bitter  or  unfair  even  in  the  secrecy  of  political  con 
ference,  clearly  denoting  that  what  many  have  designated  as  diplo 
macy  was  a  part  of  the  man's  nature.  He  would  address  a  dozen 
farmers  in  a  district  schoolhouse  with  the  same  care  and  detail  as 
he  did  his  audiences  of  thousands,  and  nothing  could  have  been 
more  conscientious  than  the  manner  in  which  he  made  every 
engagement,  even  though  its  bearing  upon  his  prospects  could  be 
but  slight. 

MCKINLEY    LOSES    HIS    HAT 

"  While  he  was  speaking  in  a  school-house  in  one  of  the  few 
Democratic  districts  of  the  county,  some  one  hid  his  hat,  and  it 
required  fifteen  minutes  after  the  meeting  to  find  it  in  the  wood 
box  under  some  beech  chunks.  During  the  Minneapolis  conven 
tion,  which  I  reported  for  the  Free  Press,  McKinley  presided  at 
one  stage  of  the  proceedings,  during  which  an  attempt  was  made  by 


CHARACTERISTICS  AND  INCIDENTS  431 

Foraker  and  Ambler,  of  the  Ohio  delegation,  to  start  a  movement 
for  his  nomination  to  the  Presidency.  His  protest  was  prompt 
and  earnest,  but  would  not  have  availed  had  his  own  State  been 
able  to  swing  the  convention.  In  the  excitement  of  the  event  he 
forgot  at  adjournment  where  he  had  left  his  hat,  and  as  I 
approached  him  from  the  reporters'  table  he  quickly  remarked  : 
1  Remember  when  I  lost  my  hat  down  in  Wayne  Township, 
squire,'  and  then  laughed,  as  staid  men  will  over  their  earlier 
recollections. 

"  The  best  impressions  now  given  of  McKinley's  character  are 
those  that  I  formed  when  his  national  career  was  yet  to  be  made, 
and  when  I  was  with  him  as  an  incident  of  local  politics.  There 
was  an  attraction  in  his  dignity  and  reserve,  for  they  were  accom 
panied  by  a  democracy  of  speech  and  action  such  as  would  mark  a 
paradox  in  a  man  less  consistent  and  tactful.  He  was  always 
approachable,  and  had  a  faculty  of  making  friends  who  remained 
friends.  He  grew  constantly  in  the  stature  of  statesmanship  and 
broadened  his  distinguishing  views  as  the  development  of  the 
country  demanded,  but  to  the  end  he  maintained  the  same  calm 
courage,  the  same  personal  attractions,  the  same  virtues  of  private 
life  that  marked  him  when  he  first  aspired  to  Congress." 

HOW    THE    PRESIDENT    TRANSACTED    STATE    BUSINESS 

In  a  recent  number  of  the  Independent,  Albert  Halstead  contri 
butes  an  interesting  article,  entitled  "The  President  at  Work," 
which  gives  a  good  insight  into  Mr.  McKinley's  business  habits  : 

"  The  President  is  methodical,  completing  each  day's  task  as  it 
comes  to  him.  He  does  not  postpone  business  from  day  to  day 
until,  with  a  dash  of  determination  and  despair,  he  rushes  through 
it  hastily  and  carelessly.  He  has  the  important  executive  faculty 
of  making  others  work  for  him.  He  knows  how  to  direct,  to  place 
responsibility  on  other  shoulders ;  not  that  he  avoids  it,  but  that 
while  making  decisions  and  outlining  policies  himself,  he  leaves  the 
drudgery  to  others.  This  relieves  him  of  much  routine  that  would 


432  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  INCIDENTS 

weary  and  prevent  him  from  paying  the  faithful  attention  to  affairs 
which  a  successful  administration  requires. 

"  President  McKinley  is  not  naturally  combative.  He  prefers 
to  employ  peaceful  rather  than  aggressive  methods  in  the  accom 
plishment  of  an  object.  He  never  fights  unless  circumstances  force 
it ;  yet  he  dominates  always,  and  when  a  policy  is  determined  upon, 
it  is  carried  out.  He  has  often  been  pictured  as  yielding,  but  that 
is  unjust.  When  he  has  a  purpose  in  view  it  matters  not  to  him 
whether  he  wins  what  might  be  termed  a  personal  victory,  so  long 
as  the  purpose  is  accomplished.  He  uses  tact,  is  courteous  and 
considerate  at  all  times  and  avoids  enmities.  This  is  both  natural 
and  a  matter  of  policy,  a  course  far  more  successful  in  the  long  run 
than  aggression. 

HI..     FREQUENT    CONSULTATIONS 

"  The  President  consults  unreservedly  with  his  Cabinet  on  all 
important  questions,  with  Congressional  leaders  of  both  parties  and 
with  prominent  men  throughout  the  country,  giving  due  weight  to 
all  judgments  and  opinions.  He  keeps  in  close  touch  with  public 
sentiment  in  this  way  and  by  reading  the  newspapers  thoroughly. 
He  is,  certainly,  not  self-opinionated,  and  yet  he  is  self-confident, 
and  has  an  exact  measure  of  his  own  abilities.  He  invariably  listens 
to  arguments,  hears  all  sides  of  a  question,  then  makes  up  his  mind 
and  acts  accordingly.  Perhaps  he  might  be  called  a  harmonizer. 
This  quality  is  seen  in  the  unity  and  solidity  of  his  party.  He  is 
its  acknowledged  and  undisputed  leader,  and  it  has  never  been 
more  effective  or  harmonious.  In  his  Cabinet  are  men  selected  for 
their  intellectual  force  and  especial  capacities,  men  of  strong  individ 
ualities  and  vigorous  opinions.  They  are  his  counselors,  but  he  is 
the  dominant  force.  He  advises  with  them  fully,  but  when  a  deci 
sion  is  reached  it  is  his;  and  it  is  he,  the  President,  who  acts.  The 
Cabinet  is  always  in  harmony  with  the  determination  that  has  been 
reached.  This  absence  of  Cabinet  dissension  shows  the  persuasive 
yet  determined  President,  whose  arguments  have  brought  conviction. 


CHARACTERISTICS  AND  INCIDENTS  433 

Each  Cabinet  officer  is  supreme  in  his  department,  but  is  held 
to  strict  account  for  its  work.  And  the  policies  of  those  depart 
ments  are,  to  a  surprising  degree,  inspired  by  the  President,  who  is 
fully  informed  of  their  needs  and  the  duties  of  each  official. 

HIS    PERSONAL    DIGNITY 

"One  of  Mr.  McKinley's  striking  characteristics  is  his  personal 
dignity.  No  one  ever  slaps  him  on  the  back  or  becomes  familiar; 
nor  does  any  one  tell  a  doubtful  story  in  his  presence.  He  is 
courteous  and  affable,  friendly  and  at  times  jovial,  yet  ever  by  his 
bearing  requiring  the  fullest  respect  and  consideration  for  the  great 
office  he  occupies.  He  never  forgets  that  it  is  due  to  the  people 
who  elected  him  to  preserve  and  even  increase  the  dignity  of  his 
office.  Despite  his  unexpressed  demand  that  respect  be  shown  him 
as  President,  he  is  most  approachable,  simple  in  his  tastes,  absolutely 
unaffected,  detesting  pomp  and  ostentation.  He  always  realizes 
his  responsibility  to  the  people,  and  their  claims  on  him.  He  is 
clear-minded,  conscientious  and  earnest,  a  model  husband  and 
typical  Christian  American.  His  ambition  is  to  perform  his  duty 
faithfully,  to  protect  and  advance  the  nation's  best  interests,  to 
support  its  highest  traditions,  and  to  promote  the  general  welfare. 

AIDED    BY    CORTELYOU 

"  While  the  Presidency  is,  of  necessity,  a  laborious  office,  its 
cares  may  be  much  lessened  if  the  secretary  to  the  President  is 
capable  and  diplomatic,  able  to  relieve  his  chief  of  many  burdens,  a 
good  counselor,  who  is  broad  and  big  enough  mentally  to  make  an 
efficient  Cabinet  officer.  President  McKinley  has  such  a  man  in 
George  B.  Cortelyou,  who  is  not  only  his  secretary,  but  his  trusted 
friend.  Though  a  staunch  Republican,  Mr.  Cortelyou  was  not 
selected  through  political  influence,  but  because  he  had  proven  him 
self  efficient  and  trustworthy.  •  In  this  difficult  position  he  makes 
friends  rather  than  enemies  for  the  President.  He  is  the  most 
popular  secretary  who  has  served  a  President  in  a  quarter  of  a 


434  CHARACTERISTICS  AND  INCIDENTS 

century.  When  it  is  remembered  how  many  people  he  must  dis 
appoint  each  day ;  that  he  must  tell  the  newspaper  correspondents 
what  they  should  know  without  seeming  to  suppress  information  ; 
that  he  must  remember  every  public  man  he  has  ever  met  ;  that  he 
must  be  quick  to  grasp  what  each  caller  wants  and  be  fully  informed 
on  every  subject,  and  that  he  must  be  the  buffer  between  the  Presi 
dent  and  the  public,  it  becomes  apparent  that  unusual  talents  are 
required  of  him.  Mr.  Cortelyou  has  earned  the  President's  con 
fidence,  and  he  does  more  executive  work  than  any  previous  secre 
tary.  He  has  been  so  successful  in  systematizing  the  work  of  his 
office  that  it  is  better  and  more  promptly  done  than  ever  before. 

VOLUMINOUS     CORRESPONDENCE 

The  extent  of  President  McKinley's  correspondence  can  be 
appreciated  from  the  fact  that  400,000  communications  were 
received  and  disposed  of  at  the  executive  offices  in  his  first  term. 
Mr.  Cortelyou,  with  a  force  composed  almost  exclusively  of 
stenographers,  who  read  each  other's  notes  with  facility,  has  dis 
pensed  with  an  immense  amount  of  unnecessary  work.  When  a 
letter  or  document  is  received,  a  memorandum,  to  show  what  is  to 
be  done  with  it,  is  written  in  shorthand  in  its  upper  left-hand 
corner.  This  is  kept  on  the  paper  until  it  comes  back  to  the  secre 
tary  for  approval.  A  letter  is  then  written  by  a  clerk  in  conformity 
with  the  memorandum.  Thus  in  most  of  the  correspondence  there 
is  no  dictation.  A  '  precedent  index '  prepared  by  Secretary 
Cortelyou,  covering  practically  every  case  that  is  likely  to  arise, 
serves  as  a  guide  to  the  clerks  in  answering  correspondence  and 
lessens  the  work  materially.  When  a  letter  is  of  sufficient  import 
ance  to  be  filed  in  the  executive  offices,  the  shorthand  notes  are 
preserved  with  it,  so  the  exact  action  taken  can  be  learned  at  a 
glance.  Every  important  paper  is  briefed  in  typewriting,  and 
when  necessary  the  brief  is  filed  with  the  papers,  giving  an  accu 
rate  record. 


2 

O 

51 

SI 


D  •* 


CHARACTERISTICS  AND  INCIDENTS  437 

"Appreciating  the  importance  of  expediting  business,  Mr. 
Cortelyou  prepared  and  had  printed  a  number  of  endorsement 
pasters,  which  are  attached  to  papers  referred  to  other  departments. 
Consequently  when  a  communication  comes  to  the  White  House 
that  should  go  to  the  Department  of  State  a  paster  referring  it 
there  is  attached  and,  thus  endorsed,  it  is  forwarded.  A  rule  of 
the  executive  offices  requires  that  the  work  of  each  desk  be  finished 
on  the  day  of  its  receipt.  This  prevents  an  accumulation  of  work 
and  keeps  it  up  to  date. 

"  When  the  President  makes  a  journey,  his  secretary  and 
several  members  of  the  White  House  clerical  force  accompany  him. 
All  speeches  made  on  the  trip  are  reported  stenographically. 
Copies  are  furnished  the  newspaper  men  with  the  party,  and  a 
special  copy  is  preserved  for  the  office  records.  Telegraphers  from 
the  office  force  are  also  with  the  President,  and  he  is  kept  in  con 
stant  touch  with  Washington.  The  'war  room,'  where  several 
telegraphers  are  always  on  duty,  puts  the  President  in  communica 
tion  with  every  part  of  the  world.  Here  cipher  dispatches  are 
received  and  he  is  kept  advised  of  every  important  event.  With 
such  a  system,  so  much  work  and  such  a  force,  there  is  no  idling  in 
the  executive  offices." 


CHAPTER   XXVIII 

The    Assassin    and    the    Anarchists 

IT  is  unfortunate  that  the  name  of  an  assassin  must  be  linked  with 
that  of  his  victim,  and   in   that  way  perpetuated  ;  yet  we  are 

sure  that  whenever  mentioned  it  will  be  only  with  reprobation 
for  his  conduct  and  to  hold  up  his  name  to  execration.  Such  were 
the  names  of  the  assassins  of  Lincoln  and  Garfield,  and  the  story 
of  this  awful  tragedy  by  which  William  McKinley  was  so  suddenly 
taken  off  brings  into  prominence  another  name  which  will  likewise 
be  execrated. 

Czolgosz,  the  name  of  the  man  who  shot  President  McKinley, 
offers  a  lingual  problem  to  nine-tenths  of  those  who  attempt  to  pro 
nounce  it.  It  is  one  of  those  names  which  the  English  alphabet 
cannot  spell  phonetically,  and  which  the  average  English-speaking 
person  stumbles  over  in  trying  to  express  after  hearing  it  spoken 
by  a  Russian.  Written  according  to  its  sound,  the  name  of 
Czolgosz,  or  its  nearest  equivalent,  is  "  Tchollgosch,"  or,  more 
broadly  speaking,  4<  Schollgosch." 

The  former  pronunciation  is  given  by  one  who  is  familiar 
with  the  varied  dialects  in  Polish  Russia,  from  whence  the  parents 
of  Leon  Czolgosz  came  to  this  country. 

"  Cz  "  is  represented  in  the  Russian  alphabet  by  a  character 
which  is  pronounced  much  the  .same  as  though  one  were  suppress 
ing  a  sneeze — "  tch."  The  next  two  letters — "ol"-— are  pro 
nounced  in  combination  as  though  written  "  oil,"  and  the  remaining 
letters  of  the  name — "gosz  " — may  be  given  the  sound  of  "gosch." 

Leon  Czolgosz,  the  self-avowed  disciple  of  Emma  Goldman  and 
the  other  radical  anarchist  leaders,  who  shot  President  McKinley, 
insisted  from  the  very  first  moment  he  was  taken   into  custody, 
438 


THE  ASSASSIN  AND  THE  ANARCHISTS  439 

that  he  alone  was  responsible  for  his  crime.  He  stated  that  he  had 
talked  the  matter  over  in  advance  in  a  general  way  with  his  friends, 
but  that  he  was  not  advised  by  them,  and  that  there  was  no  plot  or 
conspiracy  to  take  the  life  of  the  President  in  which  any  one  else 
took  a  part.  He  declined  to  furnish  the  names  of  the  men  with 
whom  he  discussed  the  crime. 

Czolgosz  was  subjected  to  six  hours  of  examination  and  ques 
tioning  at  the  hands  of  the  police  officials.  This  lengthy  examin 
ation  proved  to  be  fruitless,  save  in  so  far  as  his  own  individual 
fate  was  concerned,  for  while  he  told  nothing  that  would  implicate 
any  one  else  in  his  crime,  he  went  over  the  scene  at  the  Temple  of 
Music,  when  he  shot  the  President,  again  and  again,  completing  a 
confession  as  ample  as  the  law  ever  exacted.  He  even  went  to  the 
extent  of  illustrating  to  the  officers  the  manner  in  which  he  shot 
the  President,  and  told  with  manifest  pride  how  he  had  deceived 
the  President  and  his  detective  protectors  with  the  bandaged  hand 
that  held  the  revolver. 

CZOLGOSZ    MAKES    A    STATEMENT 

The  following  is  a  statement  that  the  assassin  is  reported  as 
having  made  upon  his  examination  before  the  police  of  Buffalo  : 

"  I  was  born  in  Detroit  nearly  twenty-nine  years  ago.  My 
parents  were  Russian  Poles.  They  came  here  forty-two  years  ago. 
I  got  my  education  in.  the  public  schools  of  Detroit,  and  then  went 
to  Cleveland,  where  I  got  work.  In  Cleveland  I  read  books  on 
socialism  and  met  a  great  many  socialists.  I  \vas  pretty  well  known 
as  a  socialist  in  the  West.  After  being  in  Cleveland  several  years, 
I  went  to  Chicago,  where  I  remained  several  months,  after  which  I 
went  to  Newburg,  on  the  outskirts  of  Cleveland,  and  went  to  work 
in  the  Newburg  wire  mills. 

"  During  the  last  five  years  I  have  had  as  friends  anarchists  in 
Chicago,  Cleveland,  Detroit  and  other  Western  cities,  and  I  sup 
pose  I  became  more  or  less  bitter.  Yes,  I  know  I  was  bitter.  I 
never  had  much  luck  at  anything,  and  this  preyed  upon  me.  It 
made  me  morose  and  envious,  but  what  started  the  craze  to  kill 


440  THE  ASSASSIN  AND  THE  ANARCHISTS 

was  a  lecture  I  heard  some  little  time  ago  by  Emma  Goldman. 
She  was  in  Cleveland,  and  I  and  other  anarchists  went  to  hear 
her.  She  set  me  on  fire. 

"  Her  doctrine  that  all  rulers  should  be  exterminated  was  what 
set  me  to  thinking,  so  that  my  head  nearly  split  with  the  pain. 
Miss  Goldman's  words  went  right  through  me,  and  when  I  left  the 
lecture,  I  had  made  up  my  mind  that  I  would  have  to  do  something 
heroic  for  the  cause  I  loved. 

u  Eight  days  ago,  while  I  was  in  Chicago,  I  read  in  a  Chicago 
newspaper  of  President  McKinley's  visit  to  the  Pan-American  Expo 
sition  at  Buffalo.  That  day  I  bought  a  ticket  for  Buffalo,  and  got 
there  with  a  determination  to  do  something,  but  I  did  not  know  just 
what.  I  thought  of  shooting  the  President,  but  I  had  not  formed 
a  plan. 

"  1  went  to  live  at  No.  1078  Broadway,  which  is  a  saloon  and 
hotel.  John  Nowak,  a  Pole,  a  sort  of  politican,  who  has  led  his 
people  here  for  years,  owns  it.  I  told  Nowak  that  I  came  to  see 
the  fair.  He  knew  nothing  about  what  was  setting  me  crazy.  I 
went  to  the  Exposition  grounds  a  couple  of  times  a  day. 

"  Not  until  Tuesday  morning  did  the  resolution  to  shoot  the 
President  take  a  hold  of  me.  It  was  in  my  heart ;  there  was  no 
escape  for  me.  I  could  not  have  conquered  it  had  my  life  been  at 
stake.  There  were  thousands  of  people  in  town  on  Tuesday.  I 
heard  it  was  President's  Day.  All  those  people  seemed  bowing  to 
the  great  ruler.  I  made  up  my  mind  to  kill  that  ruler.  I  bought 
a  32-calibre  revolver  and  loaded  it. 

"  On  Tuesday  night  I  went  to  the  fair  grounds,  and  was  near 
the  railroad  gate  when  the  Presidential  party  arrived.  I  tried  to 
get  near  him,  but  the  police  forced  me  back.  I  was  close  to  the 
President  when  he  got  into  the  grounds,  but  was  afraid  to  attempt 
the  assassination,  because  there  were  so  many  men  in  the  body 
guard  that  watched  him.  I  was  not  afraid  of  them,  or  that  I  would 
get  hurt,  but  afraid  I  might  be  seized  and  that  my  chance  would  be 
gone  forever. 


THE  ASSASSIN  AND  THE  ANARCHISTS  441 

"  Well,  he  went  away  that  time,  and  I  went  home.  On 
Wednesday  I  went  to  the  grounds  and  stood  right  near  the  Presi 
dent,  right  under  him,  near  the  stand  from  which  he  spoke. 

"  I  thought  half  a  dozen  times  of  shooting  while  he  was  speak 
ing,  but  I  could  not  get  close  enough.  I  was  afraid  I  might  miss  ; 
and,  then,  the  great  crowd  was  always  jostling,  and  I  was~afraid  lest 
my  aim  fail.  I  waited  until  Thursday,  and  the  President  got  into 
his  carriage  again,  and  a  lot  of  men  were  about  him  and  formed  a 
cordon  that  I  could  not  get  through.  I  was  tossed  about  by  the 

&  o  J 

crowd,  and  my  spirits  were  getting  pretty  low.  I  was  almost  hope 
less  that  night  as  I  went  home. 

"  Yesterday  morning  I  went  again  to  the  Exposition  grounds. 
Emma  Goldman's  speech  was  still  burning  me  up.  I  waited  near 
the  central  entrance  for  the  President,  who  was  to  board  his  special 
train  from  that  gate,  but  the  police  allowed  nobody  but  the  Presi 
dent's  party  to  pass  out  while  the  train  waited.  So  I  stayed  at  the 
grounds  all  day  waiting. 

"  During  yesterday  I  first  thought  of  hiding  my  pistol  under 
my  handkerchief.  I  was  afraid  if  I  had  to  draw  it  from  my  pocket 
I  would  be  seized  by  the  guards.  I  got  to  the  Temple  of  Music 
the  first  one,  and  waited  at  the  spot  where  the  reception  was  to 
be  held. 

"  Then  he  came — the  President — the  ruler — and  I  got  in  line 
and  trembled  and  trembled,  until  I  got  right  up  to  him,  and  then  I 
shot  him  twice  through  my  white  handkerchief.  I  would  have  fired 
more,  but  I  was  stunned  by  a  blow  in  the  face — a  frightful  blow 
that  knocked  me  down — and  then  everybody  jumped  on  me.  I 
thought  I  would  be  killed,  and  was  surprised  at  the  way  they 
treated  me." 

Immediately  upon  the  arrest  of  the  assassin  of  President 
McKinley  and  the  news  that  it  was  an  attempt  of  anarchists,  active 
and  strenuous  measures  were  taken  to  ferret  out  the  conspiracy,  if 
there  were  any,  and  to  arrest  the  conspirators.  Immediately,  in 
Chicago,  111.,  Paterson,  N.  J.,  and  other  large  cities,  the  police 
25 


442  THE  ASSASSIN  AND  THE  ANARCHISTS 

located  suspicious  characters  and  those  affiliated  with  anarchistic 
organizations.  In  Chicago  nine  men  were  arrested  and  lodged  in 
jail  upon  very  strong  suspicion  that  they  had  criminal  knowledge 
at  least  of  the  crime.  Emma  Goldman,  whom  the  assassin  had 
named  as  the  author  of  writings  and  speeches  by  which  he  was 
inflamed,  was  also  arrested  and  held  to  answer  to  the  charge  of 
inciting  to  murder,  but  was  later  discharged  for  lack  of  evidence. 

ANARCHY    AND    ANARCHISTS    IN    CHICAGO 

The  circumstances  surrounding  the  arrest  in  Chicago  of 
Emma  Goldman,  the  high  priestess  of  Anarchy,  and  nine  of  her 
followers  recall  the  anarchistic  affairs  in  which  Chicago  has  had 
part  in  the  past.  In  the  circumstances,  the  following  review  of 
the  course  of  the  Chicago  group,  so  far  as  known  to  the  police 
and  to  the  public,  will  not  be  uninteresting  at  this  time  : 

The  conspiracy  which  culminated  in  the  blaze  of  dynamite  and 
the  murder  of  policemen  on  the  night  of  May  4,  1886,  had  its 
origin  far  away  from  Chicago,  and  under  a  social  system  very  dif 
ferent  from  ours.  Anarchy  in  Chicago  is  the  direct  result  of  social 
revolt  in  Europe,  which,  under  more  lax  laws  and  a  greater  freedom 
of  press  and  speech,  has  been  able  to  develop  to  a  degree  impos 
sible  in  the  Old  World. 

Chicago  has  well  been  named  "the  hotbed  of  Anarchy,"  for, 
after  the  enactment  of  the  stringent  laws  in  Germany  against  social 
democracy  and  the  determined  opposition  of  Prince  Bismarck,  as 
well  as  laws  passed  and  precautions  taken  in  other  European  coun 
tries,  the  exodus  to  the  United  States  began,  and  Chicago,  unfor 
tunately,  seemed  to  be  chosen  as  the  favored  abiding-place  of 
Anarchy,  notwithstanding  its  public  sentiment,  which  was  strongly 
against  such  a  state  of  affairs. 

Even  the  sudden  awakening  that  occurred  in  1873  was  little 
more  than  political  froth,  but  it  had  its  lasting  effect,  however 
small.  It  was  about  this  time  that  the  movement  for  an  eight-hour 
day  began.  The  communists  in  the  East  began  the  agitation. 


THE  ASSASSIN  AND  THE  ANARCHISTS  443 

This  was  taken  up  with  added  zest  in  Chicago,   and  culminated  in 
the  " bread  riots"  and  other  disgraceful  proceedings. 

The  first  point  of  attack  was  the  Relief  and  Aid  Society, 
which  was  helping  the  destitute.  The  communists  asserted  that 
they  had  $600,000  which  was  being  misappropriated.  In  December 
a  procession  formed  and  a  committee  called  on  the  officers  of  the 
Aid  Society,  but  did  not  receive  an  interview.  This  incensed  them 
so  that  violence  was  resorted  to,  and  a  full-fledged  anarchist  society 
was  the  result,  with  a  number  of  well  known  "  Reds"  as  officers  and 
leaders. 

CLAMORING    FOR    BLOOD 

The  next  step  was  to  gain  control  of  a  German  daily  paper. 
This  at  first  failed,  but  by  the  end  of  four  or  five  years  one  was 
started,  which  became  so  rabid  later  as  to  be  the  real  instigator  of 
the  Haymarket  riot.  The  organization  was  fast  drifting  away  from 
its  methods  of  peace  for  bringing  about  reforms,  and  had  already 
begun  to  clamor  for  blood. 

A  secret  meeting  was  held,  where  a  declaration  of  principles 
was  adopted.  This  was  followed  by  others,  and  on  July  25,  1877, 
a  fight  between  the  communists  took  place  near  the  Halsted 
Street  viaduct;  coming  closely  after  the  accession  to  power  of 
Parsons  and  Schilling  as  leaders  of  the  "Reds." 

The  communists  lay  dormant  for  some  time  after  this,  and 
the  next  notable  step  was  the  purchase  of  the  Arbeiter  Ze^ing, 
which  became  the  official  organ  of  anarchy.  Shortly  after  June 
1 6,  1878,  another  paper  was  started,  known  as  The  Alarm,  with 
Albert  Parsons  as  editor. 

After  the  second  election  of  Carter  H.  Harrison,  Sr.,  as  Mayor 
the  communists  let  politics  entirely  alone,  and  began  to  depend 
solely  on  force  to  gain  their  point.  Military  companies  began  to  be 
formed,  and  rifle  practice  was  the  order  of  the  day.  Processions 
filled  the  streets,  and  women  standard-bearers,  carrying  red  and 
black  banners,  invariably  headed  the  columns.  One  of  the  most 
notable  of  these  took  place  on  Tuesday  night,  April  28,  1885,  on 


444  THE  ASSASSIN  AND  THE  ANARCHISTS 

the  occasion  of  the  opening  of  the  new  Board  of  Trade  building. 
Fielden  and  Parsons  held  an  open-air  meeting,  and  gathered 
together  2,000  of  their  followers,  and,  headed  by  a  brass  band, 
marched  through  the  principal  thoroughfares  Winding  up  in  front 
of  the  Board  of  Trade,  they  indulged  in  a  fight  with  the  police  and 
then  withdrew. 

For  inspiration  the  Chicago  anarchists  were  wont  to  look  to 
Rensdorf,  who  attempted  the  life  of  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  and 
his  accomplices,  Hceclel  and  Nobling,  who  were  executed  with  him, 
were  reverenced  as  martyrs.  Herr  Most  now  began  to  figure  as  a 
bright  star  in  the  firmament.  February  16,  1886,  was  the  day  on 
which  the  movement  which  culminated  in  the  murder  of  eight 
policemen  and  the  maiming  of  a  large  number  more  at  Haymarket 
Square  may  be  said  to  have  been  born.  On  this  day  occurred  the 
lockout  at  the  McCormick  Harvester  Works. 

WITH    RIFLES    AND    BOMBS 

On  February  27th,  and  March  3d,  meetings  were  held  at 
Grief's  Hall,  and  140  men  set  out  from  this  hall  armed  with  rifles, 
revolvers  and  bombs,  with  a  determination  to  prevent  the  "scabs," 
who  were  then  operating  the  McCormick  plant,  from  going  to  work. 
The  waylaying  of  men  on  their  way  to  work  now  began,  and  a  little 
later  a  lively  battle  took  place  between  the  guards  at  the  gate,  the 
police  and  workmen,  combined  against  the  "  Reds,"  who  were 
determined  to  wreak  vengeance  on  all  who  were  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  fence.  The  anarchists  were  defeated,  but  a  large 
number  on  both  sides  went  away  with  broken  heads  and  some  with 
bullet  holes  in  their  bodies. 

Soon  after  the  riots  at  McCormick's  the  notorious  "  Revenge 
Circular  "  was  distributed.  On  May  4,  1886,  appeared  the  announce 
ment  of  the  mass  meeting  at  Haymarket  Square.  It  was  printed  in 
German  and  English,  and  announced  that  good  speakers  would 
denounce  the  atrocious  acts  of  the  police,  and  urged  all  workmen 
to  be  present.  That  night  a  meeting  was  held  in  a  cave  in  West 


THE  ASSASSIN  AND  THE  ANARCHISTS  445 

Lake  Street.  Here  Parsons,  Spies,  Ling  and  others  gave  out 
dynamite  bombs  and  perfected  the  scheme  for  the  overthrow  of  the 
city  government.  The  signal  for  action  was  the  lighting  of  a  huge 
bonfire  in  Wicker  Park.  Ling  was  the  manufacturer  of  the  bombs, 
and  he  carried  them  about  with  him  in  a  satchel. 

The  plan  adopted  for  action  was  to  cut  the  telegraph  wires 
(between  police  stations,  to  make  communication  impossible  ;  pro 
ceed  to  one  station  after  another  and  destroy  it  with  bombs  ;  to 
fire  buildings  on  the  way,  so  as  to  call  out  the  fire  department, 
to  prevent  its  being  called  on  to  suppress  the  riot,  and  to  kill  every 
policeman  they  came  in  contact  with.  The  meeting  was  to  be  held 
in  Haymarket  Square — a  widening  in  Randolph  Street,  between 
Halsted  and  Desplaines  Streets,  half  a  block  from  the  Desplaines 
Street  police  station.  Spies,  Schwab,  Fielden,  Parsons,  Fischer, 
Engel,  Ling  and  Neebe  were  to  speak  and  direct  the  movement 
of  the  rabble.  Spies,  Parsons  and  Fielden  were  late,  but  the  mob 
stood  patiently  in  the  falling  rain  waiting  for  them.  Finally  they 
arrived,  and  each  in  turn  made  an  inflammatory  speech.  Part  of 
the  plot  had  come  to  the  ears  of  the  police,  and  because  of  the 
complaints  from  residents  and  the  general  uneasiness  of  the  police 
officials  every  m,an  was  on  reserve. 

THE    HAYMARKET    MURDERS 

As  the  rabble  increased  and  became  more  demonstrative  and 
uneasy,  it  was  deemed  best  that  a  detachment  of  policemen  be  sent 
to  disperse  it.  Lieutenant  Bonfield  deserves  the  credit  of  the  coup 
which  prevented  the  carrying  out  of  the  anarchists'  plan.  On  his 
own  responsibility  he  formulated  a  plan,  kept  every  man  on 
reserve,  and  when  the  right  time  came,  Captain  William  Ward  set 
out  with  his  men  to  disperse  the  mob. 

At  the  head  of  a  column  of  "bluecoats,"  he  marched  up  to  the 
barrel  on  which  Fielden  stood  and  commanded  him  to  desist. 
Turning  about,  he  commanded  the  crowd  to  disperse.  Suddenly 
a  terrific  explosion  occurred.  A  dynamite  bomb  had  been  flung 


446  THE  ASSASSIN  AND  THE  ANARCHISTS 

into  the  group  of  policemen.  Eight  of  them  were  killed  and  sixty- 
nine  injured.  Immediately  following  the  explosion  the  discharge 
of  small  arms  began,  Lieutenant  Bonfield  rallied  his  men,  and  the 
anarchists  were  scattered  in  every  direction.  Fielden,  on  the  appear 
ance  of  the  police,  drew  a  revolver,  fired  from  under  cover  and  fled. 
Parsons  was  waiting  in  a  saloon  for  the  explosion.  He  also  fled. 

Fischer  and  Spies,  the  anarchists,  got  away  from  the  scene  of 
action  as  soon  as  they  could.  Ling,  Engle  and  Neebe  were  also 
not  to  be  found.  How  many  in  the  mob  were  killed  or  wounded 
or  afterward  died  of  their  injuries  it  is  impossible  to  tell. 
That  a  large  number  paid  dearly  for  their  attendance  at  that 
treasonable  gathering  is  certain,  but  the  wounds  of  many  were 
hidden  and  the  deaths  of  others  covered  up. 

The  discovery  of  quantities  of  bombs,  dynamite  and  arms 
under  sidewalks,  in  lumber  yards,  and  other  places  plainly  showed 
that  concerted  action  had  been  determined  on.  The  sensational 
capture  of  Ling  by  Captain  Scheuttler,  and  his  subsequent 
suicide ;  the  flight  and  return  of  Parsons,  the  long  trial,  the 
speeches,  the  sentence,  the  appeal,  the  new  sentence,  the  appeal 
to  the  Supreme  Court  to  interfere,  the  sentences  commuted,  the 
alarm  and  excitement  preceding  November  11,  1887,  the  suicide  of 
Ling  by  blowing  off  his  head  with  a  bomb,  and  the  execution  of 
Parsons  and  Spies  and  Schwab  on  the  above  date,  need  only  to 
be  mentioned. 

RECENT    PLOTTINGS    IN    CHICAGO 

From  the  closing  of  the  Haymarket  case  until  the  present  day 
anarchists  in  Chicago  remained  in  a  dormant  state,  although  at 
times  they  asserted  themselves.  Up  to  the  time  of  the  assas 
sination  of  King  Humbert  of  Italy  the  anarchists  all  over  the 
world  had  been  working  for  the  building  up  of  their  organization. 
They  had  expended  their  efforts  in  making  converts,  in  educating 
leaders,  and  had  given  not  a  little  attention  to  training  up  children 
in  the  disbelief  in  law,  order  and  religion.  Chicago  was  the 


ASSASSIN  AND  THE  ANARCHISTS  447 

great  meeting-place  of  the  anarchists,  and  supplied  the  literature 
that  went  out  to  the  world. 

The  assassination  of  King  Humbert,  July,  1900,  was  the  most 
fiendish  act  of  the  anarchists  up  to  that  time  after  the  Haymarket 
riot.  Bresci,  who  committed  the  deed,  was  from  Paterson,  N.  J., 
yet  he  was  not  unknown  to  the  anarchists  in  Chicago,  and  it  is 
suspected  that  funds  were  raised  there  to  send  him  to  Italy  to 
murder  the  ruler  of  that  country. 

The  plot  said  to  have  been  discovered  for  the  killing  of  the 
heads  of  five  governments  seems  to  have  originated  in  Chicago. 
Czolgosz,  the  assassin  of  President  McKinley,  was  believed  to 
have  been  in  Chicago  only  a  short  time  before  he  committed  the 
deed.  In  jail  in  Chicago  there  were  lodged  nine  anarchists  accused 
of  being  conspirators  with  him ;  and  it  was  there  that  Emma 
Goldman  lectured  and  was  afterward  captured.  Chicago  is  the  city 
where  The  Fire  Brand,  the  official  organ  of  the  anarchists,  is 
published.  From  Chicago  have  emanated  teachings  that  have 
fairly  set  the  world  afire.  It  has  been  the  scene  of  the  greatest 
anarchistic  demonstration  and  wholesale  murder  in  history.  And 
when  the  police  of  the  whole  country  and  the  United  States 
Secret  Service  were  working  to  place  the  guilt  for  the  murder  of 
President  McKinley,  Chicago  again  proved  to  be  a  hotbed  of 
anarchistic  sentiment. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 

Czolgosz  Pays  the  Penalty 

WE  propose  to  make  this  chapter  brief,  for  the  trial  of  the  assas 
sin  was  brief,  yet,  dignified  and  solemn.    Justice  was  rendered 
surely  and  swiftly.     All  the  forms  of  law  were  complied 
with,  as  would  have  been  done  for  the  slayer  of  the  humblest  citizen. 

First  was  the  indictment  before  the  grand  jury.  Czolgosz  was 
arrainged  in  court  on  September  i6th,  immediately  following  the 
death  of  his  victim. 

Bereft  of  the  power  of  speech,  white-faced,  haggard  and  dis 
heveled,  Leon  Czolgosz  stood  before  the  officers  of  the  law  to  answer 
for  the  crime  which  had  robbed  the  nation  of  a  noble  and  generous 
ruler.  Standing  at  the  bar  of  justice,  arraigned  on  the  charge  of  mur 
der,  this  blue-eyed,  mild-faced  youth  moved  his  lips  as  if  to  speak,  but 
no  sound  issued  forth.  There  was  the  shadow  of  hopeless  despair  in 
his  eyes,  and  on  his  brow  the  pallor  of  awful  terror,  for  what  he 
knew  he  could  not  escape.  Death  must  be  his  portion,  as  surely 
as  the  sea  of  faces  that  hemmed  him  in  showed  not  one  countenance 
with  a  sign  of  mercy  or  pity. 

When  brought  before  Justice  Edward  K.  Emory,  in  the 
County  Court  of  Buffalo,  Erie  County,  New  York,  the  prisoner 
stubbornly  refused  to  answer  questions  repeatedly  asked  of  him  by 
District  Attorney  Penney  as  to  whether  he  had  counsel  or  wanted 
counsel.  The  District  Attorney  then  suggested  that  inasmuch  as 
the  defendant  refused  to  answer  counsel  should  be  assigned.  Judge 
Emory  assigned  Lorin  N.  Lewis  and  Robert  C.  Titus,  former 
Supreme  Court  Justices  of  Buffalo,  whose  names  had  been  sug 
gested  by  the  Erie  County  Bar  Association. 
448 


UNIVERS 

OF 


CZOLGOSZ  PAYS  THE  PENALTY  449 

Aside  from  the  surgeons  and  physicians  in  the  case,  no  wit 
nesses  were  sworn  other  than  those  who  were  in  the  Temple  of 
Music  and  witnessed  the  shooting. 

Late  in  the  afternoon,  just  exactly  ten  days  after  the  shooting, 
the  Grand  Jury  voted  unanimously  to  indict  Czolgosz  for  murder  in 
the  first  degree,  and  the  indictment  was  presented  to  Judge  Emory 
in  the  County  Court. 

CZOLGOSZ    IN    COURT 

After  indictment  was  reported  the  prisoner  was  driven  from 
the  penitentiary,  a  mile  from  the  City  Hall,  to  the  jail  across  the 
street  from  the  hall.  Czolgosz  was  then  taken  under  strong  guard 
from  the  jail  through  the  tunnel  under  Delaware  Avenue  to  the 
basement  of  the  City  Hall  and  up  the  stairs  to  the  court-room  on 
the  second  floor. 

The  prisoner  was  shackled  to  a  detective  and  another  detective 
held  his  other  arm.  Assistant  Superintendent  Cusack  marched  in 
front  and  a  number  of  patrolmen  behind.  When  the  prisoner  was 
taken  before  the  bench  the  crowrd  in  the  court-room  surged  about 
him  on  all  sides.  They  were  compelled  to  resume  their  seats. 

Czolgosz  was  of  medium  height,  of  fairly  good  build,  and  had 
light  curly  hair,  but  a  ten  days'  growth  of  beard  on  his  face  gave 
him  an  unkempt  appearance.  Apparently  he  feigned  insanity,  not 
stupidity,  and  his  glance  roamed  about,  but  his  eyes  were  always 
downcast.  Not  once  did  he  look  the  county  prosecutor  or  the 
judge  in  the  face. 

Judge  Emory  asked  the  prisoner  if  he  had  counsel,  but  there 
was  no  answer,  despite  the  fact  that  the  peace  officers  told  him  the 
judge  was  speaking  and  that  he  must  answer.  Czolgosz  trembled 
like  a  leaf.  His  eyes  dilated  and  his  face  twitched  all  over.  Then 
his  eyes  wandered  to  the  steel  band  glistening  on  his  right  wrist. 

The  court  then  said  : 

"  Czolgosz,  you  having  appeared  for  arraignment  in  the  court, 
without  counsel,  the  law  makes  it  the  duty  of  the  court  to  assign 
counsel.  The  Bar  Association  of  your  county  has  considered  the 


450  CZOLGOSZ  PAYS  THE  PENALTY 

matter  and  suggested  the  names  of  certain  gentlemen  of  high  char 
acter  for  such  assignment.  The  court  has  seriously  considered  the 
question,  and  after  much  consideration  has  concluded  to  follow 
the  .suggestion  made  by  the  Association.  The  Court  therefore 
assigns  Lorin  L.  Lewis  and  Robert  C.  Titus  as  your  counsel." 

These  gentlemen,  both  distinguished  members  of  the  bar  and 
able  lawyers,  felt  it  their  duty  to  accept  the  commands  of  the  Court 
and  defend  the  prisoner.  This  insured  dignity  and  decorum  for 
the  trial. 

THE    TRIAL 

On  Monday,  September  23d,  the  assassin,  Leon  F.  Czolgosz, 
was  placed  upon  trial  in  Buffalo  charged  with  the  murder  of  Presi 
dent  William  McKinley.  He  entered  a  plea  of  "  guilty,"  which 
was  subsequently  changed  to  "not  guilty"  by  direction  of  the 
Court. 

The  Court  convened  at  10  o'clock,  and  within  two  hours  eight 
jurors  had  been  secured.  Technicalities  were  not  raised  by  the  ex 
amining  counsel,  but  it  was  significant  that  every  man  who  had  said 
he  had  not  formed  an  opinion  on  the  case  was  excused  by  the  Dis 
trict  Attorney.  Those  who  acknowledged  they  had  formed  an 
opinion,  but  admitted  that  their  opinion  could  be  changed  by  evi 
dence,  were  accepted  by  each  side. 

Justice  Truman  C.  White,  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  experi 
enced  of  the  Supreme  Court  Judges,  was  on  the  bench.  Immedi 
ately  after  the  opening  of  the  Court,  and  after  the  prisoner  had 
pleaded,  Justice  Lorin  L.  Lewis,  senior  counsel  for  the  defendant, 
announced  that  he,  with  his  colleagues,  ex-Justice  Robert  C.  Titus 
and  Carlton  E.  Ladd,  was  ready  to  act  in  behalf  of  the  prisoner. 

The  work  of  completing  the  jury  was  then  undertaken  with  a 
celerity  that  was  amazing.  Before  the  day  was  over  the  entire 
panel  had  been  sworn,  the  jurors  had  listened  to  a  description  of 
the  Temple  of  Music,  where  the  crime  occurred,  had  seen  photo 
graphs  of  the  interior  of  that  structure,  and  had  been  told  by  three 


CZOLGOSZ  PAYS  THE  PENALTY  451 

surgeons  what  caused  the  death  of  the  President,  and  the  effect 
of  the  assassin's  shot  upon  the  various  organs  of  the  body.  They 
had  also  learned  why  the  fatal  bullet  had  not  been  located. 

The  presentation  of  the  Government's  case  followed,  shortly 
before  three  o'clock,  when  Assistant  District  Attorney  Haller 
began,  with  much  deliberation,  to  address  the  Court.  After  stat 
ing  what  the  prosecution  expected  to  prove,  he  summoned  wit 
nesses  to  testify  to  the  facts  in  the  case. 

All  the  testimony  for  the  prosecution  had  been  received  soon 
after  noon  of  Tuesday,  the  24th.  The  counsel  for  the  defence  had  but 
few  questions  to  ask,  as  their  client  had  stubbornly  refused  to  assist 
them.  The  eminent  alienists  summoned  by  the  Erie  County  Bar 
Association  and  by  the  District  Attorney  to  examine  Czolgosz  and 
to  determine  his  exact  mental  condition  had  declared  him  to  be 
perfectly  sane,  and  thus  destroyed  the  only  system  of  defence  that 
Judges  Lewis  and  Titus  could  have  put  together. 

Judge  Lewis  arose  slowly,  and,  addressing  the  Court,  said 
that  the  sudden  close  of  the  case  against  Czolgosz  was  a  surprise  to 
him  and  his  colleagues.  They  had  no  witness  to  call  for  the  defence. 
He  asked  the  Court  that  he  be  allowed  to  address  the  jury  at  once. 
The  Court  consented,  and  the  venerable  jurist  began  an  address 
that  will  long  be  remembered  by  those  who  heard  it. 

THE    JURY'S    VERDICT 

In  it  he  gave  a'clear  and  concise  statement  of  the  legal  right 
to  trial  and  defence  of  every  person  accused  of  crime.  He  also 
dwelt  upon  the  importance  of  deciding  whether  the  prisoner  were 
in  his  right  mind.  When  he  had  closed,  Justice  White  charged  the 
jury  upon  all  the  points  of  law  involved,  and  dismissed  the  jurors 
to  their  room  for  deliberation. 

Czolgosz  had  been  seated  in  his  chair  all  the  afternoon,  his  hands 
clasped  on  the  arms  of  the  chair,  and  his  head  bent  forward  and  a 
little  to  the  left.  The  room  was  not  warm,  but  he  frequently  took 
his  handkerchief  from  his  pocket,  and  mopped  the  perspiration  from 


452  CZOLGOSZ  PAYS  THE  PENALTY 

his  forehead  and  cheeks.  At  no  time  during  the  absence  of  the 
jury  did  he  raise  his  eyes  or  lift  his  head,  or  seem  to  know  that  he 
was  the  object  of  interest  to  several  hundred  men  and  women. 

After  an  absence  of  the  jury  of  less  than  half  an  hour,  the 
crier  rapped  for  order,  and  the  jury  filed  into  the  room.  The 
clerk  read  their  names,  each  juror  responding  " present"  as  his 
name  was  called. 

No  time  was  wasted.  The  jurors  did  not  sit  down.  Address 
ing  them,  Justice  White  said  :  "  Gentlemen,  have  you  agreed  upon 
a  verdict  ?  " 

"  We  have,"  responded  foreman  Wendt. 

"What  is  your  verdict?" 

"That  the  defendant  is  guilty  of  murder  in  the  first  degree." 

There  was  a  moment  of  silence,  and  then  a  murmur  arose  from 
the  lips  of  the  crowd.  It  ended  there.  There  were  no  hand  clap 
pings  ;  no  cheers.  Justice  White's  voice  could  be  clearly  heard  in 
every  part  of  the  room  when  he  thanked  the  jurors  for  their  work, 
and  allowed  them  to  go. 

Czolgosz  was  immediately  handcuffed  to  his  guards,  and  hur 
ried  from  the  court  room  downstairs,  to  the  basement,  and  through 
the  tunnel  under  Delaware  Avenue  to  the  jail.  He  appeared  to  be 
in  no  way  affected  by  the  result  of  the  trial. 

Thus  had  the  wheels  of  justice  moved  swiftly.  The  trial  of 
the  assassin  consumed  eight  hours  and  twenty-six  minutes,  and 
covered  a  period  of  only  two  days.  Practically  all  this  time  was 
occupied  by  the  prosecution  in  presenting  a  case  so  clear,  so  con 
clusive  that,  even  had  the  prisoner  entered  the  plea  of  insanity,  it  is 
doubtful  if  the  jury  would  have  returned  a  verdict  different  from 
the  one  given. 

SENTENCED    TO    DEATH 

On  Thursday  afternoon,  September  26th,  Leon  F.  Czolgosz 
received  his  sentence.  He  was  duly  asked  if  he  had  any  legal 
reason  why  sentence  should  not  be  passed.  He  gave  no  reason, 
but  declared  in  a  feeble  voice,  through  his  counsel,  that  no  one  else 


CZOLGOSZ  PAYS  THE  PENALTY  453 

knew  anything  of  the  crime  but  himself.  The  Judge  then  uttered 
these  solemn  words,  while  Czolgosz  stood  erect,  looking  straight 
at  the  Judge.  He  did  not  tremble  ;  not  a  muscle  quivered. 

"  In  taking  the  life  of  our  beloved  President,  you  committed 
a  crime  which  shocked  and  outraged  the  moral  sense  of  the  civil 
ized  world.  You  have  confessed  that  guilt,  and,  after  learning  all 
that  at  this  time  can  be  learned  from  the  facts  and  circumstances 
of  the  case,  twelve  good  jurors  have  pronounced  you  guilty,  and 
have  found  you  guilty  of  murder  in  the  first  degree. 

"You  have  said,  according  to  the  testimony  of  creditable  wit 
nesses  and  yourself,  that  no  other  person  aided  or  abetted  you  in 
the  commission  of  this  terrible  act.  God  grant  it  may  be  so  !  The 
penalty  for  the  crime  for  which  you  stand  convicted  is  fixed  by  this 
statute,  and  it  now  becomes  my  duty  to  pronounce  this  judgment 
against  you. 

"  The  sentence  of  the  Court  is  that  in  the  week,  beginning 
October  28,  1901,  at  the  place,  in  the  manner  and  means  prescribed 
by  law,  you  suffer  the  punishment  of  death. 

"  Remove  the  prisoner." 

He  was  sent  to  Auburn  Prison  where  he  was  confined  in  a 
murderer's  cell,  and  the  death-watch  set  upon  him,  which  was  not 
once  relaxed  while  he  lived.  At  7.12  o'clock  Tuesday  morning, 
October  29,  1901,  he  paid  the  penalty  of  his  crime  in  the  electric 
chair.  Throughout  his  incarceration  the  assassin  had  remained 

o 

stolidly  indifferent  to  hia  fate.  He  ate  heartily,  slept  well,  and 
actually  fattened  in  body.  Priests  went  to  him  in  the  hope 
that  he  might  repent  and  re-embrace  the  faith  in  which  he  had  been 
baptized,  but  he  refused  their  ministrations  and  went  to  his  death, 
by  choice,  without  a  spiritual  adviser.  Bold  and  defiant  he  walked 
to  the  chair,  and  while  being  pinioned  in  the  death-seat  said  dis 
tinctly  :  "  I  am  not  sorry  for  my  crime."  An  electric  current  of 
i  700  volts  was  sent  through  his  body,  and  he  expired  in  the  pres 
ence  of  twenty-two  chosen  witnesses  and  the  prison  officials. 


CHAPTER  XXX 

Anarchy's  Awful  Crimes  for  the  Past  Century 

LITTLE  did  the  American  people  dream  that  this  land  of  the 
free  and  the  home  of   the  brave  would  be  red   in  the  blood 
set  free  by  an  Anarchist's  hand.      How  freely  our  gates  have 
been  swung  open  to  all  comers,  whatever  the  color,  nationality,  or 
creed,  none  know  better  than   the  American  people.     They  have 
had  faith  in  man,  and  believed  in  the  protection  which  comes  with 
American  freedom.     What  the  results  of  this  sad  awakening  will 
be  we  cannot  foresee.      In  this  place  it  may  be  well  to  note  the  pro 
gress  of  the  Anarchistic     teachings    during  the  past  century. 

The  attempt  against  the  life  of  President  McKinley  at  Buffalo 
follows  by  a  little  more  than  a  year  the  assassination  of  King 
Humbert  of  Italy.  A  few  months  before  the  death  of  Humbert  an 
effort  was  made  in  Belgium  to  kill  the  Prince  of  Wales,  now  King 
Edward  of  England.  In  the  Autumn  of  1898  Empress  Elizabeth 
of  Austria-Hungary  was  assassinated  in  Switzerland.  In  the  Sum 
mer  of  1897  the  Prime  Minister  of  Spain,  Canovas  del  Castillo,  was 
slain.  In  June,  1894,  President  Carnot  of  France  was  murdered. 
Eighteen  hundred  and  ninety-four  marks  an  epoch — the  anarchistic 
epoch — as  may  be  seen  from  a  study  of  the  assassinations  of  the 
past  i  oo  years. 

The  nineteenth  century  ran  red  with  the  blood  of  rulers,  beginn 
ing  in  1 80 1  with  the  killing  of  the  Czar  Paul  of  Russia  by  some  of  his 
nobles.  There  were  over  fifty  assassinations  or  attempts  at  assassi 
nations  of  ruling  statesmen  and  crowned  heads,  beginning  with  the 
Czar  Paul  and  ending  with  President  McKinley.  But  a  clear  dis 
tinction  can  be  drawn  between  those  which  occurred  prior  to  1894 

454 


ANARCHY'S  AWFUL  CRIMES  455 

and  those  which  have  crowded  the  few  years  since  Carnot  fell. 
Bellingham,  the  assassin  of  Spencer  Perceval,  Prime  Minister  of 
England,  was  actuated  by  personal  grievances.  The  dozen 
attempts  on  the  life  of  Louis  Philippe  were  due  to  the  unsettled 
political  conditions  in  France  and  also  to  the  restlessness  of  the 
republican  revolutionists  throughout  Europe  who  were  in  the  fore 
ground  of  the  revolutionary  movement  of  the  middle  of  the  century. 
During  that  period  there  was  scarcely  a  European  monarch  whose 
life  was  not  attacked  by  some  republican  fanatic.  Orsini,  the 
Italian  patriot,  who  tried  to  kill  Napoleon  III  in  1858,  was 
clearly  inspired  by  Mazzini's  views  as  to  the  way  to  overthrow 
monarchical  governments  and  establish  republics  in  their  place. 
The  late  Signor  Crispi,  the  Italian  statesman,  was  in  those  days  a 
fervent  disciple  of  Mazzini,  but  he  used  to  say  :  "To  obtain  the 
unity  and  independence  of  Italy  it  does  not  seem  to  me  necessary 
to  beg  from  kings,  or  to  humiliate  ourselves  before  them  as  Manin 
proposes,  or  to  murder  them  as  Mazzini  believes."  The  slaying  of 
Marshal  Prim,  in  1870,  when  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  Spanish 
provisional  government  after  the  deposition  of  Queen  Isabella,  was 
an  act  inspired  by  local  political  conditions,  and  so  was  the  assassi 
nation  of  Czar  Alexander  of  Russia  in  1881. 

These  numerous  assaults  on  established  government,  prior  to 
1894,  through  attacks  on  the  person  of  official  representatives  of 
government  were  for  the  most  part  the  acts  of  political  conspirators, 
or  republican  revolutionists,  or  crazy  people.  Even  Queen  Victoria's 
life  was  in  peril  four  times  from  the  murderous  tendencies  of  per 
sons  insane.  The  celebrated  mot  of  King  Victor  Emanuel,  after 
the  attempt  upon  his  life  in  1878,  illustrates  the  general  conditions 
that  have  always  prevailed  since  the  work  of  rulers  began.  It  was 
his  opinion  that  being  shot  at  was  part  of  the  business  of  kings. 
Yet  in  different  periods  the  motive  for  assassination,  sheer  insanity 
aside,  has  varied.  The  Orsini  school  of  assassins  worked  for  the 
political  object  of  changing  the  form  of  government.  They  aimed 
their  daggers  and  bullets  at  political  despotism,  as  did  the  slayers 


456  ANARCHY'S  AWFUL  CRIMES 

of  the  Czar  Alexander  II.  Now  between  the  assassination  of  the 
Russian  Emperor  in  1881,  and  the  tragedy  of  Carnot  in  1894,  there 
was  a  period  of  thirteen  years,  during"  which  not  even  an  attempt  at 
the  murder  of  rulers  was  made,  excepting  the  assassination  of 
President  Garfield  in  America,  which  followed  Alexander's  death 
within  three  months.  No  such  length  of  time,  unmarked  by  an 
attack  on  a  ruler's  life,  had  passed  before  during  the  nineteenth 
century.  Those  thirteen  years  were  stainless. 

THE    FIRST    CRIME    OF    MODERN    ANARCHY 

The  assassination  of  President  Carnot,  in  1894,  was  the  first 
avowed  work  of  the  modern  revolutionary  anarchists,  whose  propa 
ganda  of  murder  is  aimed  against  all  government  of  whatever 
character  and  however  liberal  and  free.  Every  assassination  and 
attempt  at  assassination  since  then  has  been  their  work.  They 
have  been  exceedingly  busy,  and  their  bloody  harvest  has  been 
uncommonly  fruitful.  Within  seven  years  they  slew  the  Presidents 
of  the  two  greatest  republics  in  the  world,  besides  killing  the  Mon 
arch  of  a  great  power,  the  Empress  of  another  great  power,  the 
Prime  Minister  of  still  another  European  kingdom,  and  attempting 
the  life  of  the  heir  of  Britain's  throne.  Their  success  in  their  mur 
derous  attack  upon  the  President  of  the  United  States,  completed 
a  record  of  five  persons  of  high  estate  slain  within  seven  years,  for 
no  other  reason  than  that  those  persons  stood  for  government  in 
whatsoever  form. 

It  is  quite  clear  that  the  anarchistic  epoch  in  assassination  is{ 
upon  us,  and  that  the  United  States  is  not  free  from  the  atrocities 
and  terrors  which  it  carries  in  its  train.  Revolutionary  anarchy 
evidently  regards  the  liberal  institutions  of  America  with  as  much 
hatred  as  it  does  the  harshest  despotism  in  Europe.  It  is  a  wild 
insensate  thing,  and  it  has  struck  a  cruel  blow  at  the  cause  of  per 
sonal  liberty  and  human  freedom  in  the  very  land  where  that  cause 
was  most  deeply  rooted  in  the  affections  of  the  people. 


ANARCHY'S  AWFUL  CRIMES  457 

Before  we  give  further  details  of  their  accursed  work,  let  us 
here  give  an  able  editorial  upon  the 

SUPPRESSION    OF    ANARCHISTS 

"  The  assassination  of  the  President  o^the  United  States  at 
the  hands  of  a  man  who  professes  himself  an  anarchist  challenges 
the  careful  consideration,  by  the  people  and  their  representative 
bodies,  of  the  question  whether  it  is  not  full  time  to  enter  upon  a 
certain  and  stern  repressive  treatment  of  fanatics  of  his  class.  The 
United  States  has  been  easy  with  them,  has  given  them  license  of 
speech,  liberty  of  organization,  privilege  of  parade ;  it  has  thus 
afforded  free  field  for  the  propaganda  of  murder.  It  has  kept 
open  its  ports  to  this  society  of  European  destructives,  under  the 
old  custom  of  asylum  to  political  offenders, — for  assassins  of 
monarchs  and  plotters  of  assassination  have  been  held  to  be  such  in 
Great  Britain  and  America,  sometimes  also  in  Switzerland  and  in 
a  few  other  countries.  Perhaps  the  time  has  come  when  this  toler 
ance  should  no  longer  be  extended.  It  does  not  work  well. 

"There  is  no  sort  of  doubt  that  there  is  a  real  society  of 
enemies  of  all  government,  made  up  for  the  most  part  of  men  bred 
under  European  conditions,  whose  aim  is  the  overturn  of  govern 
ment  of  any  sort  by  means  of  terror;  and  thus  they  strike  at  law 
and  order  by  the  murder  of  those  who  represent  them,  Presidents 
of  republics  as  well  -as  Kings,  constitutional  sovereigns  as  well  as 
autocratic  monarchs  ;  and,  as  was  shown  in  Chicago  some  years  ago, 
also  the  legally  appointed  instruments  of  the  law's  enforcement, 
the  police,  chosen  from  the  people  for  the  protection  of  the  people 
from  crime  and  violence.  The  lesson  of  Chicago  should  not  be 
lost  upon  us.  No  more  effective  blow  has  been  delivered  at  this 
blind  assault  on  order  than  the  hanging  of  the  men  who,  either 
in  person  or  by  their  speech  and  printed  words,  brought  on  and 
carried  out  the  massacre  of  policemen  in  Haymarket  Square.  Yet, 
in  this  year,  in  New  Jersey,  societies  have  been  allowed  to  celebrate, 
the  assassin  of  the  King  of  Italy  as  a  martyr,  making  him  the  hero 
26 


458  ANARCHY'S  AWFUL 

of  a  play  in  which  were  reproduced  the  circumstances  of  the 
murder.  This  tolerance  transcends  the  bounds  of  reasonable 
freedom,  and  the  plea  of  free  speech,  the  pretext  of  political 
opinion,  must  no  longer  avail  to  protect  what  is  simply  a  criminal 
organization. 

"  Its  members  should  be  dealt  with  as  criminals,  and  should  be 
put  under  the  surveillance  that  attends  criminals.  Every  man  of 
them  should  be  marked  and  followed  by  the  oversight  of  the  law, 
and  be  subject  to  arrest  wherever  found.  There  should  be  per 
mitted  no  more  publications  of  their  evil  teachings  ;  there  should 
be  no  more  meetings  allowed,  no  more  street  parades  with  "  Death 
to  Tyrants  "  and  other  angry  legends  on  their  banners  ;  they  should 
be  driven  to  holes  and  corners.  We  have  tried  the  plan  of  keeping 
everything  in  the  open,  and  it  has  failed  ;  now  it  is  time  to  treat 
these  conspirators  to  rigorous  law.  It  might  be  well  to  consider 
whether  the  members  of  an  anarchistic  society  should  not  be 
punished,  on  the  proof  of  that  fact,  with  imprisonment  for  life?" 

AN    ANARCHIST    SLAYS    PRESIDENT    CARNOT    OF    FRANCE 

There  are  several  points  of  striking  resemblance  between  the 
assassination  of  President  Sadi  Carnot  and  the  assassination  of 
President  McKinley.  President  Carnot  was  killed  with  a  poignard 
in  Lyons,  by  an  anarchist  named  Cesario  Santo,  on  June  24,  1894. 
Santo  was  executed  for  his  crime. 

Like  President  McKinley,  President  Carnot  was  a  visitor  at  an 
exposition.  He  had  gone  to  Lyons  with  Premier  Dupuy  and  other 
officials  of  the  government  to  attend  the  Exhibition  of  Arts, 
Sciences  and  Industries.  Also  alike  is  the  manner  in  which  the 
assailants  approached.  Santo  carried  a  newspaper  to  conceal  his 
poignard,  and  was  allowed  to  approach,  because  it  appeared  like  a 
petition  he  desired  to  present. 

The  President  had  left  the  banquet  of  the  Chamber  of  Com 
merce  on  the  Exposition  grounds  at  half-past  nine  o'clock-  in  the 
evening  to  drive  to  the  Grand  Theatre,  where  a  gala  performance 


ANARCHY'S  AWFUL  CRIMES  459 

had  been  arranged  in  honor  of  his  visit  to  the  city.  His  carriage 
stood  in  the  Place  de  la  Bourse,  and  he  had  just  seated  himself  in 
it  when  Santo  appeared.  Running  quickly  forward,  Santo  sprang 
upon  the  steps  of  the  carriage.  President  Carnot  had  no  warning 
until  the  narrow  knife  was  plunged  into  his  body.  The  carriage 
was  driven  at  once  to  the  Prefecture,  where  the  dying  man  was 
cared  for.  He  lived  until  a  few  minutes  past  midnight,  and  was 
semi-conscious  to  the  last. 

Santo  was  seized  at  once  by  the  police,  who  had  hard  work  to 
protect  him  from  the  frantic  crowd.  Balked  in  their  desire  to  tear 
him  to  pieces,  the  mob  stormed  the  Italian  Consulate  and 
demanded  that  the  flag  and  coat-of-arms  be  removed.  Beaten 
back  again,  they  rushed  upon  an  Italian  restaurant,  stripped  it  of 
its  furnishings,  and  set  it  on  fire.  It  was  found  that  Santo  was 
an  Italian  anarchist,  who  had  been  employed  in  Cette  as  a  baker. 
He  bought  the  poignard  on  Friday  and  on  Saturday  left,  after  a 
quarrel  with  his  employer.  He  arrived  in  Lyons  Sunday  morn 
ing,  and  in  the  evening  killed  the  President.  In  his  pocket  was 
found  a  niap,  showing  the  route  of  the  President's  progress  for 
the  day,  and  upon  this  he  had  marked  several  advantageous  points 
for  his  crime. 

Physicians  found  that  the  knife  had  penetrated  through  the 
lung  and  severed  the  aortic  artery.  There  was  no  hope  from  the 
first,  although  an  operation  was  performed  in  an  attempt  to  stop 
the  flow  of  blood.  The  President  suffered  great  pain  until 
the  end.  Mme.  Carnot  and  her  children  were  in  Paris  and  left  for 
Lyons  on  a  special  train  at  one  o'clock  in  the  morning.  They  did 
not  know  that  they  were  too  late  until  they  arrived  at  six  o'clock. 
Premier  Dupuy  returned  to  Paris  at  once  to  make  sure  of  the 
stability  of  the  government. 

Santo  was  tried  and  executed  by  the  guillotine  on  August  i6tK. 

King  Humbert  of  Italy  was  assassinated  at  Monza,  Italy,  on 
July  29,  1900,  by  Gaetano  Bresci,  an  Italian  anarchist,  who  lived 


460  ANARCHY'S  AWFUL  CRIMES 

in  West  Hoboken,  N.  J.      Bresci  was  sentenced  to  solitary  confine 
ment  for  life.      He  afterwards  committed  suicide  in  his  cell. 

While  living  at  his  summer  villa  near  by,  King  Humbert  had 
gone  to  the  grounds  of  the  Gymnastic  Society,  at  Monza,  to  dis 
tribute  the  prizes  to  the  victorious  athletes.  He  rode  in  his  car 
riage,  attended  only  by  his  aide-de-camp,  and  with  neither  escort 
nor  guards.  When  the  work  of  distributing  the  prizes  had  been 
finished  the  King  re-entered  his  carriage.  He  was  smiling,  happy 
and  perfectly  at  ease.  The  crowd  was  cheering.  In  the  midst  of 
the  crowd  was  Bresci  pushing  about  to  obtain  an  advantageous 
position.  Just  as  the  horses  were  about  to  start  he  drew  a  revol 
ver  and  discharged  it  three  times.  One  bullet  went  through  King 
Humbert's  heart  and  he  fell  back  into  the  arms  of  his  aide.  As 
the  attendant  bent  over  him  he  opened  his  eyes. 

HOW    KING    HUMBERT    OF    ITALY    WAS    SLAIN 

"  It  is  nothing,"  he  said,  and  became  unconscious. 

Bresci  had  been  seized  by  many  hands.  Police,  athletes  and 
spectators  pounced  upon  him,  and  before  the  police  in  sufficient 
force  could  act,  his  clothes  had  been  torn  to  shreds,  his  face  and 
body  battered  and  his  hands  and  arms  torn.  The  horses  were 
lashed  into  a  gallop  and  a  dash  was  made  for  the  villa,  where  med 
ical  attendance  could  be  obtained.  The  drive  was  made  in  three 
minutes,  but  before  the  gates  were  reached  the  king  was  dead. 

When  Queen  Margherita  arrived  at  the  villa  after  a  drive,  a 
few  minutes  later,  the  news  was  broken  to  her. 

"  It  is  the  greatest  crime  of  the  century,"  she  cried.  "  Hum 
bert  was  good  and  faithful.  No  king  could  have  loved  his  people 
more.  He  was  one  who  bore  ill  will  to  no  one." 

Bresci  confessed  his  crime,  and  boasted  of  it.  He  said  first 
that  he  came  from  Prato.  in  Tuscany,  where  his  parents  live,  but 
later  he  said  : 

"  Tell  them  I  came  from  America,  where  I  was  a  silk  weaver, 
on  purpose  to  kill  Humbert." 


SECRETARY  OFTHE  TREASURY  UNDER  PRESIDENT  McKlNLCY. 


ANARCHY'S  AWFUL  CRIMES  463 

It  was  soon  discovered  that  he  had  worked  in  a  silk  mill  at 
Paterson,  N.  J.,  and  lived  in  West  Hoboken,  where  his  wife  and 
family  still  are.  He  was  well  known  in  the  colony  of  anarchists 
there,  and  for  a  time  it  was  believed  he  had  been  chosen  by  lot  to 
perform  the  deed  as  the  representative  of  some  fanatical  circle. 
Later  it  appeared  he  acted  of  his  own  volition,  and  had  sailed  for 
Italy  with  the  purpose  of  killing  the  King.  He  was  known  in 
Paterson  as  a  moody,  quiet  man,  who  never  talked  about  his  ideas 
to  anyone  save  a  few  cronies.  His  wife  knew  nothing  of  the  plan 
he  had  formed  and  was  anxiously  awaiting  his  return  from  a  visit  to 
his  home. 

There  is  no  capital  punishment  in  Italy,  but  after  a  speedy 
trial  Bresci  was  sentenced  to  a  punishment  worse  than  death.  For 
nearly  a  year  he  was  confined  in  a  stone  cell,  barely  large  enough 
for  his  body,  and  just  before  his  suicide  was  confined  in  one  a  trifle 
larger.  There  was  but  little  light,  no  reading  matter,  no  writing 
utensils,  no  work,  and  no  one  to  whom  he  could  speak. 

Owing  to  the  absence  from  Italy  of  the  Prince  of  Naples,  it 
was  thought  at  first  that  a  temporary  regency  would  be  necessary. 
The  Prince  arrived  in  time,  however,  and,  as  King  Victor  Emmanuel 
III.,  succeeded  his  father.  King  Humbert  was  careless  of  his 
personal  safety,  although  he  had  been  repeatedly  warned. 

ATTEMPTED    ASSASSINATIONS    OF    RULERS 

Prior  to  1800  the  attempts  to  assassinate  rulers  were  rare  com 
pared  with  the  record  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  French  Revo 
lution,  which  maddened  an  entire  nation,  seems  to  have  left 
throughout  the  world  the  seeds  of  a  disposition  to  destroy  those  in 
authority.  The  assassins  have  been  as  active  in  their  assaults  upon 
Presidents  of  republics  as  upon  Kings  or  despots. 

On  May  15,  1800,  James  Hatfield  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
upon  the  life  of  George  III.  of  England,  and  in  the  same  year  an 
attempt  was  made  to  kill  Napoleon  I.  by  an  infernal  machine. 


464  ANARCHY'S  A  WFUL  CRIMES 

Spencer  Percival,  Premier  of  England,  was  killed  by  Bellingham, 
May  n,  1812. 

An  attempt  upon  the  life  of  George  IV.  of  England  when 
regent,  was  made  in  January,  1817,  and  Andrew  Jackson,  President 
of  the  United  States,  was  attacked  by  an  assassin  in  January,  1835. 
Many  attempts  were  made  upon  the  life  of  Louis  Philippe  of 
France  between  1835  a°d  1846.  Frederick  William  IV.  of  Prussia 
was  murderously  attacked  in  1850,  and  Francis  Joseph  of  Austria  in 
1853.  Ferdinand  Charles  III.,  Duke  of  Parma,  was  killed  by 
assassins  March  27,  1854.  Three  unsuccessful  attempts  were  made 
upon  the  life  of  Queen  Isabella  of  Spain,  in  1847,  l%52  and  1856. 

Several  attempts  were  made  to  assassinate  Napoleon  III. 
between  1855  and  1858,  in  one  of  which  bombs  thrown  by  Orsini 
killed  or  wounded  150  persons.  All  of  his  assailants  were  Italians. 
Daniel,  Prince  of  Montenegro,  was  killed  August  13,  1860.  Then 
followed  the  greatest  tragedy  of  the  kind  the  world  had  known, 
the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln  by  John  Wilkes  Booth, 
April  15,  1865. 

Michael,  Prince  of  Servia,  was  killed  June  10,  1868,  and  Prim, 
Marshal  of  Spain,  in  December,  1870.  Georges  Darboy,  Arch 
bishop  of  Paris,  was  assassinated  by  anarchists  May  24,  1871,  and 
Richard,  Earl  of  Mayo,  Governor-General  Of  India,  was  killed  by  a 
native  convict  in  February,  1872.  An  attempt  was  made  to  kill 
Amadeus,  Duke  of  Aosta,  when  King  of  Spain,  in  May  of  the  same 
year.  Two  attempts  were  made  on  the  life  of  Bismarck  in  1866 
and  1874.  Abdul  Aziz,  Sultan  of  Turkey,  was  assassinated  in 
June,  1876,  and  in  the  same  year,  Hussein  Avai  and  other  Turkish 
Ministers  were  killed  by  Hassan,  a  Circassian  officer.  Three 
attempts  were  made  on  the  life  of  William  I.  of  Prussia  and  Ger 
many  between  1861  and  1878,  and  Humbert  I.  of  Italy  was  attacked 
by  John  Passananti  in  the  latter  year,  when  the  Nihilists  were  espe 
cially  active.  They  made  unsuccessful  attempts  upon  Lytton, 
Lord  Viceroy  of  India,  and  Alfonso  XII.,  King  of  Spain.  An 
attempt  was  made  upon  the  life  of  Loris  MelikofT,  Russian  General, 


ANARCHY'S  AWFUL  CRIMES  465 

in  1879,  and  Alexander  II.  of  Russia  was  pursued  relentlessly. 
After  three  attempts  by  individual  assassins  had  been  made,  a  rail 
way  train,  on  which  he  was  supposed  to  be  traveling,  was  under 
mined  in  December,  1879;  this  was  followed  by  an  explosion  in  the 
Winter  Palace,  in  February.  1880.  The  Emperor  was  finally  killed 
by  an  assassin,  who  lost  his  own  life,  in  March,  1881. 

The  second  President  of  the  United  States  to  die  at  the  hands 
of  an  assassin  was  James  A.  Garfield,  who  was  shot  by  Charles 
Jules  Guiteau,  July  2,  1881,  and  died  of  his  wounds  September  19, 
1881.  Guiteau  was  hanged  June  30,  1882.  Marie  Fra^ois  Sadi 
Carnot,  President  of  France,  was  mortally  stabbed  by  Cesare 
Santo,  an  anarchist,  on  June  24,  1894. 

In  March,  1895  an  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  upon  the 
life  of  King  Humbert  of  Italy,  and  in  1897  ne  was  again  attacked. 
President  Borda,  of  Uruguay,  was  assassinated  in  1897,  and  in  the 
same  year  attacks  were  made  upon  President  Diaz,  of  Mexico,  and 
President  Morales,  of  Brazil,  the  latter  assault  resulting  in  the  death 
of  the  Minister  of  War.  Elizabeth,  Empress  of  Austria,  was 
assassinated  in  September,  1898.  President  Heureux,  of  San 
Domingo,  was  assassinated  July  26,  1899.  ^n  tne  same  year  an 
anarchist  youth  shot  at  the  Prince  of  Wales,  in  Holland.  The 
third  attempt,  on  July  29,  1900,  upon  the  life  of  King  Humbert,  of 
Italy,  was  successful.  On  August  2d  an  anarchist,  named  Saison, 
attempted  to  kill  the  Shah  of  Persia,  during  his  visit  to  Paris.  In 
August,  1901,  a  suspected  anarchist  was  found  secreted  in  the 
shrubbery  of  the  Vatican  gardens  while  the  Pope  was  visiting  the 
grounds. 


B 


CHAPTER  XXXI 

Theodore  Roosevelt,  the  26th  President 

Y  the  death  of  William  McKinley  on  Saturday  morning, 
September  14,  1901,  Theodore  Roosevelt  succeeded  to  the 
high  office  of  President  of  these  United  States. 


HIS    ANCESTRY 

Theodore  Roosevelt  was  born  October  27,  1858,  and  is  there 
fore  not  quite  forty-three  years  old.  He  was  born  in  New  York  City, 
at  28  East  Twentieth  Street.  His  people  originally  lived  on  the 
Battery,  but  as  the  town  changed  gradually  moved  away  from  the 
business  centre.  His  grandfather  once  owned  a  fine  residence  at  one 
of  the  corners  of  what  is  now  Fourteenth  Street  and  Broadway.  In 
blood  Mr.  Roosevelt  is  a  quarter  Hollandish  and  three-quarters 
Scotch,  Irish  and  French  Huguenot.  His  mother  was  a  Bonhill  and 
had  relatives  of  the  name  of  Lukin  and  Craig.  The  Lamontaigne 
family  is  in  his  ancestry,  and  the  Devoes,  of  Georgia  and  South 
Carolina.  His  uncle,  James  D.  Bullock,  built  the  noted  privateer 
Alabama,  and  another  of  the  Bullocks  fired  the  last  gun  aboard  her. 
But  after  all  this  is  said  of  the  ancestry,  chronicles  agree  that  Mr. 
Roosevelt  owes  a  great  deal  to  his  father.  The  elder  Theodore 
Roosevelt  was  one  of  the  leading  men  of  his  day  in  the  metro 
polis — the  days  of  the  Civil  War.  He  was  a  merchant,  philanthro 
pist  and  a  lover  of  out-door  life.  He,  more  than  anyone  else, 
founded  the  present  newsboys'  lodging-house  system.  He  devised 
and  carried  out  the  plan  of  the  war  time  allotment  commission.  He 
could  drive  a  four-in-hand  team  better  than  any  other  New  Yorker 
in  his  day.  He  died  in  1878,  idolized  by  the  son  who  was  to  take 
up  the  lines  of  the  ambitious  part  of  his  life  and  carry  them  on. 
466 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  467 

"  What  strong  direction  did  your  home  influence  take  in  your 
boyhood?"  was  askecl  Mr.  Roosevelt. 

FOND  OF  ATHLETICS 

"  Why/'  he  replied,  "  I  was  brought  up  with  the  constant 
injunction  to  be  active  and  industrious.  My  father,  all  my  people, 
held  that  no  one  had  a  right  to  merely  cumber  the  earth  ;  that  the 
most  contemptible  of  created  beings  is  the  man  who  does  nothing. 
I  imbibed  the  idea  that  I  must  work  hard,  whether  at  making 
money  or  whatever.  The  whole  family  training  taughtlrmjthat  I 
must  be  doing,  must  be  working — and  at  decent  work.  I  made  my 
health  what  it  is.  I  determined  to  be  strong  and  well,  and  did 
everything  to  make  myself  so.  By  the  time  I  entered  Harvard 
College  I  was  able  to  take  my  part  in  whatever  sports  I  liked.  I 
wrestled  and  sparred  and  ran  a  great  deal  while  in  college,  and, 
though  I  never  came  in  first,  I  got  more  good  out  of  the  exercise 
than  those  who  did,  because  I  immensely  enjoyed  it  and  never 
injured  myself.  I  was  fond  of  wrestling  and  boxing ;  I  think  I  was  a 
good  deal  of  a  wrestler,  and  though  I  never  won  a  championship, 
yet  more  than  once  I  won  my  trial  heats  and  got  into  the  final 
round.  I  was  captain  of  my  polo  team  at  one  time,  but  since  I  left 
college  I  have  taken  most  of  my  exercise  in  the  '  cow  country '  or 
mountains,  hunting." 

HIS  ENTRY  INTO  POLITICS 

He  was  graduated  at  Harvard  University  in  1880,  being  then 
twenty-two  years  old,  and  took  a  European  trip  for  a  rest  before 
entering  on  his  life  career.  His  first  view  of  the  Alps  inspired  him 
with  a  desire  to  surmount  them,  and  he  climbed  the  Jungfrau  and 
the  Matterhorn  before  that  desire  was  satisfied. 

Returning  to  New  York,  his  native  city- — for  he  was  born  as 
we  have  said,  at  No.  28  East  Twentieth  Street — he  began  the  study 
of  law,  but  soon  became  engrossed  in  politics.  He  has  described  his 
entry  into  the  political  field  thus  :  "  I  have  always  believed  that 
every  man  should  join  a  political  organization  and  should  attend  the 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

primaries  ;  that  he  should  not  be  content  to  be  merely  governed,  but 
should  do  his  part  of  that  work.  So  after  leaving  college  I  went  to 
the  local  political  headquarters,  attended  all  the  meetings  and  took 
my  part  in  whatever  came  up.  There  arose  a  revolt  against  the 
member  of  Assembly  from  that  district,  and  I  was  nominated  to 
succeed  him,  and  was  elected." 

ELECTED    ASSEMBLYMAN 

It  was  in  the  Fall  of  1881  that  he  was  elected  to  the  Assembly 
from  the  XXIst  District,  and  he  was  twice  re-elected,  serving  in  the 
legislatures  of  1882,  1883  and  1884.  At  Albany  he  found  an  ample 
field  for  that  aggressiveness  of  his  nature  which  wrong  always 
arouses.  Some  of  the  veterans  were  at  first  only  amused  at  his 
straightforward  and  ingenuous  speeches,  but  they  soon  realized 
that  "this  ridiculously  candid  youngster,"  as  one  of  them  called 
him,  was  a  fighter  who  could  not  be  cowed,  either  by  open  or  by 
secret  methods. 

Few  men  looked  more  unfitted  for  public  life.  His  eyeglasses 
led  the  Tammany  Hall  members  to  think  him  effeminate,  until  they 
learned  that  he  was  a  fine  boxer,  and  two  or  three  encounters, 
which  did  not,  however,  lead  to  any  blows,  convinced  them  that  he 
was  a  courageous  man,  but  the  fact  being  disclosed  that  he  had 
written  a  book,  the  opinion  gained  ground  that  he  was  merely  a 
writer,  and  therefore  would  take  no  prominent  part  in  legislation. 

The  member  from  the  XXIst  Assembly  District,  however, 
soon  began  expressing  his  sentiments,  and  the  serious-minded 
members  of  the  Assembly  became  convinced  that  his  judgment  on 
New  York  City  matters  was  sound.  He  spoke  rapidly,  spoke 
attractively,  hit  hard,  was  good-humored,  but  savagely  sarcastic  in 
dealing  with  well-known  rascals,  and  public  opinion  outside  the 
Capitol  was  soon  in  his  favor. 

For  several  years  attempts  had  been  made  to  pass  a  reform 
charter  for  New  York  City.  All  failed,  because  the  threatened 
departments  united  and  were  too  strong  for  the  reformers. 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  469 

Assemblyman  Roosevelt  made  his  attacks  on  certain  departments  of 
New  York  City  separately,  and  bowled  them  over  one  by  one. 
His  rise  in  rank  in  the  Assembly  was  startlingly  rapid.  The 
second  year  of  his  membership  he  was  the  Republican  candi 
date  for  Speaker.  It  was  a  Democratic  House,  but  the  honor  was 
nevertheless  a  great  one  for  a  young  man.  In  his  third  year  as  an 
Assemblyman  he  was  put  at  the  head  of  the  Committee  on  Cities, 
having  proved  his  thorough  knowledge  of  the  affairs  of  New  York 
and  other  cities. 

He  served  his  constituency  particularly  well  by  aiding  in  the 
passage  of  bills  abolishing  fees  in  the  offices  of  the  Register  and  the 
County  Clerk,  and  while  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Cities  he 
introduced  reform  legislation  which  proved  immensely  beneficial. 
One  of  his  measures  was  the  act  taking  from  the  Board  of  Alder 
men  power  to  confirm  or  reject  the  appointments  of  the  Mayor. 
He  was  chairman  of  the  noted  legislative  investigating  committee 
which  bore  his  name,  and  which  revealed  many  of  the  abuses 
existing  in  the  city  government  in  the  early  '8os. 

Assemblyman  Roosevelt  was  highly  popular  with  his  associates, 
irrespective  of  party.  It  is  seldom  a  man  receives  more  genuine 
expressions  of  sympathy  than  he  did  from  his  fellow  Assemblymen 
when  his  mother  and  his  wife  both  died  in  one  week.  The  Roose 
velt  of  that  period  was  already  a  national  figure.  Attending  the 
Republican  State  Convention  of  1884,  ^e  was  elected  one  of  New 
York's  four  delegates-at-large  to  the  Republican  National  Conven 
tion,  as  a  delegate  desirous  of  nominating  George  F.  Edmunds  for 
the  Presidency. 

CIVIL    SERVICE    COMMISSIONER 

In  1886  Mr.  Roosevelt  was  the  Republican  candidate  for 
Mayor  against  Abram  S.  Hewitt,  United  Democracy,  and  Henry 
George,  United  Labor.  Mr.  Hewitt  was  elected  by  about  22,000 
plurality. 

Mr.  Roosevelt  was  appoiiated  a  member  of  the  United  States 
Civil  Service  Commission  by  President  Harrison  in  1889.  His 


470  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

ability  and  rugged  honesty  in  the  administration  of  the  affairs  of 
that  office  greatly  helped  to  strengthen  his  hold  on  popular  regard. 
There  were  14,000  places  under  the  merit  and  capacity  rules  of  the 
Commission  when  he  went  in.  There  were  40,000  when  he  went 
out,  a  record  he  may  well  point  to  with  pride. 

Mr.  Roosevelt  continued  in  that  office  until  May  i,  1895, 
when  he  resigned  to  accept  the  office  of  Police  Commissioner  from 
Mayor  Strong.  He  found  the  administration  of  police  affairs  in  a 
demoralized  condition,  but  the  same  energetic  methods  that  had 
characterized  all  his  work — the  same  uncompromising  honesty  that 
is  the  most  prominent  note*  in  his  character — when  applied  to 
police  affairs  soon  brought  the  administration  of  the  department  to 
a  high  degree  of  efficiency. 

BECOMES    POLICE    COMMISSIONER    IN    NEW    YORK    CITY 

In  the  period  between  Mr.  Roosevelt's  election  to  the  legisla 
ture  and  his  appointment  as  Civil  Service  Commissioner  he  had 
spent  most  of  his  Summers  in  the  West  on  a  ranch,  and  had  written 
several  books  on  the  life  of  the  Western  plains  and  mountains.  Some 
surprise  was  expressed,  therefore,  by  a  friend,  when  Mr.  Roosevelt 
became  Police  Commissioner,  that  a  literary  man  should  volunteer 
for  police  work,  and  Mr.  Roosevelt  gave  this  reason  :  "  I  thought 
the  storm  centre  was  in  New  York,  and  so  I  came  here.  It  is  a 
great  piece  of  practical  work.  I  like  to  take  hold  of  work  that  has 
been  done  by  a  Tammany  leader  and  do  it  as  well,  only  by  ap 
proaching  it  from  the  opposite  direction.  A  thing  that  attracted 
me  to  it  was  that  it  was  to  be  done  in  the  hurly-burly,  for  I  don't 
like  cloister  life." 

His  enforcement  of  the  excise  law  produced  an  abundance  of 
hurly-burly.  Many  said  it  was  the  most  potent  factor  in  the  over 
throw  of  the  Strong  reform  administration  at  the  next  election  and 
the  return  of  Tammany  to  power ;  but  Roosevelt  answered  all  criti 
cism  by  asserting  that  he  had  sworn  to  enforce  all  the  laws  and 
would  not  stultify  himself.  Moreover,  he  maintained  that  the  best 


:- 

I 


MRS.  THEODORE   ROOSEVELT 
The  Lady  of  the  White  Hoq* 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  473 

way  to  obtain  the  repeal  of  an  obnoxious  law  was  by  enforcing  it 
rigidly,  and  not  by  ignoring  it. 

His  unheralded  personal  tours  of  inspection  about  the  city  by 
night  caught  many  a  policeman  napping,  and  resulted  in  many 
humorous  situations,  until  the  force  had  thoroughly  assimilated  the 
idea  that  their  president  was  not  a  man  to  be  trifled  with. 

Jacob  A.  Riis,  author  of  "  How  the  Other  Half  Lives,"  saw  a 
great  deal  of  Police  Commissioner  Roosevelt.  Touching  on  the 
man's  single-minded  fearlessness  in  that  office,  Mr.  Riis  afterward 
wrote  : 

"  I  read  a  story  when  I  was  a  boy  about  a  man  who,  pursued 
by  a  relentless  enemy,  dwelt  in  security  because  of  his  belief  that 
his  plotting  could  not  hurt  an  honest  man.  Mr.  Roosevelt  con 
stantly  made  me  think  of  him.  He  spoke  of  it  only  once,  but  I 
saw  him  act  out  that  belief  a  hundred  times.  Mulberry  Street 
could  never  have  been  made  to  take  any  stock  in  it.  When  it  failed 
to  awe  Roosevelt,  it  tried  to  catch  him.  Jobs  innumerable  were  put 
up  to  discredit  the  president  of  the  board  and  inveigle  him  into 
awkward  positions.  Probably  he  never  knew  of  one-tenth  of  them. 
Mr.  Roosevelt  walked  through  them  with  perfect  unconcern,  kick 
ing  aside  the  snares  that  were  set  so  elaborately  to  catch  him.  The 
politicians  who  saw  him  walk  apparently  blindly  into  a  trap  and 
beheld  him  emerge  with  damage  to  the  trap  only,  could  not  under 
stand  it.  They  concluded  it  was  his  luck.  It  was  not.  It  was  his 
sense.  He  told  me  once  after  such  a  time  that  it  was  a  matter  of 
conviction  with  him,  that  no  frank  and  honest  man  could  be  in  the 
long  run  entangled  by  the  snares  of  plotters,  whatever  appearances 
might  for  the  moment  indicate.  So  he  walked  unharmed  in  it  all;" 

Of  Mr.  Roosevelt's  attitude  toward  strikers  Mr.  Riis  has 
written  : 

HIS    ATTITUDE    TOWARD    STRIKERS 

"  I  had  watched  police  administration  in  Mulberry  Street  for 
nearly  twenty  years,  and  I  had  seen  many  sparring  matches 
between  workingmen  and  the  Police  Board.  Generally  there  was  bad 


474  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

faith  on  one  side  ;  not  infrequently  on  both.  It  was  human  that 
some  of  the  labor  men  should  misinterpret  Mr.  Roosevelt's  motives 
when,  as  president  of  the  board,  he  sent  \vord  that  he  wanted  to 
meet  them  and  talk  strike  troubles  over  with  them.  They  got  it 
into  their  heads,  I  suppose,  that  he  had  come  to  crawl  ;  but  they 
were  speedily  undeceived.  I  can  see  his  face  now  as  he  checked 
the  first  one  who  hinted  at  trouble.  I  fancy  that  man  can  see  it, 
too — in  his  dreams. 

"  'Gentlemen,'  said  Mr.  Roosevelt,  'I  have  come  to  get  your 
point  of  view,  and  see  if  we  can't  agree  to  help  each  other  out.  But 
we  want  to  make  it  clear  to  ourselves  at  the  start  that  the  greatest 
damage  any  workingman  can  do  to  his  cause  is  to  counsel  violence. 
Order  must  be  maintained,  and,  make  no  mistake,  I  will  maintain  it.' 

"  I  tingled  with  pride  when  they  cheered  him  to  the  echo.  They 
had  come  to  meet  a  politician.  They  met  a  man,  and  they  knew 
him  at  sight." 

IN    THE    NAVY    DEPARTMENT 

From  the  presidency  of  the  New  York  police  force  he  was 
called  by  President  McKinley  to  be  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  in  April,  1897.  There  again  his  energy  and  quick  mastery 
of  detail  contributed  much  to  the  successful  administration  of  the 
department  and  the  preparation  of  the  navy  for  the  most  brilliant 
feats  in  naval  warfare  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

From  the  very  first  he  foresaw,  it  is  said,  the  possibility  of  a 
conflict  with  Spain,  and  he  set  about  preparing  his  department  for 
it.  He  pushed  repairs  on  the  ships,  worked  earnestly  for  the  Navy 
Personnel  Bill,  and  visited  the  various  naval  reserves  throughout 
the  country.  He  left  nothing  undone  that  would  in  his  opinion 
secure  the  highest  efficiency  in  the  service  when  the  time  for  action 
came.  It  is  said  that  he  it  was  who  first  realized  the  tremendous 
opportunity  that  the  war  would  open  in  the  East,  and  who  had 
Dewey,  in  whom  he  recognized  the  right  man  for  the  place, 
appointed  to  command  the  Eastern  Squadron.  Many  naval  experts 
agree  that  the  remarkable  skill  in  marksmanship  displayed  by  the 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  475 

American  gunners  was  due  to  his  foresight.  He  saw  the  necessity 
of  practice,  and  he  thought  it  the  best  kind  of  economy  to  burn  up 
ammunition  in  acquiring  skill. 

A    CHARACTERISTIC    STORY    OF    HIS    INSISTENCE 

A  characteristic  story  is  told  regarding  Roosevelt's  insistence 
on  practice  in  the  navy.  Shortly  after  his  appointment  he  asked 
for  an  appropriation  of  $800,000  for  ammunition.  The  appropria 
tion  was  made,  and  a  few  months  later  he  asked  for  another  appro 
priation  of  $500,000  for  the  same  purpose.  When  asked  what  had 
become  of  the  first  appropriation,  he  replied  :  "  Every  cent  of  it  was 
spent  for  powder  and  shot,  and  every  bit  of  powder  and  shot  has 
been  fired."  When  he  was  asked  what  he  was  going  to  do  with  the 
$500,000,  he  replied:  "  Use  every  dollar  of  that,  too,  within  the 
next  thirty  days  in  practice  shooting."  When  the  Maine  was  blown 
up  Roosevelt  had  no  doubt,  it  is  said,  that  war  would  follow,  and 
his  energies  were  bent  with  redoubled  force  to  getting  the  navy 
ready.  When  war  did  finally  break  out  Roosevelt  is  credited  with 
a  plan  for  taking  Havana  at  once,  and  dictating  terms  from  there. 

" ROOSEVELT'S  ROUGH  RIDERS" 

Of  course  he  could  not  sit  still  behind  a  desk  after  war  had  been 
actually  declared.  He  submitted  his  resignation  to  the  President 
on  April  i6th,  and  tried  to  get  an  appointment  on  General  Lee's 
staff.  Then  came  the  Rough  Rider  idea,  hardly  thought  of  before 
realized.  u  Roosevelt's  Rough  Riders  "-—the  name  struck  the  popu 
lar  fancy,  and  the  regiment  became  famous  before  it  was  organized. 
During  Roosevelt's  Summer  months  upon  his  ranch  in  Dakota  he 
learned  to  know  cowboys,  not  simply  as  the  picturesque  objects 
who  appear  in  Wild  West  shows,  but  as  courageous  men,  strong  to 
bear  the  hardships  of  warfare.  From  such  men  the  famous  Rough 
Riders  were  chiefly  recruited.  Four  years'  membership  in  the  Eighth 
Regiment  of  the  New  York  State  National  Guard,  to  which  Roose 
velt  belonged  from  1884  to  1888,  and  in  which  he  was  for  a  time  a 


476  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

captain,  furnished  at  least  a  basis  for  his  brilliant  military  career. 
But  more  than  all  else  that  induced  him  to  go  to  the  front  were 
his  devotion  to  the  cause  for  which  the  war  was  fought  arid  his  love 
for  an  active  life.  These  same  reasons  drew  to  him  scores  of  young 
men  of  prominent  families  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  who  joined 
the  Western  cavalrymen  to  go  and  fight  the  Spaniards.  The  regi 
ment  thus  formed  was  known  as  Roosevelt's  Rough  Riders,  although 
it  was  commanded  by  Colonel  Wood,  of  the  regular  army,  Colonel 
Roosevelt  being  second  in  command,  with  the  rank,  until  promoted, 
of  lieutenant-colonel. 

SAN    JUAN    HILL    AND    LAS    GUASIMAS 

His  conduct  at  the  jungle  fight  of  Las  Guasimas  and 
in  the  bloody  charge  up  San  Juan  Hill  made  him  a  popular 
hero,  and  gave  rise  to  a  large  number  of  most  interesting  stories 
concerning  his  personal  bravery  and  his  influence  over  the 
men  he  led.  At  the  very  start  he  drilled  this  band  of  independent, 
high-spirited  ranchers,  cowpunchers  and  athletes  into  regimental 
shape  with  no  uncertain  hand.  In  one  of  his  first  speeches  to  them 
he  said  :  "  You've  got  to  perform  without  flinching  whatever  duty 
is  assigned  you,  regardless  of  the  difficulty  or  danger  attending  it. 
No  matter  what  comes,  you  must  not  squeal."  These  words  of 
Roosevelt  became  almost  a  religion  with  his  men.  "  To  do  any 
thing  without  flinching  and  not  to  squeal"  was  their  aim,  and  to 
hear  the  colonel  say  "  Good  "was  reward  enough.  One  of  his 
troopers,  who  was  invalided  home,  thus  answered  a  reporter 
who  had  asked  concerning  the  colonel,  "  He  is  a  fighter,  isn't  he?' 

"  A  fighter  !  You'd  give  a  lifetime  to  see  that  man  leading  a 
charge  or  to  hear  him  yell.  Talk  about  courage  and  grit  and  all 
that — he's  got  it !  Why,  I  used  to  keep  my  eye  on  him  whenever 
I  could,  and  I've  seen  him  dash  into  a  hail  of  bullets,  cheering  and 
yelling  all  the  time,  as  if  possessed.  He  doesn't  know  what  fear  is, 
and  seems  to  bear  a  charmed  life.  All  the  Rough  Riders  adore 
him." 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  477 

Another  told  of  how  Colonel  Roosevelt  acted  when  slightly 
hurt  by  a  fragment  of  a  Spanish  shell  on  San  Juan  Hill.  He  said  : 

"  Teddy  was  with  four  or  five  other  officers  just  below  the  brow 
of  a  hill  upon  which  one  of  our  batteries  was  placed,  when  a  Spanish 
shell,  well  aimed,  flew  over  the  crest  and  exploded  just  above  the 
heads  of  the  group.  Two  of  the  officers  were  painfully  wounded, 
but  Teddy,  with  his  usual  good  luck,  escaped  with  a  graze  of  the 
back  of  his  right  hand.  It  was  trivial,  but  the  scratch  bled.  I 
shall  not  forget  the  delight  on  Teddy's  face  as  he  saw  his  own  blood 
leak  out.  Whipping  out  his  handkerchief  after  a  moment,  he 
bound  it  around  his  hand.  A  little  later,  when  he  was  near  our  line 
he  held  up  his  bandaged  hand  and  exclaimed  gayly,  '  See  here, 
boys  ;  I've  got  it,  too  ! '  I  never  saw  anybody  so  anxious  to  be  in 
the  thick  of  trouble  as  Teddy.  The  first  day  the  Rough  Riders 
were  held  in  reserve  Teddy  chafed  terribly.  He  kept  saying,  '  I 
wish  they'd  let  us  start.'  We  all  idolize  Teddy.  He  wears  a 
flannel  shirt  most  of  the  time,  and  refuses  to  fare  any  better  than 
his  men.  Wrhy,  he  wouldn't  have  a  shelter  tent  when  they  were 
distributed.  There  isn't  one  of  our  fellows  who  wouldn't  follow 
our  Teddy  to  Hades  if  he  ordered  us  to." 

Writing  afterward  of  the  battle  of  Las  Guasimas,  Colonel 
Roosevelt  himself  told  of  another  narrow  escape  he  had,  as 
follows  : 

"  At  every,  halt  we  took  advantage  of  the  cover,  sinking  down 
behind  any  mound,  bush  or  tree-trunk  in  the  neighborhood.  The 
trees,  of  course,  furnished  no  protection  from  the  Mauser  bullets. 
Once  I  was  standing  behind  a  large  palm,  with  my  head  out  to  one 
side,  very  fortunately,  for  a  bullet  passed  through  the  palm,  filling 
my  left  eye  and  ear  with  the  dust  and  splinters." 

GENERAL    WHEELER'S    ESTIMATE    OF    THE    ROUGH    RIDER 

General  Wheeler  said  of  the  colonel  on  his  return  from  Cuba : 
"  Roosevelt  is  a  born   fighter,  and   his   men   were   absolutely 
devoted  to  him.     While  we  were  together  on  board  the  transport  I 
27 


47*  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

had  an  opportunity  of  observing  Roosevelt  more  closely  than 
was  possible  in  the  hustle  and  excitement  of  the  camp.  What 
impressed  me  most  about  him  is  his  absolute  integrity.  I  am  told 
that  he  is  likely  to  be  chosen  as  a  candidate  for  the  Governorship 
of  New  York,  and  certainly  no  better  selection  could  be  made. 
Some  day  his  splendid  qualities  may  earn  for  him  the  highest 
position  it  is  in  the  power  of  the  United  States  to  give." 

Private  Will  T.  Palmers,  of  the  Rough  Riders,  wrote  home  to 
Kansas,  as  follows  : 

"  When  we  came  to  make  the  final  charge  that  took  this  posi 
tion,  some  of  the  officers  wanted  to  fall  back  and  leave  it  in  posses 
sion  of  the  Spaniards,  but  Colonel  Roosevelt  pulled  his  pistol  and 
said  :  *  You  can  fall  back  if  you  want  to,  but  my  men  will  hold  it 
till  the  last  man  dies.'  We  held  it,  and  did  not  die,  either.  I  tell 
you,  Wood  and  Roosevelt  are  proud  of  their  regiment.  Our  boys 
are  proud  of  their  colonel.  We  fought  ninety  hours  without  sleep 
or  rest." 

The  colonel  never  ordered  his  men  to  do  what  he  would  not  do 
himself  under  like  circumstances.  Here  is  what  Sergeant  Jacob 
Judson,  of  Co.  E.  First  Illinois  Volunteers,  wrote  to  his  brother,  John 
Judson,  of  Passaic,  under  date  of  Santiago,  July  3Oth  : 

"  The  Rough  Riders  and  our  regiment  have  for  a  week  camped 
together.  They  are  a  fine  body  of  men,  and  Colonel  Roosevelt  is 
a  fine  fellow.  I  have  talked  to  him  personally  three  times.  He  is 
one  of  the  boys.  In  the  campaign  against  Santiago  he  was  digging 
trenches  with  a  pick,  like  his  men.  He  sleeps  in  a  miserable  tent 
and  chews  hardtack  like  the  rest.  When  we  first  came  our  food 
consisted  of  one  piece  of  hardtack  for  each  meal  and  some  water. 
This  lasted  two  days,  and  along  came  Colonel  Roosevelt  on  his 
horse.  I  was  on  my  way  to  cut  some  grass  to  sleep  on.  He  stopped 
me,  and  said  :  *  I  know  you  boys  are  starved  for  food,  but  I  am 
going  to  do  all  I  can  for  you.  So  far  I  have  managed  to  get  some 
coffee  and  a  number  of  cases  of  hardtack,  which  will  start  you.  We 
are  going  to  fight  together,  and  I  want  to  see  you  all  in  good  tnm.' 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  479 

If  it  wasn't  for  him  I  am  sure  we  would  have  been  without  supplies 
for  some  time." 

A  grateful  father,  William  Tudor,  of  Boston,  wrote  as  follows 
to  a  newspaper  under  date  of  August  9,  1898  : 

"At  the'time  of  the  long  journey  of  the  Rough  Riders  from 
San  Antonio,  Texas,  to  Tampa,  made  unbearable  from  the  excessive 
heat  and  deficient  food,  my  son,  now  slowly  recovering  from  typhoid 
fever,  taken  in  Texas,  was  prostrated  by  a  sudden  and  violent 
attack  of  vomiting,  brought  on  by  the  hot  weather.  Colonel 
Roosevelt,  hearing  of  this,  gave  up  to  him  his  berth  in  the  sleeper, 
taking  the  boy's  place  with  the  other  men  during  the  remainder  of 
the  journey." 

AN    INCIDENT    OF    DISCIPLINE 

When  it  came  to  discipline,  Colonel  Roosevelt  never  let  his 
kindness  of  heart  degenerate  into  anything  like  laxity.  It  is  related 
of  him  that  one  day  in  camp,  before  Santiago,  one  of  his  troopers 
objected  to  the  performance  of  some  menial  work  which  was 
unpleasant,  but  necessary.  Colonel  Roosevelt,  who  had  striven  to 
impress  every  man  while  the  command  was  being  recruited  at  San 
Antonio  that  no  picnic  was  ahead  of  them,  and  that  there  would  be 
many  unpleasant  and  distasteful  duties  to  perform,  was  vexed  that 
the  lesson  had  been  so  imperfectly  learned,  or,  if  learned,  so  quickly 
forgotten,  and  he  became  angry  when  the  man  got  obstinate.  He 
gave  him  a  lecture  that  made  his  ears  ring. 

When  he  had  finished  the  trooper  said  :  "  All  right,  Colonel ; 
I'll  do  it."  Then  he  paused  fora  minute.  "Colonel,"  he  went  on, 
11  haven't  you  got  a  few  beans  to  spare?  I'm  kinder  holler."  The 
commander  of  the  Rough  Riders  had  been  scowling  savagely,  but 
the  appeal  for  beans  made  the  scowl  die  away.  "  I'll  see/'  he  said, 
"come  over  here."  The  trooper  followed  to  where  Colonel 
Roosevelt's  belongings  were  lying.  The  colonel  found  a  small  can 
three-quarters  full.  "  Here,"  he  said,  emptying  out  half  of  them, 
"take  'em  and  fill  up  your  'holler,'  but  you  bury  that  dead  horse 
at  once,  or  there'll  be  trouble  in  this  camp,  and  you'll  be  in  it." 


48°  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

The  regiment  distinguished  itself  in  the  campaign,  and  Colonel 
Roosevelt  became  famous  for  his  bravery  in  leading  the  charge  up 
San  Juan  Hill  on  July  ist.  This  is  the  way  it  was  described  in  press 
dispatches  from  the  field  : 

"  Roosevelt  was  in  the  lead  waving  his  sword.  Out  into  the 
open  and  up  the  hill  where  death  seemed  certain,  in  the  face  of  the 
continuous  crackle  of  the  Mausers,  came  the  Rough  Riders,  with 
the  Tenth  Cavalry  alongside.  Not  a  man  flinched,  all  continuing  to 
fire  as  they  ran.  Roosevelt  was  a  hundred  feet  ahead  of  his  troops, 
yelling  like  a  Sioux,  while  his  own  men  and  the  colored  cavalry 
cheered  him  as  they  charged  up  the  hill.  There  was  no  stopping 
as  men's  neighbors  fell,  but  on  they  went,  faster  and  faster.  Sud 
denly  Roosevelt's  horse  stopped,  pawed  the  air  for  a  moment,  and 
fell  in  a  heap.  Before  the  horse  was  down  Roosevelt  disengaged 
himself  from  the  saddle  and,  landing  on  his  feet,  again  yelled  to 
his  men,  and,  sword  in  hand,  charged  on  afoot." 

HIS    FAMOUS    LETTER    TO    GENERAL    SHAFTER 

Roosevelt's  care  for  his  men  was  shown  by  the  circulation  of 
the  famous  "round  robin"  which  he  wrote,  protesting  against  keep 
ing  the  army  longer  in  Cuba.  Here  he  showed  how  little  he  is 
bound  by  mere  conventionalities.  People  shook  their  heads  when 
they  heard  what  he  had  done,  and  talked  of  precedents.  Colonel 
Roosevelt  makes  precedents.  He  made  one  that  time  when  he 
sent  the  famous  letter  to  his  superior  officer,  General  Shafter,  which 
Shafter  made  public  as  an  explanation  of  the  situation,  and  which 
contained  such  a  powerful  presentation  of  the  facts  that  it  resulted 
in  the  recall  of  the  perishing  army  from  Cuba  after  it  had  won  the 
fight.  The  letter  bore  date  of  August,  1898,  and  ran  as  follows: 
"Major -General  Shafter  : 

"  SIR  : — In  a  meeting  of  the  medical  and  general  officers  called 
by  you  at  the  palace,  this  morning,  we  were  all,  as  you  know,  unani 
mous  in  view  of  what  should  be  done  with  the  army.  To  keep  us 
here,  in  the  opinion  of  every  officer  commanding  a  division  or  a 


THEODORE  ROOSE  VEL T  ** l 

brigade,  will  simply  involve  the  destruction  of  thousands.  There 
is  no  possible  reason  for  not  shipping  practically  the  entire  com 
mand  north  at  once.  Yellow  fever  cases  are  very  few  in  the  cavalry 
division,  where  I  command  one  of  the  two  brigades,  and  not  one 
true  case  of  yellow  fever  has  occurred  in  this  division,  except  among 
the  men  sent  to  the  hospital  at  Siboney,  where  they  have,  I  believe, 
contracted  it.  But  in  this  division  there  have  been  1,500  cases  of 
malarial  fever.  Not  a  man  has  died  from  it ;  but  the  whole  com 
mand  is  so  weakened  and  shattered  as  to  be  ripe  for  dying  like 
sheep  when  a  real  yellow  fever  epidemic,  instead  of  a  fake  epidemic 
like  the  present,  strikes  us,  as  it  is  bound  to  if  we  stay  here  at  the 
height  of  the  sickly  season,  August  and  the  beginning  of  Septem 
ber.  Quarantine  against  malarial  fever  is  much  like  quarantine 
against  the  toothache.  All  of  us  are  certain,  as  soon  as  the  author 
ities  at  Washington  fully  appreciate  the  conditions  of  the  army,  to 
be  sent  home.  If  we  are  kept  here  it  will,  in  all  human  probability, 
mean  an  appalling  disaster,  for  the  surgeons  here  estimate  that 
over  half  the  army,  if  kept  here  during  the  sickly  season,  will  die. 
This  is  not  only  terrible  from  the  standpoint  of  the  individual  lives 
lost,  but  it  means  ruin  from  the  standpoint  of  the  military  effic 
iency  of  the  flower  of  the  American  army,  for  the  great  bulk  of 
the  regulars  are  here  with  you.  The  sick  list,  large  though  it  is, 
exceeding  4,000,  affords  but  a  faint  index  of  the  debilitation  of  the 
army.  Not  10  per  cent,  are  fit  for  active  work.  Six  weeks  on 
the  North  Maine  coast,  for  instance,  or  elsewhere  where  the  yellow 
fever  germ  cannot  possibly  propagate,  would  make  us  all  as  fit  as 
fighting  cocks,  able  as  we  are  and  eager  to  take  a  leading  part  in 
the  great  campaign  against  Havana  in  the  Fall,  even  if  we  are  not 
allowed  to  try  Porto  Rico.  We  can  be  moved  north,  if  moved  at 
once,  with  absolute  safety  to  the  country,  although,  of  course,  it 
would  have  been  infinitely  better  if  we  had  been  moved  north  or 
to  Porto  Rico  two  weeks  ago.  If  there  were  any  object  in  keeping 
us  here,  we  would  face  yellow  fever  with  as  much  indifference  as 
we  face  bullets.  But  there  is  no  object  in  it.  The  four  immune. 


482  THEODORE  ROOSEVEL7 

regiments  ordered  here  are  sufficient  to  garrison  the  city  and  sur 
rounding  towns,  and  there  is  absolutely  nothing  for  us  to  do  here, 
and  there  has  not  been  since  the  city  surrendered.  It  is  impossible 
to  move  into  the  interior.  Every  shifting  of  camp  doubles  the 
sick  rate  in  our  present  weakened  condition,  and  anyhow  the 
interior  is  rather  worse  than  the  coast,  as  I  have  found  by  actual 
reconnoisance.  Our  present  camps  are  as  healthy  as  any  camps  at 
this  end  of  the  island  can  be.  I  write  only  because  I  cannot  see 
our  men,  who  have  fought  so  bravely  and  who  have  endured 
extreme  hardship  and  danger  so  uncomplainingly,  go  to  destruction 
without  striving,  so  far  as  lies  in  me,  to  avert  a  doom  as  fearful  as 
it  is  unnecessary  and  undeserved. 

"  Yours,  respectfully, 

"  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT, 
"  Colonel,  Commanding  First  Brigade" 

GOVERNOR    OF    NEW    YORK 

Colonel  Roosevelt  returned  to  the  United  States  to  find  that 
he  was  already  talked  of  as  the  next  Governor  of  New  York.  But 
his  regiment,  which  he  had  "  breathed  with  and  eaten  with  for  three 
months,"  was  still  on  his  hands,  and  he  had  no  time  for  anything 
but  it.  Not  until  he  became  a  plain  citizen  on  September  I5th 
would  he  talk  of  politics.  And  then  he  found  the  tide  of  events 
bearing  him  along  inevitably  and  irresistibly. 

Previous  to  the  State  Convention  he  was  nominated  by  the 
Citizens  Union,  but  he  declined,  replying  that  he  was  a  Republican. 
The  Democrats  tried  to  frustrate  his  nomination  by  attempting  to 
prove  that  he  had  lost  his  legal  residence  in  that  State.  That  plan 
failed,  and  he  .was  nominated  in  the  convention  by  a  vote  of  753  to 
218  for  Governor  Black.  The  campaign  throughout  the  State  was 
spirited.  Colonel  Roosevelt  took  the  stump  and  delivered  many 
speeches.  His  plurality  was  18,079. 

When  Colonel  Roosevelt  arrived  in  Albany  as  Governor  it 
was  felt  that  the  State  would  have  as  an  executive  a  man  of  such 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  483 

high  integrity  that  every  officeholder  in  Albany  would  understand 
that  his  accounts  must  be  absolutely  correct,  that  there  would  be 
no  stealing  and  that  there  would  be  no  jobbery  attempted  in  the 
Legislature.  It  was  also  felt  that  the  standard  of  official  efficiency 
would  be  raised  ;  that  inefficient  public  servants  would  be  retired 
and  replaced  with  men  of  undoubted  capacity.  Governor  Roosevelt 
apparently  saw  that  he  must  act  conservatively  and  cautiously. 
The  newspaper  correspondents  could  testify  to  the  great  care  he 
took  in  appointing  heads  to  both  the  Insurance  Department  and 
the  Department  of  Public  Works.  Under  the  care  of  Francis 
Hendricks  the  Insurance  Department  became  an  honor  to  the 
State,  and  Governor  Odell  was  applauded  when  he  reappointed 
Colonel  John  N.  Partridge  as  Superintendent  of  Public  Works, 
who  had  been  selected  for  the  position  by  Theodore  Roosevelt. 

HIS    IMPETUOUS    SPIRIT    TO    GOOD    EFFECT 

It  had  been  predicted  by  Democratic  orators  that  Governor 
Roosevelt  would  be  "  too  impetuous  "  at  times.  Governor  Roose 
velt  acknowledged  that  he  was  impetuous  by  temperament,  but  said 
he  thought  he  had  subdued  this  trait  of  his  nature.  However,  a 
day  came  when  his  impetuous  spirit  blazed  forth,  but  no  one  of 
eminence  has  ever  criticised  him  for  that  day's  action.  It  was  the 
final  day  of  the  session  of  the  Legislature  of  1899  wnen  he  frankly 
expressed  his  opinion  that  the  Franchise  Tax  Act  ought  to  be 
passed  and  it  was  passed.  The  members  of  the  Legislature  felt 
that  public  opinion  was  supporting  the  Governor,  and  they  did  not 
venture  to  defeat  the  measure.  It  is  therefore  a  law  to-day. 

Another  "  impetuous  "  act  of  the  Governor  was  the  removal 
from  office  of  the  District  Attorney  of  New  York  County,  Asa 
Bird  Gardiner,  on  the  charge  that  he  gave  aid  and  comfort  to  Chief 
of  Police  Devery  after  that  officer  had  been  indicted  for  issuing  a 
seditious  order  to  the  police  force  regarding  violence  at  the  polls. 
The  record  made  by  Eugene  Philbin,  an  independent  Democrat, 
whom  the  Governor  appointed  to  succeed  Gardiner,  soon  disarmed 


4*4  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

the  criticisms  of  all  those  who  desired  an  honest  administration  of 
that  important  office,  and  proved  Governor  Roosevelt's  ability  to 
estimate  men  aright. 

Measures  which  he  pressed  with  his  personal  as  well  as  official 
influence  provided  for  the  prevention  of  the  adulteration  of  food 
products  and  fertilizers,  the  betterment  of  the  wage  workers  in 
tenement  houses,  improvements  in  the  labor  law  and  the  system  of 
factory  inspection,  the  protection  of  game,  and  especially  the  hon 
est  and  efficient  administration  of  the  State  canals  and  the  exten 
sion  of  Civil  Service  regulations.  The  notorious  Ramapo  job  found 
in  him  an  insurmountable  obstacle,  and  by  the  "  Confessions  of 
Judgment "  Bill  the  strong  hand  of  the  Governor  saved  New  York 
City's  treasury  from  much  heavy  legalized  looting. 

VICE-PRESIDENT    AT     WASHINGTON 

Governor  Roosevelt's  disinclination  to  become  the  nominee  for 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States  is  well  remembered.  At  his 
party's  imperative  call,  however,  he  laid  aside  the  desire  he  had  to 
be  re-elected  Governor  of  New  York  and  accepted  the  position  on 
the  national  Republican  ticket  alongside  William  McKinley.  The 
enormous  amount  of  work  Mr.  Roosevelt  performed  in  the  cam 
paign  which  resulted  in  the  re-election  of  Mr.  McKinley,  called 
forth  admiration  for  his  endurance,  vitality  and  perseverance  even 
from  his  bitterest  enemies. 

AUTHOR    OF    SEVERAL    BOOKS 

That  President  Roosevelt  is  in  reality  a  man  of  many  sides  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  in  the  midst  of  his  intensely  active  life  he 
has  found  time  to  do  considerable  literary  work.  The  year  after  he 
was  graduated  from  college  he  published  his  "  Naval  War  of  1812  "; 
in  1886  there  came  from  his  pen  a  "  Life  of  Thomas  H.  Benton," 
published  in  the  "American  Statesmen  Series"  ;  the  following  year 
he  published  a  "  Life  of  Gouverneur  Morris,"  which  was  followed, 
in  1888,  by  his  popular  "  Ranch  Life  and  Hunting  Trail."  In  1889, 


THEODORE  ROOSE  VEL T  485 

were  published  the  first  two  volumes  of  what  he  considers  his 
greatest  work,  "The  Winning  of  the  West."  In  1890  he  added  to 
the  series  of  "  Historic  Towns,"  a  "  History  of  New  York  City." 
"Essays  on  Practical  Politics,"  published  in  1892,  was  followed  the 
next  year,  by  "The  Wilderness  Hunter,"  while  in  1894  he  added  a 
third  volume  to  his  "  Winning  of  the  West."  In  1898  he  collected 
a  volume  of  essays,  entitled  "American  Political  Ideas."  Since 
the  Spanish  war  he  has  written  a  book  on  "  The  Rough  Riders  " 
and  a  series  of  articles  on  Oliver  Cromwell.  Most  of  these  books 
have  either  been  written  while  on  his  vacations  on  his  Western 
ranch,  or  in  the  intervals  of  the  labors  of  his  public  offices.  They 
are  marked  by  facility,  vigor  and  clearness  of  expression,  rich  de 
scriptive  power,  and  his  historical  writings  by  accuracy,  breadth  and 
fairness. 

In  expressing  his  political  views  and  experiences  President 
Roosevelt's  pen  is  a  trenchant  one.  Here  are  two  extracts  from 
his  political  essays  which  demonstrate  the  truth  of  that  statement, 
are  fair  samples  of  his  style  and  also  show  the  trend  of  the  man's 
mind  pretty  clearly  : 

HIS    IDEA    OF    PRACTICAL    POLITICS 

"  Practical  politics  must  not  be  construed  to  mean  dirty  politics. 
In  the  long  run  the  politics  of  fraud  and  treachery  and  foulness  are 
unpractical  politics,  and  the  most  practical  of  all  politicians  is  the 
politician  who  is  clean  and  decent  and  upright.  But  a  man  who 
goes  into  the  actual  battles  of  the  political  world  must  prepare  him 
self  much  as  he  would  for  the  struggle  in  any  other  branch  of  our 
life.  He  must  be  prepared  to  meet  men  of  far  lower  ideals  than  his 
own,  and  to  face  things,  not  as  he  would  wish  them,  but  as  they 
are.  He  must  not  lose  his  own  high  ideal,  and  yet  he  must  face  the 
fact  that  the  majority  of  the  men  with  whom  he  must  work  have 
lower  ideals.  He  must  stand  firmly  for  what  he  believes,  and  yet 
he  must  realize  that  political  action,  to  be  effective,  must  be  the 
joint  action  of  many  men,  and  that  he  must  sacrifice  somewhat  of 


486  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

his  own  opinions  to  those  of  his  associates  if  he  ever  hopes  to  see 
his  desires  take  practical  shape. 

"  The  prime  thing  that  every  man  who  takes  an  interest  in  poli 
tics  should  remember  is  that  he  must  act  and  not  merely  criticise  the 
actions  of  others.  It  is  not  the  man  who  sits  by  his  fireside  reading 
his  evening  paper  and  saying  how  bad  our  politics  and  our  politicians 
are  who  will  ever  do  anything  to  save  us  ;  it  is  the  man  who  goes 
out  into  the  rough  hurly-burly  of  the  caucus,  the  primary  and 
political  meeting,  and  there  faces  his  fellows  on  equal  terms. 

"  Of  all  the  forces  that  tend  for  evil  in  a  great  city  like  New  York, 
probably  none  are  so  potent  as  the  sensational  papers.  Until  one 
has  had  experience  with  them  it  is  difficult  to  realize  the  reckless 
indifference  to  truth  or  decency  displayed  by  papers  such  as  the 
two  that  have  the  largest  circulation  in  New  York  City.  Scandal 
forms  the  breath  of  the  nostrils  of  such  papers  and  they  are  quite 
as  ready  to  create  as  to  describe  it.  To  sustain  law  and  order  is 
humdrum,  and  does  not  really  lend  itself  to  vaunting  woodcuts  ; 
but  if  the  editor  will  stoop,  and  make  his  subordinates  stoop,  to 
raking  the  gutters  of  human  depravity,  to  upholding  the  wrong 
doer  and  furiously  assailing  what  is  upright  and  honest,  he  can 
make  money,  just  as  other  types  of  pander  make  it.  The  man  who 
is  to  do  honorable  work  in  any  form  of  civic  politics  must  make  up 
his  mind  (and  if  he  is  a  man  of  properly  robust  character  he  will 
make  it  up  without  difficulty)  to  treat  the  assaults  of  papers  like  these 
with  absolute  indifference  and  to  go  his  way  unheeding.  Indeed, 
.he  will  have  to  make  up  his  mind  to  be  criticised,  sometimes  justly 
and  more  often  unjustly,  even  by  decent  people,  and  he  must  not 
be  so  thin  skinned  as  to  mind  such  criticism  overmuch." 

Not  only  a  maker  of  books,  Colonel  Roosevelt  is  an  ardent 
lover  of  books.  They  accompany  him  in  all  his  travels.  No  day 
is  complete  to  him  unless  he  has  read  something  of  decided  inter 
est,  either  in  a  famous  old  book  or  in  a  popular  new  one.  One  day 
is  a  specimen  of  many.  Roosevelt  had  spoken  in  his  Vice-Presi 
dential  campaign  at  Little  Valley,  in  Cattaraugus  County.  N.  Y., 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

and  at  a  big  meeting  in  Buffalo,  and  then  at  midnight  had  started 
from  Buffalo  in  his  sleeping  car  for  Watertown.  Most  men  would 
have  felt  the  need  of  rest  after  a  day  of  such  exhausting  travel  and 
work.  Not  so  Colonel  Roosevelt.  He  remained  up  till  2  o'clock 
in  the  morning  reading  an  article  on  trusts  by  President  Hadley, 
of  Yale. 

HIS    LIFE    ON    THE    RANCH 

Colonel  Roosevelt's  popularity  with  the  cowboys  of  the  West 
was  won  by  his  personal  ability  to  hold  his  own  with  them  in  the 
roughest  of  their  sports  and  in  the  severest  of  their  hardships.  He 
was  one  of  the  first  of  the  Eastern  men  of  culture  to  enter  upon 
the  cattle  business  with  the  serious  purpose  of  making  money,  and 
for  years  he  spent  so  much  of  his  Summers  as  could  be  spared  from 
business  to  live  among  the  rough  riders  of  the  plains,  eating  with 
them,  sleeping  with  them,  hunting  with  them  and  competing  with 
them  in  trials  of  strength  and  skill.  To  them  he  is  always 
"Teddy."  Investing  some  money  in  cattle,  he  pastured  the  herd 
on  the  public  ranges  of  Dakota.  He  told  his  hired  cowboys  that 
he  intended  to  be  one  of  them.  As  he  was  a  college  graduate 
and  wore  glasses, . they  set  him  down  for  a  typical  " tenderfoot" 
at  first,  but  were  soon  undeceived.  This  story  has  been  pub 
lished  of  the  way  he  won  their  respect : 

AN    INCIDENT    OF    COWBOY    LIFE 

At  the  first  big  roundup  of  which  Roosevelt  took  part  the 
"bad  man"  who  is  always  present  on  such  occasions  was  known 
as  "Long  Ike."  He  had  the  reputation  of  being  quick  on  the 
trigger.  One  of  his  favorite  tricks  was  to  line  up  alongside  a 
drinking  bar,  select  the  filled  glass  of  one  man  he  thought  he 
could  cow  and  drain  it.  A  glass  half  filled  with  whiskey  had 
been  poured  out  by  a  cowboy  and  placed  in  front  of  Roosevelt. 
Long  Ike  reached  out  and  took  it,  and  so  certain  was  he  that 
the  stranger  would  submit  that  he  did  not  take  the  precaution 
to  make  his  customary  bluff  with  his  revolver. 


4*3  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

Before  he  could  swallow  the  liquor  Roosevelt  was  on  him 
like  a  catamount.  He  is  an  expert  wrestler,  and  threw  Long  Ike 
heavily.  Then  he  turned  him  over  and  stood  him  up  and  ran 
him  outdoors,  taking  the  bully's  revolver  away  from  him  in  the 
run.  Outside  Ike  was  thrown  again,  harder  than  before,  and 
couldn't  get  up  for  five  minutes.  When  he  did  he  was  dazed 
and  amazed.  The  style  of  attack  was  so  unusual,  and  withal  so 
vigorous,  that  he  was  afraid  to  resent  it.  He  sneaked  out  of  camp. 
The  young  man  with  eyeglasses  and  gleaming  teeth  enjoyed  the 
respect  of  the  cowboys  from  that  day  forward. 

AS    A    HUNTER    OF    BIG    GAME 

As  a  hunter  of  big  game  Colonel  Roosevelt  has  earned  a  repu 
tation  second  probably  to  none  in  America.  Not  a  few  moose,  elk, 
mountain  lions  and  grizzlies  have  fallen  to  his  gun.  His  habitual 
coolness  when  in  tight  places  has  stood  him  in  good  stead  over  and 
over  again.  A  Western  correspondent  wrote  to  an  Eastern  paper : 

"It  was  in  1890  that  I  spent  the  night  in  a  cabin  on  the 
eastern  shore  of  Kootenai  Lake.  Another  man  had  sought  refuge 
there  who  said  that  he  was  a  trapper,  and  that  he  had  just 
come  down  from  a  point  in  the  Selkirks,  where  he  had  accom 
panied  Colonel  Roosevelt  on  a  bear  hunt.  The  Colonel  had  heard 
that  there  existed  in  the  Selkirks  a  kind  of  grizzly  bear  which  he  had 
not  as  yet  shot,  and  he  had  determined  to  secure  a  specimen.  The 
guide  said  that  they  came  across  this  bear  rather  unexpectedly,  and 
that  the  animal  charged  them.  He  added:  'You  know  Colonel 
Roosevelt  is  very  nearsighted,  and  he  carries  more  kinds  of  glasses 
than  an  Englishman  ;  one  pair  to  read  with,  one  to  shoot  with, 
and  another  to  walk  with.  When  the  bear  charged  us  he  had  on 
his  walking  glasses,  and  when  I  told  him  that  the  beast  was  upon 
him  he  coolly  took  off  these  glasses,  folded  them  up,  put  them  away 
in  his  pocket,  took  out  and  wiped  his  shooting  glasses,  and  put 
them  on  as  quietly  and  deliberately  as  if  there  was  not  a  bear  in 
the  whole  country.  By  the  time  he  had  got  his  glasses  adjusted 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  489 

the  bear  was  near,  but  he  pulled  up  his  gun  and  killed   him  in  his 
tracks,  and  did  not  seem  in  the  least  bit  excited."1 

ROOSEVELT'S  SWIFT  RIDE  FROM  THE  ADIRONDACK^ 

Now  we  come  to  the  moment  when  he  was  summoned  to  the 
deathbed  of  his  friend  and  chief.  Immediately  upon  the  first  news 
of  the  assassination  of  President  McKinley,  he  had  hastened  to 
Buffalo.  After  three  days  it  seemed  that  the  President  would 
recover,  and  Mr.  Roosevelt  left  for  the  mountains  to  be  with  his 
family. 

When  Mr.  Roosevelt  and  his  guides  left  the  Tahawus  Club,  in 
the  Adirondacks,  where  his  family  was  staying,  early  Friday  morning 
September  i3th,  for  a  tramp  in  the  mountains,  the  then  Vice-Presi 
dent  fully  believed  that  President  McKinley  was  entirely  out  of 
danger  and  on  the  rapid  road  to  recovery.  That  this  was  so  was  made 
manifest  by  his  private  secretary,  William  Loeb,  while  the  special 
train  which  bore  him  to  Buffalo  was  on  its  record-breaking  rush  to 
the  scene  of  the  nation's  tragedy.  During  the  brief  stop  of  the  train 
at  Rochester  Secretary  Loeb  said  : 

"  The  President  wishes  it  understood  that  when  he  left  the 
Tahawus  Club  house  yesterday  morning  to  go  on  his  tramping 
into  the  mountains  he  had  just  received  a  dispatch  from  Buffalo 
stating  that  President  McKinley  was  in  splendid  condition  and  was 
not  in  the  slightest  danger." 

The  Roosevelt  tramping  party  moved  in  the  direction  of  Mount 
Marcy,  the  highest  peak  in  the  Adirondack  region.  They  had  not 
been  gone  over  three  hours  when  a  mounted  courier  rode  rapidly 
into  Tahawus  Club  with  messages  to  the  Vice-President  stating 
that  President  McKinley  was  in  a  critical  condition.  The  mes 
sages  had  been  telegraphed  to  North  Creek,  and  from  there  tele 
phoned  to  a  point  ten  miles  south  of  Tahawus  Club.  Extra  guides 
and  runners  were  at  once  deployed  from  the  club  in  the  direction 
of  Mount  Marcy  with  instructions  to  sound  a  general  alarm  in 
order  to  find  the  Vice-President  as  soon  as  possible. 


490  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

The  far-reaching  megaphone  code  and  the  rifle-cracking  signals 
of  the  mountain-climbing  guides,  as  hour  after  hour  passed  away, 
marked  the  progress  of  the  searching  mountaineers  as  they  climbed 
the  slope  of  Mount  Marcy.  Just  as  the  afternoon  began  to  merge 
with  the  shades  of  early  evening  and  as  the  searchers  were  nearing 
the  summit  of  the  lofty  mountain,  the  responsive  echoes  of  distant 
signals  were  heard  and  answered,  and  gradually  the  scouts  and  the 
Roosevelt  party  came  within  hailing  distance  of  each  other. 

THRILLING    RIDE    THROUGH    STORM 

When  Colonel  Roosevelt  was  reached  and  informed  of  the 
critical  condition  of  the  President,  he  could  scarcely  believe  the 
burden  of  the  messages  personally  delivered  to  him.  Startled  at 
the  serious  nature  of  the  news,  the  Vice-President,  at  5.45  o'clock, 
immediately  started  back  for  the  Tahawus  Club.  In  the  mean 
time  the  Adirondack  Stage  Line  placed  at  his  disposal  relays  of 
horses  covering  the  thirty-five  miles  to  North  Creek.  A  deluging 
thunderstorm  had  rendered  the  roads  unusually  heavy. 

All  through  the  long,  dreary  night  the  stage  coach  with  the 
distinguished  passenger  boomed  along  through  the  woods,  the  thick 
foliage  of  the  trees  furnishing  a  sombre  canopy  which  somewhat 
protected  the  party  from  the  downpour  of  rain.  Hours  passed 
with  the  Vice-President  torn  by  conflicting  emotions,  in  which  grief 
at  the  unexpected  tidings  was  uppermost.  The  gray  of  the  morn 
ing  had  not  yet  begun  to  light  the  heavens  when  Alden's  Lane  was 
reached  at  3.15,  and,  although  he  was  then  within  the  reach  of  tele 
phone  communication,  he  was  not  apprised  of  the  death  of  Presi 
dent  McKinley.  The  stop  at  Alden's  Lane  was  only  of  sufficient 
duration  to  allow  a  change  of  horses,  and  again  the  stage  coach 
dashed  forward.  From  the  latter  place  to  North  Point,  where  the 
special  lay  waiting  with  all  steam  on,  the  road  was  through  heavy 
forest  timber  and  the  journey  was  attended  with  actual  peril.  The 
driveways  are  very  narrow  in  many  places,  with  deep  ravines 
on  either  side.  A  slight  deviation  would  have  meant  a  broken 


THEODORE-  ROOSE  VEL  T  49 1 

carriage  or  more  serious  trouble.  But  the  expert  guides  piloted  the 
Vice-President  safely  to  his  objective  point,  and  Colonel  Roosevelt, 
looking  careworn  but  expressing  no  fatigue,  alighted  and  dashed 
up  to  the  special  train  at  North  Creek. 

That  was  5.22  o'clock  that  morning,  and  for  the  first  time  the 
traveler  of  the  night  learned  that  President  McKinley  had  passed 
away  at  Buffalo  at  2.15  o'clock.  Mr.  Loeb,  his  secretary,  was  the 
first  to  break  the  news  to  him.  The  new  President  was  visibly 
affected  by  the  intelligence,  and  expressed  a  desire  to  reach  Buffalo 
as  soon  as  possible. 

The  trip  was  a  record-breaker  in  point  of  speed,  in  many 
places  exceeding  a  mile  a  minute.  There  was  a  brief  stop  at 
Ballston  to  permit  the  Vice-President  to  send  some  telegrams.  It 
was  7  o'clock,  and  a  crowd  at  the  little  station  received  the  new 
President  in  sympathetic  silence. 

A  three-minute  stop  was  made  at  Rochester,  the  train  leaving 
that  city  for  Buffalo  at  12.18  P.M.,  and  at  1.40  the  special  came 
rushing  into  that  city,  the  President  going  at  once  to  the  home  of 
Ansley  Wilcox,  where  he  arrived  five  minutes  later. 


CHAPTER  XXXII 

Theodore    Roosevelt- -President  and    Man 

BY  the  laws  of  the   land  the   death  of  William    McKinley  at 
2.15  A.   M.    on  Saturday  the  i4th  of  September,  elevated  to 
the  Presidency  the  Vice-President.     This  contingency  had 
occurred  previously  four  times   in  our  history.      Two  of  our  Presi 
dents  had  died  a  natural  death  during  their  term  of  office,  William 
Henry   Harrison,  succeeded  by   John  Tyler,  and  Zachary  Taylor, 
succeeded  by  Millard  Filmore. 

Then,  two  were  assassinated,  Abraham  Lincoln,  succeeded  by 
Andrew  Johnson,  and  James  A.  Garfield,  succeeded  by  Chester  A. 
Arthur. 

William  McKinley  was  the  fifth  President  to  die  in  office  and 
to  be  succeeded  by  his  associate. 

ROOSEVELT    TAKES    THE    OATH    OF    OFFICE 

After  Mr.  Roosevelt's  arrival  in  Buffalo  he  visited  the  Milburn 
house  to  see  the  face  of  his  former  friend  and  chief  and  to  com 
fort  the  widow.  In  the  afternoon  he  was  sworn  in  as  President  at 
the  house  of  his  friend,  Ansley  Wilcox. 

To  this  impressive  ceremony  came  a  few  prominent  officials 
and  near  friends.  Among  the  first  were  Secretary  Root,  Attorney- 
General  Knox  and  United  States  District  Judge  John  R.  Hazel,  of 
Buffalo.  The  party  proceeded  immediately  to  the  library  of  the 
house,  where  Mr.  Roosevelt  awaited  them.  They  were  closely 
followed  by  Secretaries  Long,  Hitchcock  and  Wilson,  and  the 
deceased  President's  Secretary,  Mr.  Cortelyou,  President  Milburn, 
of  the  Exposition  Company,  Senator  Depew,  Justice  Albert  Haight, 
of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  and  others.  Other  friends  of  the  Vice- 

492 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  493 

President  entered  the  house  within  a  few  minutes,  and  at  3.35 
o'clock  Mr.  Wilcox  came  out  on  the  lawn  and  said  to  the  press 
representatives  that  it  was  the  desire  of  the  Vice-President  that 
they  be  admitted  to  the  house  to  witness  the  solemn  ceremony. 
A  score,  or  more,  of  newspaper  men  walked  noiselessly  into  the 
dusky  library  of  the  old  house,  where,  with  bowed  heads,  stood 
the  members  of  the  Cabinet  and  those  who  had  been  asked  to  be 
present.  The  room  was  as  silent  as  the  house  of  death  itself. 
No  word  was  spoken  above  a  whisper.  Several  women  were  in 
the  little  room,  and  all  stood  with  bowed  heads,  as  if  the  presence 
of  death  were  there. 

A    SOLEMN    CEREMONY 

The  Vice-President  stood  on  the  south  side  of  the  room,  with 
his  back  to  a  small  wincfow,  and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  and 
the  men  present  stood  in  a  circle  facing  him.  For  some  time  Mr. 
Roosevelt  talked  earnestly  with  Secretary  Root,  whose  friend 
ship  and  counsel  he  so  highly  valued.  Then  Secretary  Root  step 
ped  back  a  few  paces,  and  the  Vice-President  stood  motionless  by 
the  side  of  Judge  Hazel.  There  was  a  dead  silence  of  several 
seconds,  and  then  Secretary  Root  said  : 

"  Mr.  Vice-President," — another  long  pause, — "  I  have  been 
requested  by  all  of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  of  the  late  Presi 
dent  McKinley  who  are  present  in  the  city  of  Buffalo,  being  all 
except  two,  to  request  that  for  reasons  of  weight  affecting  the 
administration  of  the  government  you  shall  proceed  without  delay 
to  take  the  constitutional  oath  of  office  as  President  of  the  United 
States." 

He  spoke  with  great  deliberation,  and  so  still  was  the  room 
that,  had  his  words  been  uttered  in  whispers,  they  might  easily  have 
been  heard  by  every  one  present. 

Mr.  Roosevelt's  face  was  stern  and  rigid.  Lifting  his  eyes, 
he  looked  steadfastly  into  the  face  of  the  Secretary  for  a  moment, 
and  in  a  voice  with  marked  firmness  and  all  of  his  characteristic 
distinctness,  replied  : 

28 


494  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

"  Mr.  Secretary,  I  shall  take  the  oath  at  once,  at  the  request 
of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  in  this  hour  of  deep  and 
terrible  national  bereavement  I  wish  to  state  I  shall  continue  abso 
lutely  unbroken  the  policy  of  President  McKinley  for  the  peace, 
prosperity  and  honor  of  our  beloved  country." 

ADMINISTERING    THE    OATH 

Judge  Hazel  then  administered  the  constitutional  oath,  Mr. 
Roosevelt  repeating  the  sentences  as  spoken  by  the  magistrate  : 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office 
of  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my 
ability  preserve,  protect  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States." 

When  the  last  words  were  said,  President  Roosevelt  signed 
the  document  in  the  usual  form.  All  was  silent,  and  scarcely  a 
movement  of  hand  or  foot  was  made  during  the  solemn  procedure. 
As  soon  as  the  oath  was  taken  the  President  turned  to  the  circle  of 
Cabinet  officers  about  him  and  said  : 

"  I  will  ask  the  gentlemen  of  the  Cabinet  to  stay  that  I  may 
have  a  talk  with  them  alone." 

The  President  then  stepped  out  into  the  hall  and  shook  hands 
with  those  who  passed  out.  In  a  few  seconds  the  library  was 
cleared  of  all  those  except  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  there 
President  Roosevelt  sat  down  with  them  for  his  first  Cabinet 
meeting. 

ROOSEVELT'S  PROCLAMATION 

President  Roosevelt,  on  September  I4th,  issued  the  following 
proclamation  as  his  first  official  act : 

"By  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America  a 
proclamation  : 

"  A  terrible  bereavement  has  befallen  our  people.  The  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  has  been  struck  down  ;  a  crime  com 
mitted  not  only  against  the  chief  magistrate  but  against  every 
law-abiding  and  liberty  loving  citizen. 


THEODORE  ROOSEVEL'I  495 

"  President  McKinley  crowned  a  life  of  largest  love  for  his 
fellowmen,  of  most  earnest  endeavor  for  their  welfare,  by  a  death 
of  Christian  fortitude ;  and  both  the  way  in  which  he  lived  his  life 
and  the  way  in  which,  in  the  supreme  hour  of  trial,  he  met  his 
death  will  remain  forever  a  precious  heritage  of  our  people. 

"  It  is  meet  that  we,  as  a  nation,  express  our  abiding  love  and 
reverence  for  his  life,  our  deep  sorrow  for  his  untimely  death. 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  Theodore  Roosevelt,  President  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  do  appoint  Thursday  next,  September 
i  gth,  the  clay  in  which  the  body  of  the  dead  President  will  be  laid 
in  its  last  earthly  resting  place,  as  a  day  of  mourning  and  prayer 
throughout  the  United  States.  I  earnestly  recommend  all  the 
people  to  assemble  on  that  day  in  their  respective  places  of  divine 
worship,  there  to  bow  down  in  submission  to  the  will  of  Almighty 
God,  and  to  pay  out  of  full  hearts  their  homage  of  love  and  rever 
ence  to  the  great  and  good  President  whose  death  has  smitten  the 
nation  with  bitter  grief. 

"  In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused 
the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  the  I4th  day  of  September, 
A.  D.,  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  one,  and  of  the  independ 
ence  of  the  United  States  the  one  hundred  and  twenty-sixth. 

(Seal)  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

By  the  President, 

JOHN  HAY,  Secretary  of  State." 

ROOSEVELT'S  SPEECH  AT  MINNEAPOLIS 

The  last  carefully  prepared  public  utterance  made  by  President 
Roosevelt,  before  succeeding  to  his  high  office,  on  questions  of 
national  import  was  his  speech  at  the  Forty-second  Annual  State 
Fair  at  Minneapolis  on  Monday,  September  2d,  three  days  before 
President  McKinley  made  his  ever-to-be-remembered  address  at 
Buffalo.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  Mr.  Roosevelt  became  President 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

of   the    United   States,  his   speech   on   that   occasion  is  of   special 
interest,  and  the  most  important  parts  of  it  are  here  reprinted. 

"  Our  country  has  been  populated  by  pioneers,  and  therefore 
it  has  in  it  more  energy,  more  enterprise,  more  expansive  power 
than  any  other  in  the  wide  world.  You  whom  I  am  now  address 
ing  stand  for  the  most  part  but  one  generation  removed  from  these 
pioneers.  You  are  typical  Americans,  for  you  have  done  the  great, 
the  characteristic,  the  typical  work  of  our  American  life.  In  mak 
ing  homes  and  carving  out  careers  for  yourselves  and  your  children, 
you  have  built  up  this  State  ;  throughout  our  history  the  success  of 
the  home-maker  has  been  but  another  name  for  the  upbuilding  of 
the  nation. 

ATTITUDE    OF    THE    STATE    TOWARD    PROPERTY 

"  The  vast  individual  and  corporate  fortunes,  the  vast  combi 
nations  of  capital  which  have  marked  the  development  of  our  indus 
trial  system,  create  new  conditions,  and  necessitate  a  change  from 
the  old  attitude  of  the  State  and  the  nation  toward  property.  It 
is  probably  true  that  the  large  majority  of  the  fortunes  that  now  exist 
in  this  country  have  been  amassed  not  by  injuring  our  people,  but  as 
an  incident  to  the  conferring  of  great  benefits  upon  the  community  ; 
and  this,  no  matter  what  may  have  been  the  conscious  purpose  of 
those  amassing  them.  There  is  but  the  scantiest  justification  for  most 
of  the  outcry  against  the  men  of  wealth  as  such  ;  and  it  ought  to  be 
unnecessary  to  state  that  any  appeal  which  directly  or  indirectly 
leads  to  suspicion  and  hatred  among  ourselves,  which  tends  to  limit 
opportunity,  and  therefore  to  shut  the  door  of  success  against  poor 
men  of  talent,  and,  finally,  which  entails  the  possibility  of  lawless 
ness  and  violence,  is  an  attack  upon  the  fundamental  properties  of 
American  citizenship. 

"  Our  interests  are  at  bottom  common  ;  in  the  long  run  we  go 
up  or  go  down  together.  Yet  more  and  more  it  is  evident  that  the 
State  and,  if  necessary,  the  nation  has  got  to  possess  the  right  of 
supervision  and  control  as  regards  the  great  corporations  which  are 
its  creatures  ;  particularly  as  regards  the  great  business  combinations 


THEODORE  ROOSE  VEL  T  497 

which  derive  a  portion  of  their  importance  from  the  existence 
of  some  monopolistic  tendency.  The  right  should  be  exercised 
with  caution  and  self-restraint  ;  but  it  should  exist,  so  that  it  may 
be  invoked  if  the  need  arises. 

"  But  our  country,  as  it  strides  forward  with  ever-increasing 
rapidity  to  a  foremost  place  among  the  world-powers,  must  necessa 
rily  find,  more  and  more,  that  it  has  world  duties  also.  There  are 
excellent  people  who  believe  that  we  can  shirk  these  duties  and  yet 
retain  our  self-respect ;  but  these  good  people  are  in  error. 

"  Right  here  let  me  make  as  vigorous  a  plea  as  I  know  how  in 
favor  of  saying  nothing  that  we  do  not  mean  and  of  acting  without 
hesitation  up  to  whatever  we  say.  In  private  life  there  are  few 
beings  more  obnoxious  than  the  man  who  is  always  loudly  boast 
ing,  and  if  the  boaster  is  not  prepared  to  back  up  his  words  his 
position  becomes  absolutely  contemptible.  So  it  is  with  the  nation. 
It  is  both  foolish  and  undignified  to  indulge  in  undue  self-glorifica 
tion,  and,  above  all,  in  loose-tongued  denunciation  of  other  peo 
ples.  Whenever,  on  any  point,  we  come  in  contact  with  a  foreign 
power,  I  hope  that  we  shall  always  strive  to  speak  courteously  and 
respectfully  to  that  foreign  power.  Let  us  make  it  evident  that  we 
intend  to  do  justice.  Then  let  us  make  it  equally  evident  that  we 
will  not  tolerate  injustice  being  done  to  us  in  return.  Let  us 
further  make  it  evident  that  we  use  no  words  which  we  are  not  pre 
pared  to  back  up  with  deeds,  and  that  while  our  speech  is  always 
moderate,  we  are  ready  and  willing  to  make  it  good.  Such  an  atti 
tude  will  be  the  surest  possible  guarantee  of  that  self-respecting 
peace,  the  attainment  of  which  is  and  must  ever  be  the  prime  aim  of 

self-governing  people. 

% 

ATTITUDE    AS    REGARDS    MONROE    DOCTRINE 

"  This  is  the  attitude  we  should  take  as  regards  the  Monroe 
Doctrine.  There  is  not  the  least  need  of  blustering  about  it.  Still 
less  should  it  be  used  as  a  pretext  for  our  own  aggrandizement  at 
the  expense  of  any  other  American  State.  But,  most  emphatically, 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

we  must  make  it  evident  that  we  intend  on  this  point  ever  to  main 
tain  the  old  American  position.  Indeed,  it  is  hard  to  understand 
how  any  man  can  take  any  other  position,  now  that  we  are  looking 
forward  to  the  building  of  the  Isthmian  Canal.  The  Monroe  Doc 
trine  is  not  international  law,  but  there  is  no  necessity  that  it 
should  be.  All  that  is  needful  is  that  it  should  continue  to  be  a 
cardinal  feature  of  American  policy  on  this  continent ;  and  the 
Spanish-American  States  should,  in  their  own  interests,  champion  it 
as  strongly  as  we  do.  Commercially,  so  far  as  this  doctrine  is  con 
cerned,  all  we  wish  is  a  fair  field  and  no  favor ;  but  if  we  are  wise 
we  shall  strenuously  insist  that  under  no  pretext  whatever  shall 
there  be  any  territorial  aggrandizement  on  American  soil  by  any 
European  power,  and  this  no  matter  what  form  the  territorial 
aggrandizement  may  take. 

"  No  nation  capable  of  self-government  and  of  developing  by 
its  own  efforts  a  sane  and  orderly  civilization,  no  matter  how  small 
it  may  be,  has  anything  to  fear  from  us. 

OUR    RELATIONS    TO    CUBA 

"  Our  dealings  with  Cuba  illustrate  this,  and  should  forever  be 
a  subject  of  just  national  pride.  We  speak  in  no  spirit  of  arro 
gance,  when  we  state  as  a  simple  historic  fact  that  never  in  recent 
times  has  any  great  nation  acted  with  such  disinterestedness  as  we 
have  shown  in  Cuba.  We  freed  the  island  from  the  Spanish  yoke. 
We  then  earnestly  did  our  best  to  help  the  Cubans  in  the  estab 
lishment  of  free  education,  of  law  and  order,  of  material  prosperity, 
of  the  cleanliness  necessary  to  sanitary  well-being  in  their  great 
cities.  We  did  all  this  at  a  great  expense  of  treasure,  at  some 
expense  of  life  ;  and  now  we  are  esfablishing  them  in  a  free  and 
independent  commonwealth,  and  have  asked  in  return  nothing 
whatever,  save  at  no  time  shall  their  independence  be  prostituted 
to  the  advantage  of  some  foreign  rival  of  ours,  or  so  as  to  menace 
our  well-being.  To  have  failed  to  ask  this  would  have  amounted 
to  national  stultification  on  our  part. 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  499 

"In  the  Philippines  we  have  brought  peace,  and  we  are  at  this 
moment  giving  them  such  freedom  and  self-government  as  they 
could  never  under  any  conceivable  conditions  have  obtained  had  we 
turned  them  loose  to  sink  into  a  welter  of  blood  and  confusion,  or 
to  become  the  prey  of  some  strong  tyranny  without  or  within.  The 
bare  recital  of  the  facts  is  sufficient  to  show  that  we  did  our  duty. 

"  If  you  study  our  past  history  as  a  nation  you  will  see  we 
have  made  many  blunders  and  have  been  guilty  of  many  short 
comings,  and  yet  that  we  have  always  in  the  end  come  out  victo 
rious  because  we  have  refused  to  be  daunted  by  blunders  and 
defeats — have  recognized  them,  but  have  persevered  in  spite  of 
them.  So  it  must  be  in  the  future.  We  gird  up  our  loins  as  a 
nation  with  the  stern  purpose  to  play  our  part  manfully  in  winning 
the  ultimate  triumph,  and  therefore  we  turn  scornfully  aside  and, 
with  unfaltering  steps,  tread  the  rough  road  of  endeavor,  smiting 
down  the  wrong  from  the  paths  of  mere  ease  and  idleness  and 
battling  for  the  right,  as  Greatheart  smote  and  battled  in  Bunyan's 
immortal  story." 

ROOSEVELT    THE    YOUNGEST    PRESIDENT. 

Theodore  Roosevelt  is  the  youngest  man  ever  inducted  into 
the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States.  He  had  not  yet  com 
pleted  his  forty-third  year,  having  been  born  on  October  27,  1858. 
Up  to  the  time  of  President  Roosevelt's  accession  the  youngest 
man  to  assume  the  functions  of  Chief  Executive  of  the  republic 
was  General  Grant,  who  was  forty-seven  when  he  was  first  inaugu 
rated,  and  Grover  Cleveland  was  the  third,  being  aged  forty-eight 
years  at  the  beginning  of  his  first  term. 

Franklin  Pierce  and  General  James  A.  Garfield  were  each  forty- 
nine,  while  James  K.  Polk  and  Millard  Fillmore  had  each  rounded 
their  half  century.  The  latter  was  the  second  of  the  Vice-Presi 
dents  to  succeed  to  the  higher  office. 

John  Tyler,  who  became  President  on  the  death  of  William 
Henry  Harrison,  being  the  first  of  the  Vice-Presidents  to  so  attain 


500  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

the  highest  place  in  the  nation,  was  fifty-one.  "Old  Tippecanoe," 
the  popular  appellation  of  his  predecessor,  was  the  oldest  man  ever 
chosen  to  the  Presidency,  being  sixty-eight  at  the  time  of  his 
inauguration.  General  Chester  A.  Arthur,  a  fortuitous  incumbent 
of  the  high  office  through  the  assassination  of  his  predecessor, 
General  Garfield,  was  fifty-one.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  fifty-two, 
William  McKinley  fifty-three,  General  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  fifty- 
four,  Martin  Van  Buren  and  Benjamin  Harrison,  fifty-five  each. 

George  Washington,  the  first  President,  was  fifty-seven  when 
first  inaugurated,  and  that  was  the  age  of  Andrew  Johnson,  who 
became  President  on  the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  Thomas 
Jefferson  and  his  immediate  successor,  James  Madison,  were  each 
fifty-eight  when  first  installed,  and  that  was  the  age  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,  while  James  Monroe  was  a  year  older  when  he  began  his 
first  term.  John  Adams  was  sixty-two,  as  was  Andrew  Jackson, 
"  Old  Hickory."  James  Buchanan  was  sixty-six,  being,  next  to  the 
first  Harrison,  the  senior  in  the  list  of  our  Chief  Magistrates. 

The  longest  lived  of  the  Presidents  was  the  first  Adams,  who 
succumbed  to  general  debility  at  the  ripe  age  of  ninety  years.  The 
youngest  to  die  was  General  Garfield,  who  died  by  the  assassin's 
bullet  when  he  was  forty-nine.  The  next  youngest  was  his  pre 
decessor,  James  K.  Polk,  who  came  to  a  natural  death  when  aged 
fifty-three.  President  McKinley  was  fifty-eight  when  laid  low  by  his 
anarchist  murderer. 

The  only  living  ex-President  at  time  of  Mr.  Roosevelt's  acces 
sion  was  Grdver  Cleveland,  who  was  in  robust  health  at  the  age  of 
sixty-four. 

The  Vice-Presidents  who  attained  the  Presidency  besides 
those  who  reached  the  office  through  the  death  of  their  predeces 
sors  were  John  Adams,  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Martin  Van  Buren, 
all  of  whom  were  elected  after  having  filled  entire  terms  in  the 
second  place. 

All  of  the  Presidents  who  succeeded  through  the  death  of  their 
predecessors,  namely,  Tyler.  Fillmore,  Johnson  and  Arthur,  were 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  501 

candidates  for  renomination,  but  all  failed  in  their  ambition.  Fill- 
more  at  a  subsequent  period  was  nominated  by  the  American  party 
in  the  quadrangular  campaign  which  resulted  in  the  first  election  of 
Lincoln.  The  Presidents  who  have  striven  for  re-election  after 
having  served  full  terms  and  been  rejected  by  the  arbitrament  of 
the  ballot  were  :  John  Adams,  his  son,  John  Quincy  Adams, 
Martin  Van  Buren,  General  Benjamin  Harrison  and  Grover  Cleve 
land.  The  last  named  was  defeated  in  his  second  campaign,  but 
was  victorious  in  the  third.  The  only  avowed  candidate  for  a  third 
term  in  the  Presidency  was  General  Grant,  who  was  defeated  in  the 
Republican  Convention  of  1880,  after  a  memorable  conflict.  Presi 
dent  Franklin  Pierce  was  defeated  for  renomination  by  the  Demo 
cratic  Convention  of  1856.  George  Washington,  the  first  President, 
publicly  refused  a  third  term,  and  his  example,  followed  twelve 
years  later  by  Thomas  Jefferson,  became  a  precedent  that  has  not 
since  been  violated  in  almost  a  century. 

PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT'S  LONG  ISLAND  HOME 

Trophies  of  the  chase  form  a  large  part  of  the  decorations  of 
Colonel  Roosevelt's  home  at  Oyster  Bay,  Long  Island.  The  house 
is  on  Cove  Neck,  three  miles  by  carriage  from  the  village  of  Oyster 
Bay.  It  is  approached  by  a  steep,  winding  roadway,  which  takes 
the  visitor  through  a  dense  wood  before  revealing  to  him  the  house 
itself.  Once  on  the  crest  of  the  little  hill  which  the  colonel  selected 
for  his  home,  the  visitor  has  a  beautiful  view  in  every  direction, 
especially  to  the  north  and  east,  where  the  waters  of  the  Sound 
and  Cold  Spring  Harbor  are  seen.  Around  the  house  on  all  sides 
is  a  closely  cropped  lawn,  studded  with  shade  trees,  big  and  little, 
and  of  many  kinds.  The  main  entrance  to  the  house,  on  the  south, 
is  under  a  beautiful  porte-cochere  laden  with  heavy  vines  and  bear 
ing  a  pair  of  spreading  antlers.  The  walls  of  the  dwelling 
are  of  red  brick  to  the  second  story,  and  above  that  of  wood, 
painted  in  many  colors.  A  broad  porch  runs  around  three  sides 
of  the  structure,  covered,  except  in  front,  by  a  shingled  roof,  and 


502  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 

shaded  here  and  there  by  a  luxurious  Virginia  creeper.  Within, 
the  house  is  beautifully  furnished  from  cellar  to  attic.  In  nearly 
every  room  are  trophies  of  the  colonel's  life  on  the  Western  plains, 
and  not  a  few  relics  from  his  Cuban  campaign.  Just  at  the  right  of 
the  front  door  is  Remington's  bronze  of  the  "  bronco  buster,"  which 
was  presented  to  the  colonel  by  the  Rough  Riders  at  Camp  Wikoff. 
In  the  library,  on  the  ground  floor,  are  many  long  shelves,  well 
filled  with  books,  and  a  collection  of  bronzes  and  hunting  trophies. 
A  fireplace  of  old-fashioned  proportions  is  at  one  side  of  the  room, 
and  near  the  windows  is  the  desk  at  which  the  colonel  does  most  of 
his  literary  work  and  correspondence.  On  the  walls  of  the  study  are 
portraits  of  Washington,  Grant  and  Lincoln,  and  photographs  of 
Henry  Cabot  Lodge  and  of  the  colonel  himself,  holding  in  his 
arms  the  rightful  heir  to  his  name  and  fame,  Theodore  Roose 
velt,  Jr. 

HIS    WIFE    AND    CHILDREN 

The  President  is  never  so  happy  as  when  he  is  sitting  quietly  in 
his  home  with  his  wife  and  children.  Home  is  to  him  the  most 
sacred  place  on  earth,  and  he  has  never  allowed  his  family  circle  to 
be  disturbed  by  the  many  cares  which  fell  upon  him  as  a  civil  or  mili 
tary  servant  of  his  country.  The  present  Mrs.  Roosevelt  is  the 
second  wife  of  the  colonel.  She  was  Miss  Edith  Kermit  Carow, 
and  he  married  her  in  1886.  President  Roosevelt  has  six  children, 
ranging  in  age  according  to  the  order  in  which  they  are  here 
named  :  Alice,  Theodore,  Kermit,  Ethel,  Archibald  and  Quentin. 

Mrs.  Roosevelt,  who  will  be  known  as  the  lady  of  the  White 
House,  is  rather  petite,  has  brown  hair  and  brown  eyes,  a  clear 
skin,  with  some  color  when  she  is  excited,  but  her  chief  beauty 
is  her  mouth,  \vhich  is  marvelously  expressive.  She  dresses  neatly 
and  simply  with  a  quiet  elegance.  H-er  wealth  of  tresses  is  pushed 
back  from  the  forehead,  except  a  few  curly  ringlets  that  play  about 
her  temples.  She  is  not  an  athlete,  but  she  is  a  finished  horse 
woman  and  is  fond  of  outdoor  exercise. 


THEODORE  ROOSE  VEL7  503 

Mrs.  Roosevelt  has  long  been  identified  with  a  score  of  chan 
ties.  She  possesses  the  great  talent  which  made  Mrs.  Cleveland 
so  popular,  of  remembering  the  faces  of  people  she  meets  once  or 
twice  and  also  being  able  to  remember  all  about  them.  She  is  the 

o 

boon  companion,  as  well  as  the  very  wise  and  tender  mother,  of 
her  stepdaughter  and  her  own  children,  who  are  much  younger 
than  Miss  Alice  Roosevelt.  She  is  a  frail-looking  woman,  but  has 
much  more  strength  than  she  apparently  possesses.  She  is  deeply 
religious. 

MR.  ROOSEVELT'S  SISTERS 

Mr.  Roosevelt's  two  sisters  are  women  noted  for  their  rare 
charm,  intelligence  and  their  most  gracious  manners.  Mrs. 
Cowles,  formerly  Miss  Anna  Roosevelt,  has  been  married  only  a 
few  years,  although  she  is  older  than  her  brother  Theodore. 
When  her  cousin,  J.  Roosevelt,  was  in  charge  of  the  American 
Embassy  in  London,  she  went  over  as  his  guest  and  stayed  with 
him  for  a  time,  taking  charge  of  his  household.  Her  success  as 
a  hostess  was  marvelous  in  London — in  fact,  in  England,  where 
she  made  countless  warm  friends,  and  where  she  met  Commander 
Cowles,  whom  she  married  the  following  year.  She  is  now  living 
in  Washington,  where  she  is  a  very  marked  personality,  and 
comes  nearer  to  having  a  salon  than  any  other  American  woman. 

Mrs.  Douglas  Robinson,  the  youngest  sister,  is  the  wife  of  a 
well-known  real  estate  man  in  New  York,  and  is  considered  one  of 
the  cleverest  women  in  the  city.  Like  her  sister,  Mrs.  Cowles, 
she  holds  weekly  receptions  for  not  only  the  smart  set  but  for 
people  from  all  over  the  country  who  have  talent,  charm  or  any 
gift  that  makes  them  in  any  way  prominent.  Mrs.  Robinson 
resembles  strongly  Mrs.  Theodore  Roosevelt — in  fact,  they  are 
often  taken  one  for  the  other. 


or  THE 
UIMIV 

OF 


LEAD,  KINDLY  LIGHT. 


DYKES. 


NEWMANN, 


1  Lead,  kind-ly  Light,   a-mid  th' en-circling     gloom 

2  I       was  not     ev  -  er  thus,  nor  pray'd  that  Thou 

3  So     long  Thy  pow'r  has  blest  me,  sure    it      still 


Lead  Thou  me       on ; 
Shouldst  lead  me       on  ; 
Will  lead   me       on 


&* 


m 


The  night  is  dark,  and  I    am    far  from     home, 

lov'd  to  choose  and  see  my  path  ;  but     now 
O'er  moor  and  fen,   o'er  crag  and  tor-  rent,    till 


Lead  Thou  me  on. 
Lead  Thou  me  on. 
The  night  is  gone, 


m 


f 


i 


The       dis  -  tant       scene 

Pride    rul'd      my         will: 

Which      I        have       lov'd 


one    step      e    -    nough 
re  -  mem  -  ber       not 
long  since,  and       lost 


for 

past 


me. 

years. 

while. 


This  beautiful  hymn  composed  by  Cardinal  Newman  was  the  especial  favorite  of  William  McKinley 

and  was  sung  at  Memorial  Services. 


UNIVERSITY 


u  14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

HPJ  This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below, 

or  on  the  date  to  which  renewed.  Renewals  only: 
Tel.  No.  642-3405 


Renewals  may  be  made  4  days  prior  to  date  due. 

Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall.  ^ 

m^EC'D  ID    DEC  20      »IQ  PM  9  & 

£EP  151984       b 


61uV5 

\s> 


UBRA         ,rG  111991    FE8 

JUL  5 


RECCiRC    Dt 

-  APR  1  4  1999 


D 
PM 


LD  21-lOOm-li; 


T  r»9i  A    An™  q  '7i  General  Library 

W572*OwtL*2  UriYer^  California 


U.C.  BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


